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THE   HISTORY 


OF 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


BY 

VICTOR   DURUY 

Of  the  French  Academy 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  TWELFTH  EDITION  BY 

E.    H.    AND    M.    D.   WHITNEY 


WITH  NOTES  AND  REVISIONS  BY 

GEORGE   BURTON   ADAMS 

Professor  of  History  in  Yaie  University 


NEW   YORK 

HENRY    HOLT   AND   COMPANY 

1891 


D87 


Copyright,  1891, 

By 

HENRY  HOLT  &  CO. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 


It  is  generally  considered  that  the  most  successful  text- 
book on  mediseval  history  in  any  language  is  M.  Victor 
Duruy's  Histoire  dii  Moyen  Age.  Its  great  merit  consists 
in  the  fact  that  while  it  gives  a  very  clear  conception  of  the 
general  currents  of  the  period,  it  also  gives  a  sufficient 
number  of  the  facts  and  details  of  the  history  to  furnish  a 
solid  basis  for  such  general  views.  Text-books  on  general 
history  almost  invariably  fall  into  one  or  the  other  of  two 
faults  :  Some  of  them  deal  in  general  views  and  afford  no 
sufficient  groundwork  of  fact,  so  that,  however  clear  these 
general  views  may  be,  they  are  left  hanging  in  the  air  in  the 
student's  mind,  and  though  he  may  have  learned  a  great 
many  plausible  explanations  of  history,  he  has  learned  very 
little  history.  Others  crowd  together  such  a  mass  of  detail 
that  the  student  cannot  find  his  way  and  the  work  leaves  in 
his  mind  only  a  jumble  of  unorganized  facts.  The  author 
has  followed  the  middle  course  between  these  two  extremes 
with  very  great  success.  The  reader  can  hardly  fail  to  gain 
a  clear  conception  of  the  general  life  and  growth  of  the  race 
during  this  time,  and  of  the  relation  of  the  several  lines  of 
progress  to  one  another,  and  yet  these  general  views  are 
continually  anchored  to  the  facts  and  given  fixed  and  defin- 
ite place. 

This  translation  is  published  in  the  confident  belief  that 
it  will  prove  as  valuable  a  book  for  school  use  and  general 
reading  among  us  as  it  has  proved  itself  in  France. 

Numerous  slight  revisions  have  been  made  of  the 
author's  text,  which  it  has  not  been  found  possible  to  dis- 
tinguish in  any  way  from  the  statements  of  the  original. 
Many  of  these  are  mere  corrections  of  dates  and  of  mani- 
fest typographical  errors.  Others  are  such  modifications 
of  statement  as  the  author  himself  would  no  doubt  have 
made  in  another  edition.  Some  few  omissions  have  also 
been  made  from  both  text  and  notes,  chiefly  for  the  pur- 


IV  EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 

pose  of  simplifying  the  narrative.  Notes  of  the  author's 
which  are  retained  are  left  unsigned,  while  those  of  the 
editor  are  signed.  In  general,  the  intention  has  been  to 
confine  changes  and  notes  to  points  of  sufficient  import- 
ance to  justify  notice,  but  in  a  book  of  this  kind  it  is 
hardly  possible  that  every  statement  in  need  of  revision 
has  been  detected,  or  that  no  new  errors  have  been  made, 
and  I  am  conscious  to  myself  of  unequal  knowledge  of  the 
different  subjects  dealt  with. 

I  wish  to  acknowledge  my  especial  obligation  to  Professor 
E.  T.  McLaughlin,  of  Yale  University,  for  valuable  assist- 
ance rendered  me  in  the  portions  of  the  book  relating  to 
literary  history. 

GEORGE  B.  ADAMS. 

New  Haven,  February  14,  1891. 


AUTHOR'S   PREFACE. 


The  term  Middle  Ages  is  applied  to  the  time  which 
elapsed  between  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 
formation  of  the  great  modern  monarchies,  between  the  first 
permanent  invasion  of  the  Germans,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  century  of  our  era  and  the  last  invasion,  made  by  the 
Turks,  ten  centuries  later,  in  1453. 

During  this  interval  between  ancient  and  modern  times 
the  pursuit  of  learning  and  of  the  arts  was  almost  en- 
tirely suspended.  Instead  of  the  republics  of  antiquity 
and  the  monarchies  of  the  present  day,  a  special  political 
organization  was  developed  which  was  called  feudalism  : 
this  consisted  in  the  rule  of  the  lords.  Though  every 
country  had  its  king,  it  was  the  military  leader  who  was  the 
real  ruler.  The  central  power  was  unable  to  assert  itself 
and  the  local  powers  were  without  supervision  or  direction. 
Hence  this  epoch  was  different  in  every  respect  from  those 
which  preceded  and  followed  it,  and  it  is  on  account  of  this 
difference  in  character  that  we  give  it  a  special  name  and 
place  in  universal  history. 

The  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  is  generally  disliked  by 
those  who  are  obliged  to  study  it,  and  sometimes  even  by 
those  who  teach  it.  It  seems  to  them  like  a  great  Gothic 
cathedral,  where  the  eye  loses  itself  in  the  infinite  details  of 
an  art  which  is  without  either  unity  or  system,  or  like  an 
immense  and  confused  book  which  the  reader  spells  out 
laboriously  but  never  understands.  If,  however,  we  are 
content  to  confine  this  history  to  the  significant  facts  which 
alone  are  worth  remembering,  and  to  pass  over  the  insig- 
nificant men  and  events,  giving  prominence  and  attention 
to  the  great  men  and  great  events,  we  shall  find  this  period 
to  be  as  simple  as  it  is  generally  considered  confusing. 

In  the  first  place,  we  must  define  its  limits.  The  true 
history  of  the  Middle  Ages  does  not  extend  beyond  the 
ancient  Roman  Empire  and  the  provinces  added  to  it  by 


VI  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

Charlemagne  when  he  brought  the  whole  of  Germany  under 
one  common  civilization.  Outside  of  these  limits  all  was 
still  barbarism,  of  which  little  or  nothing  can  be  known,  and 
whose  darkness  is  only  occasionally  relieved  by  a  gleam 
from  the  sword  of  a  savage  conqueror,  a  Tchingis-Khan,  or 
a  Timour.  The  events  which  interest  us  and  which  exerted 
an  active  influence  on  the  development  of  the  modern 
nations  took  place  within  these  limits.  And  even  among 
these  events  we  need  only  remember  those  which  char- 
acterize the  general  life  of  Europe,  not  the  individual, 
isolated  life  of  the  thousand  petty  States  of  which  the  his- 
torian as  well  as  the  poet  can  say  : 

"  Non  ragioniam  di  lor  ;  ma  guarda,  e  passa."* 

The  Middle  Ages  were  built  on  the  ancient  foundation  of 
pagan  and  Christian  Rome.  Hence  our  first  task  is  to  study 
the  Roman  world  and  examine  the  mortal  wounds  it  had  suf- 
fered ;  to  pass  in  review  this  empire,  with  so  many  laws  but 
no  institutions,  with  so  many  subjects  but  no  citizens,  and 
with  an  administration  which  was  so  elaborate  that  it  became 
a  crushing  burden  ;  and,  finally,  to  conjure  up  before  us  this 
colossus  of  sand,  which  crumbled  at  the  touch  of  paltry  foes, 
because,  though  it  contained  a  religious  life,  eager  for  heav- 
enly things,  it  was  inspired  by  no  strong  political  life  such 
as  is  necessary  for  the  mastery  of  the  earth. 

Beyond  the  Empire  lay  the  barbarians,  and  in  two  cur- 
rents of  invasion  they  rushed  upon  this  rich  and  unresisting 
prey.  The  Germans  seized  the  provinces  of  the  north  ; 
the  Arabs  those  of  the  south.  Between  these  mighty 
streams,  which  flowed  from  the  east  and  the  west,  Constan- 
tinople, the  decrepit  daughter  of  ancient  Rome,  alone  re- 
mained standing,  and  for  ten  centuries,  like  a  rocky  island, 
defied  the  fury  of  the  waves. 

With  one  bound  the  Arabs  reached  the  Pyrenees,  with  a 
second  the  Himalayas,  and  the  crescent  ruled  supreme  over 
two  thousand  leagues  of  country,  a  territory  of  great  length, 
but  narrow,  impossible  to  defend,  and  offering  many  points 
of  attack.  The  Caliphs  had  to  contend  against  a  mighty 
force  in  the  geographical  position  of  their  conquests,  a  force 
which  is  often  fatal  to  new-born  States,  and  which  in  this 
case  destroyed  their  Empire  and  at  the  same  time  brought 
ruin  to  their  equally  brilliant  and  fragile  civilization. 

*  Dante,  Inferno,  III.,  51. 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.  VU 

Many  chiefs  among  the  Germans  also  called  into  being 
States  which  were  only  ephemeral,  because  they  arose  in  the 
midst  of  this  Roman  world,  which  was  too  weak  to  defend 
itself  but  strong  enough  to  communicate  to  all  with  whom 
it  came  in  contact  the  poison  which  was  working  in  its  own 
veins.  To  this  fact  we  may  attribute  the  fall  of  the  king- 
doms of  Gaiseric,  Theodoric,  and  Aistulf ;  of  the  Vandals, 
the  Heruli,  and  the  eastern  and  western  Goths. 

One  people  alone  fell  heir  to  the  many  invaders  who  en- 
tered the  Empire  by  means  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube, 
namely,  the  Franks.  Like  a  great  oak,  whose  roots  grow 
deep  down  in  the  soil  which  bears  and  nourishes  it,  they 
kept  in  constant  communication  with  Germany  and  drew 
thence  a  barbarian  vigor  which  continually  renewed  their 
exhausted  powers. 

Though  threatened  with  an  er.rly  decline  under  the  last 
Merovingians,  they  revived  again  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
second  dynasty,  and  Charlemagne  tried  to  bring  order  into 
chaos  and  throw  light  into  darkness  by  organizing  his 
dominions  around  the  throne  of  the  Emperors  of  the  west, 
and  by  binding  to  it  Germanic  and  Christian  society. 
This  was  a  magnificent  project  and  one  which  has  made  his 
name  worthy  to  be  placed  by  the  side  of  the  few  before 
which  the  world  bows.  But  his  cesign,  which  was  incapable  of 
accomplishment,  not  only  because  geography  was  against  it, 
as  it  was  against  the  permanence  of  the  Arabian  Empire, 
but  because  all  the  moral  forces  of  the  times,  both  the  in- 
stincts and  the  interests  of  the  people,  were  opposed  to  its 
success.  Charlemagne  created  modern  Germany,  which  was 
a  great  thing  in  itself,  but  the  day  when  he  went  to  Rome 
to  join  the  crown  of  the  Emperors  to  that  of  the  Lombard 
kings,  was  a  fatal  day  for  Italy.  From  that  time  this  beau- 
tiful country  had  a  foreign  master,  who  lived  far  away  and 
only  visited  her  accompanied  by  hordes  of  greedy  and  bar- 
barous soldiers,  who  brought  ruin  in  their  train.  How  much 
blood  was  shed  during  centuries  in  the  attempt  to  maintain 
the  impossible  and  ill-conceived  plan  of  Charlemagne. 
How  many  of  the  cities  and  splendid  monuments  of  the 
country  were  reduced  to  ruins,  not  to  mention  the  saddest 
thing  of  all,  the  ruin  of  the  people  themselves  and  of 
Italian  patriotism. 

After  the  ninth  century  the  Carolingian  Empire  tottered 
and  fell  through  the  incompetency  of  its  chiefs,  the  hatred 


viil  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

of  the  people,  and  the  blows  of  a  new  invasion  led  by  the 
Norsemen,  the  Hungarians,  and  the  Saracens.  It  separated 
into  kingdoms,  and  these  kingdoms  into  seignories.  The 
great  political  institutions  crumbled  into  dust.  The  State 
was  reduced  to  the  proportions  of  a  fief.  The  horizon  of  the 
mind  was  equally  limited  ;  darkness  had  fallen  upon  the 
world  ;  it  was  the  night  of  feudalism. 

A  few  great  names,  however,  still  survived  :  France, 
Germany  and  Italy ;  and  great  titles  were  still  worn  by 
those  who  were  called  the  kings  of  these  countries.  These 
men  were  kings  in  name  but  not  in  truth,  and  were  merely 
the  symbols  of  a  territorial  unity  which  existed  no  longer, 
and  not  real,  active,  and  powerful  rulers  of  nations.  Even 
the  ancient  Roman  and  Germanic  custom  of  election  had 
been  resumed. 

Of  these  three  royal  powers,  one,  that  of  Italy,  soon  dis- 
appeared ;  the  second,  that  of  France,  fell  very  low  ;  while 
the  third,  that  of  Germany,  flourished  vigorously  for  two 
centuries  after  Otto  I.  had  revived  the  Empire  of  Charle- 
magne, though  on  a  small  scale.  Just  as  the  sons  of  Pippin 
had  reigned  over  fewer  peoples  than  Constantine  and  Theo- 
dosius,  the  Henrys,  Fredericks,  and  Ottos  reigned  over  a 
smaller  territory  than  Charlemagne  and  with  a  less  absolute 
power. 

By  the  side  of  and  below  the  kingdoms  born  of  invasion 
there  r.rose  a  power  of  quite  a  different  character,  and  one 
whic!idid  not  confine  itself  to  any  limits,  whether  of  country 
or  of  law.  The  Church,  emerging  wounded  but  triumphant 
from  the  catacombs  and  the  Roman  amphitheatres,  had 
gone  out  to  meet  the  barbarians,  and  at  her  word  the 
Sicambrian  meekly  bowed  his  head.  She  only  sought  a 
spiritual  kingdom  ;  she  also  gained  an  earthly  one.  Power 
came  to  her  unsought,  as  it  comes  to  every  just  and 
righteous  cause  which  aids  the  advance  of  humanity  toward 
a  better  future.  After  establishing  the  unity  of  her  dogma 
and  of  her  he/^archy,  her  chiefs  attained  the  highest  emi- 
nence in  the  Catholic  world,  whence  they  watched,  directed, 
and  restrained  the  spiritual  movements  inspired  by  them. 

The  Church  strove  to  teach  mildness  to  a  violent  and 
lawless  society,  and,  opposed  to  the  feudal  hierarchy,  the 
equality  of  all  men  ;  to  turbulence,  discipline  ;  to  slavery, 
liberty  ;  and  to  force,  justice.  She  protected  the  slave 
from    his    arrogant   master,   and    defended    the    rights   of 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.  iX 

women,  children,  and  the  family  against  the  fickle  husbands 
who  did  not  draw  back  even  from  divorce  and  polygamy. 
The  only  succession  recognized  by  the  States  in  their  public 
offices  was  succession  by  right  of  inheritance  ;  the  Church 
set  the  example  of  succession  by  right  of  intellectual  supe- 
riority, by  the  election  of  her  abbots,  bishops,  and  even  her 
pontiff,  and  serfs  succeeded  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  thus 
attaining  a  dignity  higher  than  that  of  kings.  The  bar- 
barians had  demolished  the  civilization  of  antiquity  ;  the 
Church  preserved  its  fragments  in  the  seclusion  of  her  mon- 
asteries. She  was  not  only  the  mother  of  creeds,  but  was 
also  the  mother  of  art,  science,  and  learning.  Those  great 
scholars  who  taught  the  world  to  think  again,  those  maitres 
Is  pierres  vives,  who  gave  Christianity  its  most  wonderful 
movements,  were  sons  of  the  Church. 

The  feudal  princes  and  lords,  when  freed  from  feudal 
slavery,  thought  themselves  above  all  law  because  they  had 
put  themselves  beyond  the  reach  of  resistance  ;  but  the 
Popes  used  the  weapons  of  the  Church  against  them.  They 
excommunicated  a  usurper  of  the  throne  of  Norway,  a  king 
who  falsified  the  coinage  in  Aragon,  the  treacherous  and 
foresworn  John  in  England  and  in  France  Philip  Augustus, 
when  he  repudiated  his  wife  the  day  after  his  marriage. 
During  the  rule  of  force  the  Popes  had  become  the  sole 
guardians  of  the  moral  law  and  they  recalled  these  princes, 
who  transgressed  against  it,  to  their  duty  by  releasing  their 
people  from  their  oath  of  fidelity.  The  pontifical  power 
spoke  in  the  name  and  place  of  popular  right. 

This  great  moral  force,  however,  was  not  always  mistress 
of  herself.  Until  726  the  pontiffs  had  been  the  subjects  of 
the  Emperors  of  Rome,  western  or  eastern.  Charlemagne 
claimed  and  wielded  the  same  authority  over  them.  His 
successors,  the  German  emperors,  tried  to  follow  his  exam- 
ple. Henry  HI.  deposed  three  Popes  and  in  1046  the  coun- 
cil of  Sutri  once  again  recognized  that  the  election  of  no 
sovereign  pontiff  could  be  valid  without  the  consent  of  the 
emperor. 

But  after  Charlemagne's  death  the  Church  constantly 
grew  in  power.  Her  possession  of  a  large  part  of  the  soil 
of  Christian  Europe  gave  her  material  force  ;  while  the  fact 
that  all,  both  great  and  small,  obediently  received  her  com- 
mand, gave  her  great  moral  force  ;  these  two  forces,  more- 
over, were  increased  tenfold   by  the  addition  of  a  third, 


X  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

namely,  unity  of  power  and  purpose  ;  at  the  time  of  the 
Iconoclasts  and  the  last  Carolingians,  the  sole  aspiration  of 
the  Church  had  been  to  escape  from  the  bonds  of  the  State 
and  to  live  a  free  life  of  her  own.  When  she  became 
stronger  and,  of  necessity,  more  ambitious,  she  claimed  the 
right,  after  the  manner  of  all  powerful  ecclesiastical  bodies, 
to  rule  the  lay  part  of  society  and  the  civil  powers. 

Two  'powers,  accordingly,  stood  face  to  face  at  the  end 
of  the  eleventh  century,  the  Pope  of  Rome  and  the  German 
emperor,  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal  authorities,  both 
ambitious,  as  they  could  not  fail  to  be  in  the  existing  state 
of  morals,  institutions,  and  beliefs.  The  great  question  of 
the  Middle  Ages  then  came  up  for  solution  :  Was  the  heir 
of  St.  Peter  or  the  heir  of  Augustus  to  remain  master  of  the 
world  ?  There  lay  the  quarrel  between  the  priesthood  and 
the  empire. 

This  quarrel  was  a  drama  in  three  acts.  In  the  first  act 
the  Pope  and  the  emperor  disputed  for  the  supremacy  over 
Christian  Europe  ;  in  the  Concordat  of  Worms  (1122)  they 
made  mutual  concessions  and  a  division  of  powers,  which 
has  been  confirmed  by  the  opinion  of  modern  times  ;  in  the 
second  act,  the  main  question  to  be  solved  was  the  liberty 
of  Italy,  which  the  Popes  protected  in  the  interest  of  their 
own  liberty;  in  the  third  act,  the  existence  of  the  Holy  See 
was  in  peril  ;  the  death  of  Frederick  II.  saved  it. 

The  result  of  this  great  struggle  and  far-reaching  anibi- 
tion  was  the  decline  and  almost  the  ruin  of  the  two  adverse 
powers.  The  papacy  fell,  shattered,  at  Avignon,  and  the 
Babylonian  captivity  began,  while  the  German  Empire,  mor- 
tally wounded,  was  at  the  point  of  disappearing  during  the 
Great  Interregnum,  and  only  escaped  destruction  to  drag 
out  a  miserable  existence. 

During  the  contest  the  people,  recovering  from  their 
stupor,  had  turned  to  seek  adventure  in  new  directions. 
Religious  belief,  the  most  powerful  sentiment  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  had  led  to  its  natural  result ;  it  had  inspired  the 
crusades  and  had  sent  millions  of  men  on  the  road  to  Jeru- 
salem. 

Though  the  crusade  was  successful  in  Europe  against 
the  pagans  of  Prussia  and  the  infidels  of  Spain,  and,  accom- 
panied by  terrible  cruelty,  against  the  Albigenses  of 
France,  it  failed  in  its  principal  object  in  the  East  ;  the 
Holy   Sepulchre   remained   in    the    hands   of  infidels,  and 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.  XI 

Europe  seemed  in  vain  to  have  poured  out  her  blood  and 
treasure  in  the  conquest  of  a  tomb  which  she  was  not  able 
to  keep.  Nevertheless,  she  had  regained  her  youth  ;  she 
had  shaken  off  a  mortal  torpor,  to  begin  a  new  existence, 
and  the  roads  were  now  crowded  with  merchants,  the  coun- 
try covered  with  fruitful  fields,  and  the  cities  filled  with  evi- 
dences of  her  growth  and  power.  She  created  an  art,  a 
literature  and  schools  of  learning,  and  it  was  France  which 
led  this  movement.  The  Middle  Ages  had  come  to  an  end 
when  the  successors  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Gregory  VII. 
became  powerless,  when  feudalism  tottered  to  its  fall  and 
when  the  lower  classes  threw  off  their  yoke  ;  new  ideas  and 
new  needs  arising  proclaimed  the  advent  of  Modern  times. 

These  new  needs  were  represented  by  the  two  countries, 
where  they  were  most  fully  met,  namely,  France  and  Eng- 
land. The  England  of  to-day  dates  from  the  Magna  Charta 
of  King  John,  just  as  the  royal  power  of  Louis  XIV.  came 
directly  from  Philip  Augustus  and  St.  Louis.  We  find  in 
these  two  countries  three  similar  elements  :  the  king,  the 
nobles,  and  the  people,  but  in  different  combinations.  From 
this  difference  in  combination  resulted  the  difference  in  their 
histories. 

In  England  the  Conquest  had  made  the  king  so  strong 
that  the  nobles  were  obliged  to  unite  with  the  commons  in 
order  to  save  their  honor,  their  estates,  and  their  heads. 
The  nobility  favored  popular  franchises,  which  they  found 
necessary  to  their  cause  ;  the  people  were  attached  to  their 
feudal  lords,  who  fought  for  them.  English  liberty,  sprung 
from  the  aristocracy,  has  never  been  unfaithful  to  its  origin, 
and  we  have  the  curious  spectacle  of  a  country  in  which  the 
greatest  freedom  and  the  greatest  social  inequalities  exist 
side  by  side. 

In  France,  it  was  the  king  and  the  people  who  were 
oppressed  ;  they  were  the  ones  to  unite  in  order  to  over- 
throw the  power  of  feudalism,  their  common  enemy  :  but 
the  rewards  of  victory  naturally  fell  to  the  share  of  the 
leader  in  battle.  This  two-fold  tendency  is  evident  from 
the  fourteenth  century.  At  the  beginning  of  that  century, 
Philip  the  Fair  leveled  the  castles  with  the  ground,  called 
peasants  to  participate  in  his  councils,  and  made  every  one, 
both  great  and  small,  equal  in  the  eye  of  the  law  ;  at  the  end 
of  it  the  London  parliament  overthrew  its  king  and  disposed 
of  the  crown. 


Xll  A  UTHOR  'S  PKEFA  CE. 

If  these  two  countries  had  not  fallen  upon  each  other  in 
the  violent  struggle  which  is  called  the  Hundred  Years 
War,  the  fourteenth  century  would  have  seen  them  fairly 
started  in  their  new  life. 

Germany  and  France  have  a  common  starting  point  in 
their  histories  :  each  arose  from  the  ruins  of  the  great  Caro- 
lingian  Empire,  and  each  was  originally  possessed  of  a  pow- 
erful feudal  system  ;  consequently  their  subsequent  careers 
might  have  been  the  same.  In  one,  however,  the  royal  power 
reached  its  apogee  ;  in  the  other  it  declined,  grew  dim,  and 
disappeared.  There  was  no  mystery  in  this  ;  it  was  a  sim- 
ple physiological  fact  for  which  no  reason  can  be  given. 
The  Capetian  family  did  not  die  out.  After  the  lapse  of 
nine  centuries  it  still  continued  to  exist ;  by  this  mere  fact 
of  continuance  alone  the  custom  of  election  was  not  suf- 
fered to  become  established,  as  there  was  no  occasion  for  its 
use.  The  dynasties  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine,  on  the 
contrary,  though  at  first  abler  and  stronger,  seemed  to  be 
cursed  with  barrenness.  At  the  end  of  two  or  three  gen- 
erations they  became  extinct ;  eighteen  royal  houses  can  be 
counted  in  five  centuries  ;  that  is  to  say,  that  eighteen  times 
the  German  people  saw  the  throne  left  vacant,  and  were 
obliged  to  choose  an  occupant  from  a  new  family.  Suc- 
cession by  election,  which  had  been  one  of  the  customs  of 
Germany  and  which  the  Church  had  retained,  became  a 
regular  system.  The  feudal  chiefs  were  not  slow  to  under- 
stand what  advantages  the  system  had  for  them  :  at  each 
election,  to  use  an  expression  of  the  day,  they  plucked  a 
feather  from  the  imperial  eagle,  and  Germany  finally  counted 
a  thousand  princes ;  while  on  the  other  side  of  her  great 
river,  the  heir  of  Hugh  Capet  could  say  with  truth,  "  I  am 
the  State." 

Such  were  the  three  great  modern  nations,  as  early  as  the 
fourteenth  century  :  Great  Britain,  with  its  spirit  of  public 
liberty  and  hereditary  nobility  ;  France,  with  a  tendency 
toward  civil  equality  and  an  absolute  monarchy  ;  Germany, 
toward  independent  principalities  and  public  anarchy. 
To-day,  the  one  is  virtually  an  aristocratic  republic,  the 
other  a  democratic  State,  and  the  third  was  until  lately  a 
confederation  of  sovereign  States  ;  this  difference  was  the 
work  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

In  Spain,  the  Goths  who  had  fled  to  the  Asturias  had 
founded   there  a  Christian    kingdom  ;    Charlemagne    had 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.  xill 

marked  out  two  more,  by  forcing  a  passage  through  the 
Pyrenees  at  two  points,  Navarre  and  Catalonia.  These 
three  States,  strongly  protected  by  the  mountains  at  their 
back,  had  advanced  together  toward  the  south  against  the 
Moors ;  but  modern  times  had  already  begun  on  the  north 
of  the  Pyrenees,  while  the  Spaniards,  in  the  peninsula, 
had  not  finished  their  crusade  of  eight  centuries.  They 
gave  as  yet  no  sign  of  what  was  to  be  their  subsequent 
career. 

The  other  Neo-Latin  people,  the  Italians,  had  not  been 
able  to  find  in  the  Middle  Ages  the  political  unity  which 
alone  constitutes  the  individuality  of  a  great  nation.  There 
were  three  obstacles  in  the  way  of  this  :  the  configuration 
of  the  country,  which  did  not  offer  a  geographical  center  ; 
the  thousand  cities  which  ancient  civilization  had  scattered 
over  its  surface,  and  which  had  not  yet  learned  by  bitter 
experience  to  surrender  a  part  of  their  municipal  indepen- 
dence to  save  the  common  liberty  ;  finally,  the  papacy,  which, 
owning  no  master,  even  in  temporal  affairs,  laid  down  this 
principle,  very  just  from  its  point  of  view  and  entirely  legiti- 
mate *  in  the  Middle  Ages,  namely,  that  from  the  Alps  to 
the  Straits  of  Messina  there  should  never  be  one  sole  power, 
because  such  a  power  would  certainly  desire  Rome  for  its 
capital.  This  policy  lasted  for  thirteen  centuries.  It  was 
the  papacy  which,  as  early  as  the  sixth  century,  prevented 
the  consolidation  of  the  Italian  kingdom  of  the  Goths  ;  and, 
in  the  eighth  century,  the  formation  of  that  of  the  Lom- 
bards ;  which  summoned  Pippin  against  Aistulf,  Charle- 
magne against  Desiderius,  Charles  of  Anjou  against  Man- 
fred ;  as  well  as  later  the  Spaniards,  the  Swiss,  and  the 
Imperialists  against  the  French  ;  the  French  against  the 
Spaniards  ;  which  finally  entered  into  compacts  with  all  the 
foreign  masters  of  the   peninsula  in  order  to  assure,  by  a 

*  Entirely  legitimate,  for  at  a  time  when  force  alone  reigned,  the  Holy 
See  would  certainly  have  been  at  the  mercy  of  one  of  those  petty  lords 
who,  in  feudal  monarchies,  were  the  real  masters,  rather  than  the  king, 
and  who  would  have  renewed  the  scandals  of  the  time  of  Marozia.  But 
the  great  Catholic  poet  of  the  Middle  Ages,  Dante,  saw  no  less  the  dis- 
astrous consequences  of  this  policy  : 

Ahi  Constantin  di  quanto  mal  fu  matre 
Non  la  tua  conversion,  ma  quella  dote 
Che  da  te  prese  il  primo  rico  patre  ! 

— Inferno,  XIX.,  II5-I17. 


XIV  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

balance  of  influences  and  forces,  the  independence  of  her 
little  domain  and  her  authority. 

Italy,  having  no  central  power,  was  covered  with  repub- 
lics, most  of  which,  after  a  time,  developed  into  principali- 
ties. The  life  there  was  brilliant,  but  corrupt,  and  the  civic 
virtues  were  forgotten.  Anarchy  dwelt  in  her  midst,  an 
infallible  sign  that  the  foreigner  would  again  become  her 
master. 

In  the  North,  utter  darkness  :  Prussia  and  Russia  are  of 
yesterday.  But  in  the  East  there  appeared  a  nation,  the 
Turks,  which  was  formidable  since  it  possessed  what  Chris- 
tian Europe  no  longer  had,  the  conquering  spirit  of  relig- 
ious proselytism,  which  had  been  the  spirit  of  the  crusades  ; 
and  also  what  Europe  did  not  yet  possess,  a  strong  military 
organization. 

Accordingly  this  handful  of  nomad  shepherds,  which  had 
so  suddenly  become  a  people,  or  rather  an  army,  accom- 
plished without  difficulty  the  last  invasion  ;  Constantinople 
fell.  But  at  the  very  moment  when  the  last  remaining  frag- 
ment of  the  Roman  Empire  disappeared,  the  genius  of  an- 
cient civilization  arose,  torch  in  hand,  from  the  midst  of  the 
ruins.  The  Portugese  were  on  the  road  to  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  while  the  artists  and  authors  were  opening  the 
way  to  the  Renaissance  :  Wycliffe  and  John  Huss  had  already 
prepared  the  road  for  Luther  and  Calvin.  The  changes  at 
work  in  the  States  corresponded  to  the  change  in  thought 
and  belief.  Reform  was  demanded  of  the  Church  ;  shaken 
by  schism,  she  refused  it ;  in  a  century  she  had  to  deal  with 
a  revolution. 

The  important  facts  to  be  noted  are  : 

The  decline  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the  successful 
accomplishment  of  two  invasions  ;  the  transient  brilliancy 
of  the  Arabian  civilization. 

The  attempted  organization  of  a  new  Empire  by  Charle- 
magne, and  its  dissolution. 

The  rise  and  prevalence  of  feudalism. 

The  successive  Crusades. 

The  contest  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  for  the 
sovereignty  of  the  world. 

We  have  here  the  real  Middle  Ages,  simple  in  their  gen- 
eral outline,  and  reaching  their  highest  development  in  the 
thirteenth  century. 

But  even  before  this  period  a  new  phase  of  the  Middle 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.  XV 

Ages  had  appeared  in  England  and  France  ;  which  led  to 
a  new  social  organization  of  the  two  countries.  Soon  a  few 
brave  voices  were  heard  discussing  the  merits  of  obedience, 
of  faith,  even,  and  pleading  the  cause  of  those  who,  until 
that  time,  had  been  of  no  account,  the  peasants  and  the 
serfs. 

Humanity,  that  tireless  traveler,  advances  unceasingly, 
over  vale  and  hill,  to-day  on  the  heights,  in  the  light  of  day, 
to-morrow  in  the  valley,  in  darkness  and  danger,  but  al- 
ways advancing,  and  attaining  by  slow  degrees  and  weary 
efforts  some  broad  plateau,  where  he  pauses  a  moment  to 
rest  and  take  breath. 

These  pauses,  during  which  society  assumes  a  form  which 
suits  it  for  the  moment,  are  organic  periods.  The  intervals 
which  separate  them  may  be  called  inorganic  periods  or 
times  of  transformation.  On  these  lines  we  may  divide  the 
ten  centuries  of  the  Middle  Ages  into  three  sections  :  from 
the  fifth  to  the  tenth  century,  the  destruction  of  the  past  and 
the  transition  to  a  new  form  ;  from  the  tenth  to  the  four- 
teenth, feudal  society  with  its  customs,  its  institution,  its 
arts,  and  its  literature.  This  is  one  of  the  organic  periods 
in  the  life  of  the  world.  Then  the  tireless  traveler  starts 
again  :  this  time  he  again  descends  to  depths  of  misery  to 
reach,  on  the  other  side,  a  country  free  from  brambles  and 
thorns.  When  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  are 
crossed  we  already  perceive  from  afar  the  glorious  forms  of 
Raphael,  Copernicus,  and  Christopher  Columbus,  in  the 
dawn  of  the  new  world. 


LIST  OF  MAPS. 

PAGE 

THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE  UNDER   TRAJAN,   A.D.   117 i 

EUROPE    IN    THE    REIGN    OF   THEODORIC,  CiRC.  A.D. 

500 33 

EUROPE  AT  THE  DEATH   OF  JUSTINIAN,  A.D.  565....  49 

EUROPE,  END  OF  THE  SEVENTH  CENTURY,  A.D.  695.  88 
EUROPE    IN    THE   TIME   OF   CHARLES   THE   GREAT, 

A.D.  814 137 

THE   WESTERN    EMPIRE   AS   DIVIDED    AT    VERDUN, 

A.D.  843 145 

THE   WESTERN    EMPIRE  AS   DIVIDED  A.D.  870 152 

THE  WESTERN  EMPIRE  AS  DIVIDED  A.D.  887 161 

CENTRAL  EUROPE,  Circ.  980 216 

CENTRAL  EUROPE,  1180 24S 

GREATEST  EXTENT  OF  THE  SARACENS'  DOMINIONS.  296 

CENTRAL   EUROPE,  A.D.  1360 408 

CENTRAL   EUROPE,  A.D.  1460 464 


CONTENTS. 


PAGB 

Editor's  Preface .        .     iii 

Authors  Preface v 


JBoo\{  ifirst. 


TJ/E  GERMANIC  INVASION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Roman  and  Barbarian  Worlds  at  the  End  of  the 
Fourth   Century. 

The  End  of  Ancient  History. — New  Form  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
— Municipal  Government:  Curials. — Taxes. — Condition  of 
Persons. — The  Army. — Moral  and  Intellectual  Condition. — 
The  Christian  Church. — The  Barbarians. — Germanic  Nations. 
— Slavs  and  Huns   ......... 

CHAPTER  n. 

First  Period  of  Invasion  (375-476).     Alaric, 
Radagaisus,  Gaiseric,  and  Attila. 


S* 


-4^ 


First  Movement  of  the  Barbarians  before  the  Death  of  Theodo- 
sius. — Division  of  the  Empire  at  the  Death  of  Theodosius 
(395)- — Alaric  and  the  Visigoths  (395-419);  the  Great  Invasion 
of  406. — Founding  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Burgundians  (413), 
of  the  Visigoths,  and  of  the  Suevi  (419). — Conquest  of  Africa 
by  the  Vandals  (431).  —  Invasion  of  Attila  (451-453). — Taking 
of  Rome  by  Gaiseric  (455). — End  of  the  Empire  of  the  West 
(476) 16 


XVIU  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Second  Period  of   Invasion:  the  Franks,  the  Ostrogoths, 
THE  Lombards  and  the  Anglo-Saxons  (455-569). 

PAGE 

A  Second  Invasion  of  German  Barbarians  Successful  in  founding 
States. — Clovis  (481-5 II). — The  Sons  of  Clovis  (511-561). — 
Conquest  of  Burgundy  (534)  and  of  Thuringia  (530). — Theod- 
oric  and  the  Kingdom  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy  (493-526). 
— The  Lombards  (56S-774). — Foundation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Kingdoms  (455- 5S4) 28 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Greek  Empire  from  408  to  705;  Temporary  Reaction  of 
the  Emperors  of  Constantinople  against  the  Germanic 
Invaders. 

Theodosius  II.,  Marcian,  Leo  I.,  Zeno,  Anastasius,  Justin  I.  (408- 
527). — Justinian  I.  (527-565). — Wars  against  the  Persians 
(528-533  and  540-562). — Conquest  of  Africa  from  the  Vandals 
(534);  of  Italy  from  the  Ostrogoths  (535-553);  Acquisitions  in 
Spain  (552);  Justinian's  Administration  of  the  Interior;  Code 
and  Digest. — Justinian  II.,  Tiberius  II.,  Maurice  and  Phocas 
(565-6x0);  Heraclius  (610-641);  Decline  of  the  Greek  Empire     43 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Renewal  of  the  German  Invasion  by  the  Franks. 
Greatness  of  the  Merovingians. — Their  Decadence 
(561-687). 

Power  of  the  Merovingian  Franks  New  Character  of  their  His- 
tory.—  Lothaire  I.,  Fredegonda,  Brunhiida. — Lothaire  II. 
Sole  King  (613-628). — Dagobert  I.  (628-638). — Preponderance 
of  Franks  in  Western  Europe. — Customs  and  Institutions  in- 
troduced by  the  Germans  among  the  Conquered  Peoples. — 
Laws  of  the  Barbarians. — Decline  of  the  Royal  Authority; 
the  "  Rois  Faineants." — Mayors  of  the  Palace. — The  Mayor 
Ebroin  (660)  and  Saint  Leger;  Battle  of  Testry  (687). — Hered- 
ity of  Benefices        .........     54 


3Bool?  Secont), 

THE  AHAB  INVASION  (622-1058). 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Mohammed  and  the  Empire  of  the  Arabs  (622-732). 

Arabia  and  the  Arabs. — Mohammed. — The  Hegira(622);  Struggle 
with     the     Koreishites   (624);    Conversion    of   Arabia. — The 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

r.\GE 
Koran. — The  First  Caliphs  of  Persia  and  of  Egypt;  Conquest 
of  Syria  (623-640). — Revolution  in  the  Caliphate,  Hereditary 
Dynasty  of  the  Ommiads  (661-750). — Conquest  of  Upper  Asia 
(707)  and  of  Spain  (711) 71 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Dismemberment,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Arabian 
Empire  (755-105S). 

Accession  of  the  Abbasides  (750),  and  Foundation  of  the  Caliphate 
of  Cordova  (755). — Caliphate  of  Bagdad  (750-105S). — Almans- 
sur,  Haroun-al-Rashid,  Al-Mamun. — Creation  of  the  Turkish 
Guards.  Decline  and  Dismemberment  of  the  Caliphate  of 
Bagdad. — Africa;  Fatimite  Caliphate  (968). — Spain;  Caliphate 
of  Cordova. — Arabian  Civilization 91 


Book  UbirD. 

THE   CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE,    OR    THE  ATTEMPT 

TO  ORGANIZE  GERMAN  AND  CHRISTIAN 

EUROPE  (687-S14). 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Mayors  of  Austrasia  and  the  Papacy,  or  the  Ef- 
forts TO  Infuse  Unity  into  the  State  and  the 
Church. 

Pippin  of  Heristal  (687-714). — Charles  Martel  (714-741);  The 
Carolingian  Family  reorganizes  the  State  and  its  Authority. 
— Formation  of  Ecclesiastical  Society;  Elections;  Hierarchy; 
the  Power  of  the  Bishops. — Monks;  Monasteries;  the  Rule 
of  St.  Benedict. — The  Pope;  St.  Leo;  Gregory  the  Great. — 
The  Papacy  breaks  away  from  the  Supremacy  of  Constanti- 
nople (726);  invokes  the  Aid  of  Charles  Martel. — Pippin  the 
Short  (741-768) 105 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Charlemagne;  Unity  of  the  Germanic  World. — the 
Church  in  the  State  (768-814). 

The  Union,  and  the  Attempted  Organization  ^.f  the  V'hole  Ger- 
manic World  under  Charlemagne. — Wars  with  the  Lombards 
(771-776)- — Wars  with  the  Saxons  (771-804). — Wars  with  the 


XX  CONTENTS, 

PAGB 

Bavarians  (788),  the  Avars  (788-796),  and  the  Arabs  of  Spain 
(778-812);  the  Extent  of  the  Empire. — Charlemagne  be- 
comes Emperor  (800). — Results  of  his  Wars. — His  Govern- 
ment.— Literary  Revival;  Alcuin    ......   122 


Bool?  ifourtb. 

FALL    OF    THE    CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.— NEW 
BARBARIAN  INVASIONS  (814-887). 

CHAPTER  X. 

Louis  the  Pious  and  the  Treaty  of  Verdun  (815-843). 

Instability  of  Charlemagne's  Work. — Louis  the  Pious  (814-840); 
his  Weakness;  Division  of  the  Empire. — Revolt  of  the  Sons 
of  Louis  the  Pious. — Battle  of  Fontenay  (841);  Treaty  of 
Verdun  (843) 139 

CHAPTER  XL 

Final  Destruction  of  the  Carolingian  Empire  (845-887). 

Internal  Discords;  Vain  Effort  of  the  Sons  of  Louis  the  Pious  to 
reconstitute  the  Empire. — Division  of  the  Royal  Authority; 
Heredity  of  Benefices  and  of  Offices. — Louis  the  Stammerer 
(877). — Louis  III.,  and  Karlmann  (879);  Charles  the  Fat 
(1884) 148 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Third  Invasion,  in  the  Ninth  and  Tenth  Centuries. 

The  Norsemen  in  France  and  England, — In  the  Polar  Regions  and 
in  Russia. — The  Saracens. — The  Hungarians. — Difference  be- 
tween the  Ninth  Century  Invasion  and  those  preceding  .         .   156 


'Se>Q>Q\<.  jfittb. 

FEUDALISM,  OR    THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  KING- 
DOMS FORMED  FROM  THE   CAROLINGIAN 
EMPIRE  D  URING    THE   TENTH  AND 
ELEVENTH  CENTURIES. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

France  and  England  (888-1108);  Decline  of  the  Royal 
Power  in  France.  Increase  of  the  National 
Power. — Norman  Conquest  of  England  (1066). 

The  Struggle  of  a  Century  between  the  Last  Carolingians  and  the 
First  of  the  Capetian  Dynasty. — The  Accession  of  Hugh  Capet 


CONTENTS.  XXI 

PAGE 

(987). — Weakness  of  the  Capetian  Dynasty:  Robert  (996); 
Henry  I.  (1031);  Philip  I.  {1060). — Activity  of  the  French 
Nation. — Downfall  of  the  Danish  Dynasty  in  England  (1042); 
Eadward  the  Confessor.  —  Harold  (1066). — The  French  Inva- 
sion of  England. — Battle  of  Hastings  (1096). — Revolts  of  the 
Saxons  aided  by  the  Welsh  (1067)  and  the  Norwegians  (1069). 
— Camp  of  Refuge  (1072);  Outlaws. — Spoliation  of  the  Con- 
quered.— Results  of  this  Conquest .         .         .         .         •         •   171 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Germany  and  Italy  (888-1039).— Revival  of  the  Empire 
OF  Charlemagne  by  the  German  Kings. 

Extinction  of  the  Carolingian  Family  in  Germany  (911). —  Election 
of  Conrad  I.  (911),  and  of  Henry  the  Fowler  (919);  Greatness 
of  the  House  of  Saxony. — Otto  I.,  or  the  Great  (936);  his 
Power  in  Germany;  he  drives  out  the  Hungarians  (955). — Con- 
dition of  Italy  in  the  Tenth  Century. — Otto  re-establishes  the 
Empire  (962).— Otto  II.,  Otto  III.,  Henry  II.  (973-1024),  and 
Conrad  II.  (1024-1039) 187 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Feudalism. 

Beginning  of  the  Feudal  Regime. — Reciprocal  Obligations  of  Vas- 
sal and  Lord. — Ecclesiastical  Feudalism. — Serfs  and  Villeins. 
— Anarchy  and  Violence;  Frightful  Misery  of  the  Peasants; 
Several  Goods  Results. — Geographical  Divisions  of  Feudal 
Europe    ...........  200 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Civilization  in  the  Ninth  and  Tenth  Centuries. 

Charlemagne's  Fruitless  Efforts  in  Behalf  of  Literature. — Second 
Renaissance  after  the  Year  1000. — Latin  Language. — Language 
of  the  Common  People. — Chivalry,  Architecture     .         .         .  222 


3Booft  Sijtb. 

THE  STRUGGLE  BETWEEN    THE  PAPACY 
AND  THE  EMPIRE  (1059-1250). 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Quarrel  over  Investitures  (1059-1122). 

Complete  Supremacy  of  the  Emperor   Henry  HI.  (1039-1056). — 
Hildebrand's  Effort  to  regenerate  the  Church  and  emancipate 


XXll  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

the  Papacy;  Regulation  of  1059. — Gregory  VII.  (1073).  His 
Great  Plans. — Boldness  of  his  First  Acts. — Humiliation  of  the 
Emperor  (1077). — Death  of  Gregory  VII.  (1085),  and  of 
Henry  IV.  (1106).  Henry  V.  (1106). — The  Concordat  of 
Worms  (1122);  End  of  the  Quarrel  over  Investitures       .         .  235 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Struggle  between  Italy  and  Germany  (i  152-1230). 

Three  Epochs  in  the  Struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire. 
— Strength  of  German  Feudalism;  Weakness  of  Lothar  II. 
(1125);  the  Hohenstaufen  (1138). — Division  of  Italy;  Progress 
of  the  Small  Nobles  and  of  the  Republics. — Arnold  of  Brescia 
(1144). — Frederick  I..  Barbarossa  (1152);  Overthrow  of  Milan 
(1162);  the  Lombard  League  (1164);  Peace  of  Constance 
(1183).  —  Emperor  Henry  VI.  (iigo);  Innocent  III.  (119S); 
Guelfs  and  Ghibellines  in  Italy. — Frederick  II.  (1212-1250). — 
Second  Lombard  League  (1226). — Innocent  IV.  (1243);  Fall  of 
German  Power  in  Italy  (1250) 245 


3Booft  Seventb, 

THE  CRUSADES  (1095-1270). 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  First  Crusade  to  Jerusalem  (1095-1099). 

Condition  of  the  World  before  the  Crusades;  the  Greek  Empire. — 
Peter  the  Hermit;  the  Council  of  Clermont  (1095)  and  the  first 
Crusaders. — Departure  of  the  Great  Army  of  Crusaders  (1096); 
Siege  of  Nicffia  and  Battle  of  Dorylaeum. — Siege  and  Taking 
of  Antioch  (1098);  Defeat  of  Kerboga;  Siege  and  Taking  of 
Jerusalem  (1099). — Godfrey,  Baron  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre. — 
Organization  of  the  New  Kindgom  .....  261 

CHAPTER  XX. 

The  Last  Crusades  in  the  East;  Their  Results 
(i  147-1270). 

Second  Crusade  (1147). — Jerusalem  taken  by  Saladin;  Third  Cru- 
sade (1189). — Fourth  Crusade  (1201-1204). — Foundation  of  an 
Empire  at  Constantinople  (i 204-1 261). — The  last  Four  Cru- 
sades in  the  East;  the  Mongols  of  Jenghiz  Khan. — Seventh  and 
Eight  Crusades  (124S  and  1270). —  Eflecls  of  the  Crusades        .   273 


CONTENTS.  XXUl 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

The  Crusades  of  the  West. 

PAGE 

The  Crusades  in  Europe;  the  Teutonic  Order  (1230). — Conquest 
and  Conversion  of  Prussia,  Livonia,  and  Esthonia. — Crusade 
against  the  Albigenses  (120S);  Union  of  Southern  and  North- 
ern France. — The  Spanish  Crusade. — Decline  of  the  Caliphate 
of  Cordova  during  the  Ninth  Century;  its  Renewed  Strength 
during  the  Tenth  Century,  and  its  Dismemberment  in  the 
Eleventh  Century.  —  Formation  of  the  Kingdoms  of  Castile 
and  Leon,  of  Navarre,  and  of  Aragon. — Taking  of  Toledo 
(1085);  Founding  of  the  County  of  Portugal  (1095);  the  C id. — 
Incursions  of  the  Almoravides  (ro86),  and  of  the  Almohades 
(1146). — Victory  of  Las  Navas  de  Tolosa  (121 1).  The  Moors 
driven  back  upon  Granada.— Results  of  the  Spanish  Crusade    290 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

Progress  of  the  Cities. 

Beginnings  of  the  Communal  Movement: — Communes  properly  so 
called. — Intervention  of  Royalty;  Decline  of  the  Communes. — 
Cities  not  Communal. — Origin  of  the  Third  Estate. — Advance- 
ment of  City  Populations  in  England  and  Germany. — Feudal 
Rights  and  Customary  Rights  opposed    .....  305 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
Civilization  of  the  Twelfth  and  Thirteenth  Centuries. 
Explorations  in  the  East  and  the  Commerce  of  the  Middle  Ages. — 
New  Departures  in  Industry  and  Agriculture. — Corporations, 
— Condition  of  the  Country  Districts. — Lack  of  Security. — The 
Jew  and  Bills  of  Exchange. — Intellectual  Progress;  Universi- 
ties, Scholastics,  Astrology,  Alchemy,  Magicians. — National 
Literature. — Arts;  Ogival  Architecture  .         .  .  318 


Bool?  EiQbtb, 

RIVALRY    BETWEEN    FRANCE    AND 
ENGLAND   (1066-1453.) 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

First  Period  in  the  Strife;  the  English  Kings  Lose 
Half  of  Their  French  Possessions  (1066-1217). 

Louis  the  Fat  (110S-1137);  William  II.  and  Henr>'  I.  (10S7-1135). 
— Louis  VII.  (1137-1180)  in  France;  Stephen  and  Henry  II. 
(11 35-11 89)  in  England, — Abuse  of  Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction. 


xxiv  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

— Thomas  d  Becket  (1170). — Conquest  of  Ireland  (11 71);  the 
King  of  France  sustains  the  Revolt  of  the  Sons  of  the  English 
King  (1173. — New  Character  shown  by  French  Royalty  in  the 
Thirteenth  Century;  Philip  Augustus  (iiSo)  and  Richard  the 
Lion-hearted  (iiSg). — Quarrels  between  Philip  Augustus  and 
John  Lackland;  Conquest  of  Normandy  and  of  Poitou  (1204). 
— Quarrel  between  John  Lackland  and  Innocent  III.  (1207). 
— Magna  Charta  (1215) 341 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Progress  of  the  Royal  Power  in  France  from  Philip 
Augustus  to  Philip  of  Valois. 

Internal  Administration  of  Philip  Augustus. — Louis  VIII.  (1223) 
and  the  Regency  of  Blanche  of  Castile.  — Saint  Louis,  his  As- 
cendency in  Europe;  Treaties  with  England  (1259),  and  with 
Aragon  (125S). — Government  of  Saint  Louis. — Progress  of  the 
Royal  Authority. — New  Character  of  Politics;  Philip  III. 
(1270),  Philip  IV.  (1285);  New  War  with  England  (1294). — A 
New  Struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the  State  (i  296-1304). — 
The  Papacy  at  Avignon  (1309-1376). — Condemnation  of  the 
Templars  (1307). — Administration  of  Philip  IV.;  Reign  of  his 
Three  Sons  (1314-1328) 358 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Progress  of  English  Institutions  from  the  Granting  of 
THE  Magna  Charta  until  the  Hundred  Years  War 
(1217-1328). 

Pledges  made  by  the  Magna  Charta  (1215). — Henry  III.  (1216). — 
The  League  of  the  Barons;  Provisions  of  Oxford;  the  Parlia- 
ment (1258). — Edward  I.  (1272). — Conquest  of  Wales  (1274- 
1284). — War  with  Scotland  (1297-1307);  Balliol,  Wallace,  and 
Bruce. — Edward  II.  (1307);  Progress  of  Parliament       .         .  385 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
The  Hundred  Years  War. 

Preliminaries  of  the  Hundred  Years  War  (i 328-1 337). — Battle  of 
Sluys  (1340);  State  of  Affairs  in  Brittany. — Cr6cy  (1346)  and 
Calais  (1347). — John  (1350);  Battle  of  Poitiers;  States  Gen- 
eral; the  Jacquerie;  Treaty  of  Br6tigny  (1360). — Charles  V. 
(1364);  Du  Gucsclin;  the  Great  Companies  in  Spain. — The 
War  with  the  English  renewed  (1369);  New  Method  of  War- 
fare.— Wycliflc. — Wat  Tyler  and  the  English  King  Richard 
IL  (1377). — Deposition  of  Richard  II.  and  Accession  of  Henry 
IV.  of  Lancaster  (1399).  —  Henry  V.  (1413). — France  under 
Charles  VI.  (1380-1422);  Popul.ir  Insurrections.  —  Insanity  of 
Charles  VI.    (1392);  Assassination    of   tiie    Uuke   of    Orleans 


CONTENTS.  XXV 

I'AGE 

(1407);  the  Armagnacs  and  the  Burgundians. — Henry  V.  re- 
opens the  War  with  the  French  (1415). — Battle  of  Agincourt. 
—  Henry  VI.  and  Charles  VH.,  Kings  of  France  (1422);  Joan 
of  Arc  (1421-1431). — Treaty  of  Arras  (1435);  Charles  VH.  at 
Paris  (1436);  End  of  the  Hundred  Years  War  .         .         .  392 

CHAPTER  XXVHI. 

Internal  History  of  France  and  England  during  the 
Hundred  Years  War. 

Parliament's  Increasing  Power  in  England. — The  English  Consti- 
tution in  the  Middle  of  theFifteenth  Century. —  France:  Prog- 
ress of  Royal  Authority. — Formation  of  a  Princely  Feudalism 
by  Appanages. — Development  of  the  Old  and  New  institutions  433 


Boof?  IRlntb. 

ITALY,  GERMANY,  AND    THE   OTHER  EUROPEAN 

STATES   TO    THE   MIDDLE    OF   THE 

FIFTEENTH  CENTUR  Y. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Italy  from  1250  to  1453. 

Italy  after  the  Investiture  Strife;  Complete  Ruin  of  all  Central 
power  (1250). — Manfred  and  Charles  of  Anjou. — The  Princi- 
palities in  Lombardy;  Romagna  and  the  Marshes. — The  Re- 
publics: Venice,  Florence,  Genoa,  and  Pisa. — Reappearance 
of  the  German  Emperors  in  Italy  and  the  Return  of  the  Popes 
to  Rome. — Anarchy;  the  Condottiere. — Splendor  of  Literature 
and  the  Arts. — Dante,  Petrarch,  Boccaccio     ....  443 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Germany  from  1250  to  1453. 

The  Great  Interregnum  (1250-1273). — Usurpation  of  Imperial 
Property  and  Rights. — Anarchy  and  Violence;  Leagues  of  the 
Lords  and  of  the  Cities. — Rudolf  of  Hapsburg(i273;. — Found- 
ing of  the  House  of  Austria  (1282). — Adolf  of  Nassau  (1291) 
and  Albert  of  Austria  (1298). — Liberation  of  Switzerland 
(1308). — Henry  VII.  (1308)  and  Lewis  of  Bavaria  (i 314). — The 
House  of  Luxemburg  (1347-1438);  the  Golden  Bull. — The 
House  of  Austria  recovers  the  Imperial  Crown,  but  not  its 
Power  (1438) 460 


xxvl  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
The  Spanish,  Scandinavian,  and  Slavic  States. 

PAGE 

Spain  from  1252  to  1453. — The  Crusade  suspended. — The  Scandi- 
navian States,  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Norway;  their  Second- 
ary Role  after  the  Time  of  the  Norsemen. — Slavic  States; 
Power  of  Poland;  Weakness  of  Russia. — Peoples  of  the 
Danube  Valley;  the  Hungarians. — The  Greek  Empire. — The 
Ottoman  Turks  and  the  Mongols  of  Timour  ....  476 


Bool?  XTentb. 

CIVILIZATION  IN  THE  LAST  CENTURIES  OF 
THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

The  Church  from  1270  to  1453. 

Foreshadowings  of  a  New  Civilization. — The  Papacy  from  Gregory 
VII.  to  Boniface  VIII.— The  Popes  at  Avignon  (1309-1376)  ; 
Great  Schism  of  the  West  (1378-1448). — Wycliffe,  John  Huss, 
Gerson;  Councils  of  Pisa  (1409),  of  Constance  (1414),  and  of 
Basel  (1431);  Galilean  Doctrines 505 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

The  National  Literatures.— The    Inventions  of  the 
Middle  Ages. 

The  Italian  and  French  Literatures. — The  Literatures  of  the  North. 
— English,  German,  and  Scandinavian. — Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese Literatures. — Renaissance  of  Classical  Learning. — Print- 
ing, Oil-painting,  Engraving,  and  Gunpowder  .         .         .517 

Index 535 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


BOOK  I. 
THE  GERMANIC  INVASION. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE    ROMAN  AND    BARBARIAN  WORLDS  AT    THE    END 

OF  THE   FOURTH    CENTURY. 


The  End  of  Ancient  History. — New  Form  of  the  Roman  Empire. — 
Municipal  Government  :  Curials. — Taxes. — Condition  of  Persons. — 
The  Army. — Moral  and  Intellectual  Condition. — The  Christian 
Church. — The  Barbarians. — Germanic  Nations. — Slavs  and  Huns. 


Ancient  History  ends  with  the  Roman   Empire,  which 

first  absorbed  all  the  peoples  of  antiquity  and  then  involved 

them  all  in   its   ruin.     Asia,   Egypt,  Greece, 

End  of  Ancient     Carthage,  Spam  and  Gaul  had  all'been  drawn 

History.  .  i  ,-     t^ 

mto  the  vast  embrace  of  Rome,  the  Rome 
which  gave  to  its  subjects  unity  of  government,  and  to  its 
western  provinces  unity  of  language. 

This  unity — the  work  of  conquest — was  maintained  by  a 
policy  which,  though  liberal  at  first,  ended  by  becoming 
oppressive.  Then  the  chill  of  death  crept  over  the  great 
Roman  society,  the  bonds  were  loosened,  and,  at  the  first 
shock  of  the  barbarians,  the  colossal  fabric  fell  to  pieces. 

The  unity  of  government,  enforced  by  conquest  as  early 

as  the  time  of  the  Republic,  was  regulated  under  the  Em- 

-,       „  ,  pire,  by  the  organizing  work  of   a  wise  ad- 

New  Form   of    ^  .    .'       -^    .  S"  ^  .  ,     , 

the  Roman  Em-   mmistration.      It   was    mcorporated    \n    one 
^^^^'  man,  who   was    at    first   a   military  chieftain 

rather  than  a  sovereign,  who,  after  Diocletian  and  Constan- 
tine,  became  an  actual  monarch,  the  head  of  a  vast  hierarchy. 


2  THE   GERRIANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

These  two  emperors  tried  to  give  more  stability  to  the  im- 
perial authority  by  a  considerable  change  in  the  character  of 
the  government.  Whereas  the  fate  of  the  empire  had  before 
depended  on  the  rival  and  capricious  desires  of  the  legions 
or  the  praetorians,  the  Emperor  was  now  seen  to  be  suddenly 
raised  to  a  mysterious  height,  sheltering  his  power  under  the 
doctrine  of  divine  right  and  his  person  behind  a  pomp  orien- 
tal in  its  magnificence  and  entirely  unknown  to  the  first 
Caesars. 

Below  him,  as  if  to  keep  the  citizens  and  soldiers  at  a  dis- 
tance, grew  up  an  interminable  series  of  civil  and  military 
officers— the  former  held  in  greater  esteem  than  the  latter. 
At  the  head  of  this  hierarchy  stood,  in  respect  to  influence, 
the  seven  great  officers  who  formed  the  ministry  of  the 
Emperor  in  his  palace  at  Constantinople,  the  new  capital  of 
the  Empire,  which  displayed  on  the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus 
a  precocious  corruption  and  a  splendor  born  of  yesterday. 

The  seven  great  officers  of  the  court  (to  leave  out  the 

consuls,  the    pr?etors,  and  the  senate,  which  still  existed, 

though  only  for  display),  regarded  less  as  pub- 

Civil  &  Military  ,•  ■    ^\        *u  *  f    .-U        T 

Hierarchy,  bc  magistrates  than  as  servants  of  the  Em- 
peror, were  : 

(i)  The  count  of  the  sacred  chamber  {comes  sacri cubicuW), 
or  great  chamberlain,  often  influential  because  he  was  in 
constant  attendance  on  the  Prince. 

(2)  The  master  of  the  ofifices  [magister  officionivi),  a  kind 
of  minister  of  state,  on  whom  depended  all  the  household  of 
the  Emperor,  all  the  police  of  the  Empire  with  its  10,000 
officers  {curiosi),  the  posts,  arsenals,  factories  and  store- 
houses of  arms  ;  an  immense  administration  that  comprised 
four  departments,  with  directors  and  sub-directors,  and  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight  clerks. 

(3)  The  quasstor  of  the  palace  {quLCstor  pa/atii),  a  kind 
of  chancellor,  who  was  the  mouth-piece  of  the  Emperor  and 
who  drew  up  his  decrees. 

(4)  'i'he  count  of  the  sacred  largesses  [comes  sacrarutn  lar- 
g///or//m),  m'lnhter  of  finance,  on  whom  the  provincial  counts 
of  the  largesses  and  all  the  financial  officers  of  the  Empire  de- 
pended, and  who  acted  as  judge  in  proceedings  of  a  fiscal 
nature. 

(5)  The  C(Kint  of  the  private  estate  {comes  rei privatce), 
who  administ(;red  the  estates  of  the  Emperor  through  agents, 
called  roiioiialcs  and  cicsai  iani. 


C-'AP.   I.]     ROMAN  AND    liARBARIAN    WORLDS.  3 

(6)  The  count  of  the  domestic  cavalry  {codics  domesticorwn 
f.quLtuni).     And  finally, 

(7)  The  count  of  the  domestic  infantry  {domesticorum 
p^ditiuii).     These  two  together  had  under  their  command 

3500  men,  divided  into  seven  "  schools,"  fine  looking 
•soldiers,  for  the  most  part  Armenians,  who  presented  an 
imposing  appearance,  as  they  formed  in  line  in  the  porticos 
of  the  palace. 

To  these  officers  must  be  added;  to  give  a  fair  idea  of 
'he  court  of  Constantinople,  an  innumerable  herd  of  door- 
keepers, pages  {j)(edagogia),  spies,  servants  of  all  kinds  and 
eunuchs,  ''  more  numerous,"  said  Libanius,  "  than  the 
swarming  flies  in  summer." 

Leaving  the  central  government,  we  now  pass  on  to  the 
provinces  and  find  there,  at  the  head  of  the  hierarchy,  the 
four  praitorian  prefects  of  the  East,  of  Illyricum,  of  Italy, 
and  of  Gaul.  This  was  the  tetrarchy  of  Diocletian,  but  it 
existed  without  danger  to  the  unity  of  the  Empire  or  to  the 
Emperor  himself.  They  were  no  longer,  in  fact,  those 
praetorian  prefects  of  old  times,  who  overthrew  their  mas- 
ters ;  their  claws  and  teeth  had  been  drawn  by  taking  away 
from  them  all  military  command.  Their  office  was  still  a 
desirable  one  and  their  authority  so  great  that  its  curtail- 
ment did  not  affect  their  administration.  Their  powers 
were  :  to  publish  the  decrees  of  the  Emperor,  to  make 
assessments,  to  watch  over  the  collection  of  imposts,  without 
being  able,  it  is  true,  to  add  anything  to  them,  to  judge 
civil  and  criminal  proceedings  on  appeal  from  the  chiefs 
of  the  diocese,  and  to  remove  and  punish  the  provincial 
governors  at  their  will. 

Their  rich  appointments,  the  number  of  people  employed 
in  their  bureaus,  the  luxury  of  their  existence,  made  their 
like  kings  of  a  second  rank. 

Each  prefecture  was  divided  into  dioceses  governed  bj* 
vice-prefects  ;  *  there  were  sixteen  of  these  :  six  in  thd 
prefecture  of  the  East  (the  East,  Egypt,  the  vicarship  oi 
Asia,  the  proconsulate  of  Asia,  Pontus  and  Thrace);  two  in 
Illyricum  (Dacia  and  Macedonia);  three  in  Italy  (Italy, 
western    Illyricum   and   western  Africa);    three   in    Gaul 


*  Consult  the  list  in  Bury's  History  of  the  Later  Roman  Enapire,  vol. 
i.  p.  XV. 

The  divisions  differed  greatly  at  different  dates. — Ed. 


4  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

(Spain,  Gaul,  and  Britain).  Rome,  whose  territory  extended 
a  hundred  miles  from  its  walls,  formed  a  diocese  by  itself, 
as  did  Coystantjngple  also. 

Finally  the  four  prefectures  and  the--  sixteen  dioceses 
were  divided  into  one  hundred  and  twenty  provinces,  gov- 
erned by  consulars,  correctors,  and  presidents,  their  degrees 
differing  slightly  in  authority.  By  the  side  of  this  civil 
hierarchy  we  see  the  military  hierarchy,  and  at  its  head  the 
master  of  cavalry  {tnagister  eqiiituni)  and  the  master  of 
infantry  {rnagistcr  pedituvi),  offices  which  were  increased  in 
number  after  the  division  of  the  Empire.  Under  them 
were  the  military  counts  and  the  dukes,  in  the  provinces 
and  on  the  frontiers,  who  alone  had  control  over  the  pro- 
vincial troops,  each  in  his  own  department.  We  have  now 
examined  the  imperial  hierarchy  and  the  whole  central 
government. 

The  despotism  was  of  recent  origin  ;  it  had  existed  only 

two  centuries  and  had  been  preceded  by  free  institutions, 

institutions  which  still  survived  in  the  muni- 

G^v^erniife^nt.  ^'P^^  government.  Rome  had  scattered 
copies  of  herself  everywhere.  There  was  no 
town  in  the  Empire  which  did  not  have  its  little  senate,  the 
curia,  composed  of  proprietors  or  curials  owning  at  least 
fifteen  acres  of  land,  vvho  deliberated  as  to  the  affairs  of  the 
municipium  and  chose  magistrates  from  their  midst  to 
administer  them.  The  decemvirs  recalled  the  consuls  by 
their  title  and  powers,  namely,  the  presidency  of  the  curia, 
the  general  administration  of  town  affairs,  and  jurisdiction 
in  matters  of  small  importance.  An  edile,  a  curator  (treas- 
urer of  the  city),  a  collector.,  irenarchs  (police  commissioner.s) 
scribes  and  notaries  complete  the  list  of  municipal  officers. 

The  municipal  government  seemed  to  prosper,  and  a  new 
magistrate  had  recently  been  added  to  it — the  defensor,  a 
kind  of  regular  tribune  chosen  by  all  the  municipality,  to 
act  in  its  defense  before  the  Emperor.  When  the  clergy 
were  authorized  by  Honorius  to  take  part  in  the  election 
for  this  new  magistracy,  it  fell  under  the  control  of  the 
bishop.* 

But  the  prosperity  of  the  municipal  government  was  more 
apparent  than  real,  for  local   liberty  lacked  the  securities 

*  The  history  of  this  office  and  its  relation  to  the  bishop  are  very 
uncertain. — Eu. 


Chap.   I.]     ROMAN  AND   BARBARIAN    WORLDS.  5 

which  public  liberty  alone  can  give.  The  government, 
whose  greed  equaled  its  infinite  needs,  had  turned  for 
taxes  to  these  municipal  magistrates,  these  proprietors, 
whose  land  could  be  seized,  and  had  ordered  them  not  only 
to  collect  but  also  to  guarantee  the  tax.  This  obligation 
became  more  and  more  burdensome  with  the  waning  pros- 
perity ;  the  curials  could  bear  it  no  longer  and  took  refuge 
in  the  privileged  orders,  the  clergy  and  the  army.  They 
were  arrested  and  brought  back,  as  the  state  could  not 
bring  itself  to  lose  its  taxpayers  and  the  guarantees  of  its 
revenues.  Then  followed  a  struggle  where  the  individual 
was  easily  defeated  by  the  state.  The  curials  were  chained 
down  to  their  service.  That  they  might  be  within  reach, 
they  were  not  allowed  to  live  in  the  country  ;  death  itself 
did  not  deprive  the  state  of  them,  for  their  children  were 
devoted  from  birth  to  the  same  condition.  Exemption 
from  torture  and  from  certain  ignominious  penalties  could 
not  secure  them  from  ruin  and  misery,  which  are  also 
forms  of  torture.  Despair  drove  many  of  these  miserable 
men  to  a  wild  life  in  the  forests,  or  even  over  to  the  bar- 
barians. The  number  of  curials  showed  an  astonishing 
decrease  in  all  the  cities. 

Thus  the  last  trace  of  free  institutions  had  become  an  in- 
strument of  oppression  in  the  hands  of  a  government  which 
exacted  rigorous  payment  of  its  imposts  with- 
imposts.  Q^j.  ^^fjj^g  fQj-  ^i^g  happiness  or  unhappiness 
of  its  subjects — on  whom  these  taxes  fell  with  a  crushing 
weight.  There  was,  first,  the  indiction,  a  land  tax  which 
did  not  affect  the  property  of  the  Imperial  domain,  and  the 
rate  of  which  the  Emperor  determined  each  )-ear  for  each 
diocese  by  an  edict  signed  by  his  own  hand  and  in  purple 
ink,  which  was  posted  up  in  the  principal  cities  of  each 
diocese  in  the  month  of  July.  The  sums  exacted  were 
assessed  according  to  the  property  accredited  to  each  one 
in  the  census,  which  was  made  every  fifteen  years.  This 
period  of  fifteen  years,  established  in  312  by  Constantine,  is 
the  so-called  period  of  the  indiction.  To  make  matters 
worse,  superindictions  were  often  added  to  the  indictions. 

The  other  branches  of  the  public  revenue  were  :  the  capi- 
tation, paid  by  the  country  people  ;  the  follis  senatorius, 
exacted  from  all  the  senators,  the  aurum  coronarium,  paid 
by  the  towns  under  certain  circumstances,  the  chrysargyron 
Qustralis  collatio)  levied  on  industry   and   commerce,  and 


6  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I, 

finally  indirect  taxes,  duties  on  sales  and  revenues  of  toll- 
gates,  mines,  race-courses,  salt-works,  and  imperial  manu- 
facturers. It  was  a  terrible  moment  when  the  swarm  of 
fiscal  agents  spread  over  the  whole  Empire.  To  under- 
stand fully  this  tyrannical  oppression,  we  must  add  to  the 
taxes  the  furnishing  of  the  food  donations,  the  duty  of  har- 
boring soldiers  and  magistrates  in  their  circuits,  and  of  keep- 
ing the  posts  and  public  roads  in  order,  etc.,  etc. 

These  overpowering  burdens  weigned  the  more  heavily 
on  the  poor  and  the  men  of  moderate  means,  from  the  fact 
that  the  Empire  had  created  privileged  orders, 
^°Per*sons.°*^  which  wcrc  nccessarily  made  up,  in  greater 
part,  of  the  rich.  A  hierarchy  of  titles  had 
been  established,  often  blending  with  the  hierarchy  of 
offices,  and  comprising  numerous  degrees  :  the  nobilissitni, 
the  patricii,  the  illustres,  the  spcctabiles,  the  clarhsimi,  per- 
fectissi7fn,  egregii,  equites,  ducenarii,  not  to  mention  the  title 
of  count  and  those  of  magistrates,  acting  or  non-acting 
{ex-consul,  exprefect).  In  this  way  the  Empire  had  tried  to 
make  a  nobility,  but  even  these  titles,  distributed  at  the 
caprice  of  despotism,  were  but  masks  of  servitude. 

The  second  class  consisted  of  the  curials,  whose  wretched 
condition  we  have  already  described. 

The  third  class — that  of  common  free  tnen — included 
those  who  owned  less  than  fifteen  acres,  and  the  merchants 
and  artisans.  Free  labor  was  theirs  by  right,  but  free  labor 
was  already  becoming  a  thing  of  the  past.  It  had  hardly 
existed  in  antiquity — the  slaves  were  almost  the  only 
men  who  worked.  Different  circumstances  had  assisted  to 
develop  it  for  a  time,  and  then  new  changes  had  brought 
back  almost  hopeless  conditions.  The  artisans  had  formed 
themselves  into  corporations — especially  since  the  time  of 
Alexander  Severus,  in  order  to  sustain  each  other,  and  to 
be  able  better  to  bear  the  chrysargyron  and  the  competition 
of  the  imperial  manufacturers  ;  but  the  Empire  soon  treated 
them  as  it  had  the  curials.  Alarmed  by  the  decrease  in 
production,  it  thought  to  obviate  it  by  forbidding  the  mem- 
bers of  corporations  to  leave  them,  and  by  obhging  them  to 
make  their  children  members  of  the  same.  After  that  the 
corporations  were  no  longer  a  benefit,  but  a  servitude,  very 
hurtful  to  industry.  In  the  country,  the  lower  classes  of 
free  men  were  no  longer  happy.  They  were  despoiled  of 
their  little  property  by  the  violence  or  cunning  of  the  great 


Chap.  I.]        ROMAN  AND  BARBARIAN  WORLDS.  7 

land-o\vnci"s,  or  by  barbarian  invasions,  and  were  reduced 
to  the  necessity  of  becoming  coloni  of  the  rich — a  service 
which  held  them  down  to  a  Hmited  piece  of  land,  and  de- 
prived them,  if  not  of  the  title,  at  least  of  most  of  the  rights 
of  a  free  man.  By  this  subjection  and  this  "immobilizing," 
so  to  speak,  the  moral  life  of  the  free  man  was  destroyed. 

The  last  class — that  of  the  slaves,  had  gained  a  great 
deal,  it  is  true.  Stoic  philosophy,  and,  after  that,  Chris- 
tianity, had  spread  abroad  new  ideas  on  slavery,  and  had 
profoundly  modified  the  spirit  of  the  law  in  regard  to  the 
slave.  He  was  at  last  regarded  as  a  man  ;  he  was  allowed 
to  dispose  of  his  peculium  more  freely  ;  his  murderer  was 
treated  as  a  homicide  ;  he  also  was  "  immobilized,"  and  that 
which  was  a  loss  to  the  free  man  was  an  advantage  to  the 
slave,  who,  engaged  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  could  not 
be  sold  to  a  distance  or  separated  from  his  family. 

Thus  by  lowering  the  free  men  and  raising  the  slaves,  the 
two  classes  were  brought  into  an  almost  common  condition. 
This  may  be  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  serfdom,  and  it 
was  the  general  condition  of  the  country  people  during  the 
Middle  Ages. 

There  was  some  good  in  this,  but,  also,  much  that  was 
bad.  The  free  man  no  longer  had  the  heart  to  work  or  to 
fight.  Laborers  were  lacking  everywhere.  The  popula- 
tion diminished,  and  as  life  became  more  and  more  miser- 
able, the  idea  of  maintaining  a  family  was  given  up.  The 
government  had  recourse  to  the  barbarians,  and  many  of 
the  emperors  established  colonies  of  them  in  the  depopu- 
lated provinces,  in  this  way  making  an  opening  for  inva- 
sion. 

It  was  much  the  same  with  the  army.  As  the  Empire 
had  introduced  there,  also,  the  system  of  servitude,  and  of 
The  Arm  privilege,  which    prevailed    everywhere   else, 

no  man  who  was  worth  anything  cared  to 
enlist  in  its  ranks.  We  have  seen  that  some,  like  the 
curials,  were  not  allowed  to  do  so.  Therefore  the  army 
was  recruited  partly  from  among  the  masses  of  men  with- 
out occupation,  without  money,  and  without  work,  and 
partly  from  the  barbarians,  who  joined  the  legions  in 
crowds.  Probus  had  said  that  they  ought  to  be  felt  but 
not  seen.  They  were  both  felt  and  seen,  and  that  very 
quickly.  The  40,000  Goths  of  Theodosius  were  less  his  ser- 
vants than  his  masters  :  the  Frank  Arbogast  had  already 


8  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

made  an  Emperor  ;  a  barbarous  mercenary,  Odovakar 
(Odoacer),  was  soon  to  put  an  end  to  the  Empire  itself. 

Degraded  by  the  branding  of  their  bodies,  and  discour- 
aged by  the  unseasonable  distribution  of  rewards  and  favors 
lavished  on  the  idle  guards  of  the  prince,  the  palati?is,  the 
cotiiitatciises,  and  withheld  from  the  soldiers  of  the  frontiers, 
the  Roman  legions  had  no  longer  anything  to  excite  them 
to  the  defense  of  their  country.  They  were  even  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  disarmed  ;  they  had  been  allowed  to  give  up 
the  shield,  the  pihim,  and  the  short  sword,  the  powerful 
arms  of  ancient  Rome,  and  to  take  the  bow  and  the  light 
shield,  at  the  same  time  that  their  effective  strength  was 
reduced  to  1500,  one-fourth  of  the  former  number.*  Thus 
the  Empire  was  tottering  to  its  fall,  in  spite  of  its  hundred 
and  thirty-three  legions,  its  arsenals,  its  storehouses,  and 
its  girdle  of  fortifications  along  the  Rhine,  the  Main,  the 
Danube,  the  Euphrates,  and  the  Arabian  desert. 

The    moral   and    intellectual   condition   of   this   ancient 

society  had  fallen  very  low.     No  doubt  it  was  well  to  see 

everything  raised  that  before  had  been  de- 

Moral  and  In-  i      i       P  i       i  -i  i  , 

teiiectuai  Con-  graded,  slavcs,  women  and  children  ;  but,  on 
'^"^'°"-  the   other    hand,   all    that   before    had    been 

strong  and  brave  was  now  brought  low.  There  could  no 
longer  be  courage  and  genius  where  there  was  no  longer 
liberty.  As  there  was  a  lack  of  soldiers,  there  was  also  a 
lack  of  writers  and  artists.  In  vain  were  the  schools  regu- 
lated and  improved.  In  vain  did  Valentinian  determine 
the  number  of  professors,  their  appointments  and  their 
duties,  and  place  the  scholars  under  strict  inspection  ;  dis- 
cipline can  regulate  but  not  produce  ;  impulse  may  be 
directed  but  not  forced.  Instead  of  men  of  letters,  there 
were  sophists  and  rhetoricians  like  Libanius,  and  poets  like 
Claudian,  and  the  latter  were  by  far  the  best — they  have 
harmony  and  some  exalted  ideas  ;  but  all  the  others,  and 
with  them  those  rich  Romans  who  cultivated  polite  letters 
for  a  pastime,  came  to  writing  trifling  verses — epithalamia — 
the  weak  literature  of  a  degenerate  age  ;  artists  were  no 
longer  seen,  and  for  the  decoration  of  Constantinople  Con- 
stantine  was  obliged  to  pillage  the  cities  of  the  Empire  that 
were  rich  in  monuments  of  antiquity.     Literature  and  art, 

*  Theoretically  the  number  in  the  legion  reniained  6000.  Gibbon's 
statement  in  chap.  xvii.  is  incorrect. — Ed, 


Chap.  I.]   '     ROMAN  AND  BARBARIAN  WORLDS.  9 

in  fact,  were  closely  allied  in  antiquity  to  paganism,  and 
they  had  not  yet  been  freed  from  their  dependence.  And 
paganism,  a  worn-out  creed,  destroyed  by  philosophy 
and  by  Christianity,  driven  from  the  throne,  and  aban- 
doned by  almost  all  except  the  country  people,  who  are 
longer  bound  by  custom,  paganism  no  longer  inspired 
faith  and  would  never  again  be  the  source  of  any  great 
work. 

But  if  the  old  religion  was  perishing,  and  the  old  order  of 
things  growing  cold  in  death,  a  new  religion  and  a  new  so- 
ciety were  coming  into  being ;  guardians  of 
"^^'^church!^"  that  life  which  is  never  entirely  extinguished 
in  human  communities. 

Christianity  had  developed  and  established  itself,  in  spite 
of  persecutions.  The  beauty  of  its  ethical  precepts  and 
the  courage  of  its  apostles  had  won  for  it  numberless  vic- 
tories. It  had  at  last  ascended  the  throne  with  Constantine, 
and  this  Emperor  loaded  the  Church  with  privileges.  He 
authorized  the  bishops,  her  chiefs,  to  constitute  themselves 
arbiters  in  civil  matters,  with  the  consent  of  the  two  parties; 
he  exempted  the  churches  from  municipal  taxes,  he  yielded 
to  them  portions  of  the  imperial  domain,  and  allowed  them 
to  receive  special  legacies,  so  that  the  Church  added  the  influ- 
ence of  wealth  to  that  which  had  already  been  given  her  by 
her  young  and  ardent  faith,  her  spirit  of  proselytism,  and 
the  genius  of  her  chiefs.  Even  heresy — which  under  sev- 
eral forms  had  already  shown  itself  in  the  midst  of  the 
Church — had  been  but  nourishment  to  her  strength,  a  whole- 
some combat  which  kept  her  energies  alive.  While  the 
literature  derived  from  paganism  hardly  drew  the  breath  of 
life,  that  which  sprang  from  Christianity  was  impassioned, 
active,  practical ;  it  came  from  the  soul  and  had  to  do  with 
facts.  It  is  only  necessary  to  call  to  mind  Tertullian,  St. 
Anastasius,  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Augustine,  St.  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus,  Lactantius,  Salvian,  and  many  others.  The 
numerous  councils  held  in  the  fourth  century  show  the  ac- 
tivity of  the  Church,  the  communication  which  she  estab- 
lished between  the  provinces  of  the  Empire,  and  the  part 
which  all  her  members  took  in  her  affairs.  To  necessity, 
the  best  source  of  all  that  is  to  endure,  is  due  the  hierarchi- 
cal organization,  which  raised  the  bishops  above  the  pres- 
byters and  the  metropolitans  above  the  bishops,  and  in  vir- 
tue of  which  the  See  of  Rome  demanded  a  supremacy  due 


10  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

.to  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Roman  world,  and  to  him 
who  was  called  the  heir  of  St.  Peter. 

It  was  in  the  new  society,  or,  more  property  speaking, 
the  religious  society,  the  Church,  that  life  and  hope  and  a 
future  were  to  be  found.  Unmoved,  she  saw  everything 
about  her  falling  to  pieces,  even  the  imperial  structure  in 
which  she  had  sought  temporary  shelter  ;  she  survived  its 
destruction  ;  she  was  not  in  the  least  unsettled  by  the  shock, 
nor  was  she  even  distressed  by  it,  being  neither  exclusive 
nor  patriotic  ;  she  had  no  love  for  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
was  little  interested  in  its  safety  or  its  ruin.  It  was  the 
saving  of  souls  that  occupied  her  thoughts,  and  her  ambi- 
tion was  to  lead  into  her  own  paths  the  people  encamped 
about  the  Empire.  She  did  not  hate  the  barbarians — she 
loved  them  as  her  conquest  and  her  future  flock  ;  as  children 
who  would  receive  her  words  with  greater  submissiveness. 
She  was  already  attracting  them  ;  she  went  to  meet  them 
and  converted  them.  The  Goths  of  Dacia  had  an  Arian 
bishop,  Ulfilas,  who  had  translated  the  Bible  into  their  dia- 
lect, and  the  Burgundians  were  in  like  manner  converted. 

The  barbarians  might  come,  might  overturn  the  worm- 
eaten  barriers,  and  grind  to  powder  all  the  structure  of  the 
Empire — the  only  institution  that  had  life,  the  Church,  pre- 
sented no  obstacles,  but  rose  alone,  in  the  midst  of  ruins, 
young  and  strong. 

When  Rome  called  herself  the  Mistress  of  the  World,  she 

knew  well  enough  that  it  was  an  exaggeration,  and  that  her 

bounds  were    not   those   of   the   earth    also. 

Cruel  experience  had  taught  her  that  she  had 

not  one  frontier  that  was  not  threatened  by  tribes  hidden  in 

the  depths  of  the  north,  the  south,  or  the  west. 

To  the  north  lay  three  great  peoples,  arranged  in  the  fol- 
lowing order  :  the  Germans,  the  Slavs,  and  the  Asiatic 
nations.  To  the  east  dwelt  the  Persians,  who  had  often 
made  war  on  the  Romans,  and  were  long  to  continue  to  do 
it,  for  the  sake  of  certain  frontier  towns — but  who  had  no 
thought  of  invasion,  not  caring  to  change  their  abode. 
To  the  south  the  Arabs,  who  had  not  as  yet  inspired  fear, 
wandered  over  the  deserts  of  their  great  peninsula  ;  and  in 
the  African  deserts  dwelt  the  Moorish  tribes,  who  were 
numerous  enough  to  alarm  the  Roman  officers  and  to  aid 
in  the  dissolution  of  the  Empire,  but  not  numerous  enough 
to  make  an  invasion  themselves. 


Chap.  I.]     /voirtAN  AND  BARBARIAN   WORLDS.  II 

At  the  death  of  Theodosius  (395),  serious  danger  threat- 
ened only  from  the  north.     Pushed  on  by  the  Slavs,  who 
The  Germanic   Were   thcmselves   pushed   by  Asiatic  hordes 
peoples— cus-   from  the  banks  of  the  Volsra,  the   Germans 

toms,   govern-  iini  ,i         ti  r  ■  mi 

ment,  and  reiig-  crowded  all  along  the  Roman  frontier.  The 
*°°-  Suevi,  the  Alemanni,  and  the  Bavarians  occu- 

pied the  southern  country,  between  the  Main  and  the 
Lake  of  Constance.  The  Marcomanni,  Quadi,  Hermunduri, 
Heruli,  and  the  Goths,  at  the  extremity  of  the  Germanic 
zone,  reached  to  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  To  the  west, 
along  the  lower  Rhine,  lay  the  confederation  of  the  Franks 
(Salians,  Ripuarians,  Sigambri,  Bructeri,  Chatti,  Chamavi, 
etc.),  who  had  united  to  resist  the  Romans  in  the  middle  of 
the  third  century.  To  the  north  dwelt  the  Frisians  between 
the  Lake  Flevo  and  the  mouth  of  the  Ems  ;  farther  to  the 
east  were  the  Vandals,  the  Burgundians,  the  Rugians,  the 
Longobards  or  Lombards,  and,  between  the  Elbe  and  the 
Eider,  the  Angles  and  the  Saxons  ;  finally,  back  of  all  these 
peoples,  the  Jutes,  Danes,  and  Scandinavians,  who  inhabited 
Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  who,  in  the  ninth  century,  made 
the  second  invasion.  The  customs,  government,  and  char- 
acter of  these  nations  formed  such  a  contrast  to  those  of  the 
Roman  world  that  the  thought  of  it  is  said  to  have  inspired 
Tacitus's  book  on  Germany.  Discipline  and  slavery,  the 
principles  of  government  in  the  Empire,  were  held  in  horror 
among  the  Germans.  Love  of  individual  independence  and 
voluntary  devotion  were  the  basis  of  their  character  ;  war — 
not  disciplined  and  scientific  as  among  the  Romans,  but 
adventurous,  carried  on  afar  from  home — for  glory  and 
booty,  was  their  greatest  delight.  As  soon  as  a  young  man 
had  been  presented  before  the  public  assembly,  and  had 
received  from  the  hands  of  his  father  or  of  some  famous 
chief  his  shield  and  javelin,  he  was  a  soldier  and  a  citizen  ; 
he  attached  himself  immediately  to  some  chief  of  great 
renown  whom  he  followed  in  peace  and  in  war,  with  other 
warriors  recruited  in  the  same  way.  They  formed  the 
comitatus  or  gefolge  of  the  chief,  and  were  always  ready  to 
sacrifice  their  lives  for  his,  always  bound  to  him  through 
every  danger,  but  bound  by  an  obligation  entirely  volun- 
tary, by  bonds  of  honor  alone. 

It  was  impossible  to  establish  the  despotism  of  a  single 
man  over  such  people,  so  the  government  of  the  Germans 
consisted  of  an  assembly   {inall)  in   which   all  took  part,  a 


12  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

sacred  institution  founded,  they  said,  by  tlie  Gods  them- 
selves. It  was  held  in  sacred  places  and  on  sacred  days, 
at  the  new  and  at  the  full  moon  under  the  open  sky,  on 
heights  or  in  groves*  There  the  warriors  gathered  with 
their  arms,  the  symbol  of  military  sovereignty.  The  clash- 
ing of  shields  indicated  the  applause  of  the  assembly — a 
loud  murmur,  their  disapprobation.  The  same  assemblies 
exercised  judicial  power,  sometimes  by  a  gathering  of  all 
the  free  men,  sometimes  by  a  delegation  {rachimbiirgt). 

Each  canton  or  hundred  had  its  magistrate,  and  usually 
the  whole  nation  a  king,  chosen  from  among  the  members 
of  one  family,  which  had  the  hereditary  possession  of  this 
title.  The  warriors  themselves  chose  whom  they  would  fol- 
low in  battle — what  herzog,  as  he  was  called.*  Thence 
the  saying  of  Tacitus  :  Jieges  ex  nobilitate^  duces  ex  virtute 
sumunt. 

The  Olympus  of  these  people  corresponded  to  their  spirit 
of  pride  and  heroism,  bloodthirsty  passion  and  love  of 
glory,  but  at  times  a  certain  charm  mingled  with  their  terri- 
ble fancies.  Besides  Woden,  who  gives  victory  and  who 
comes  down  every  night  from  his  heavenly  palace,  whose 
windows  open  toward  the  east,  to  ride  through  the  air 
with  the  dead  warriors  ;  besides  Donar,  the  Hercules  of  the 
Germans,  to  whom  lightning-struck  trees  are  dedicated  ; 
besides  the  wild  joys  of  Walhalla,  a  strange  paradise,  where 
the  warriors  fight  and  drink  without  ceasing — appear  the 
gracious  goddesses,  who  carry  everywhere  peace  and  the 
arts  :  Freya,  the  Venus  of  the  North,  who  had  the  magic 
necklace,  and  Holda,  beautiful  and  chaste  like  Diana,  who 
flies  through  the  air  on  wintry  nights  clothed  all  in  white, 
and  scattering  snow  upon  her  path.  In  this  mythology 
we  find  again  the  worship  of  the  stars  ;  Hertha,  the  earth, 
is  the  first  goddess  of  the  Germans  ;  they  also  worshiped 
Sunna,  the  sun,  and  her  brother  Mani,  the  moon,  who  is 
pursued  by  two  wolves.  These  are  not  the  fancies  of 
Greece,  but  they,  too,  are  poetry,  and  sometimes  sublime 
poetry.  The  Song  of  the  Niebelungen  preserves  the  last 
reflection  of  their  glory.f 


*  In  the  states  where  there  were  kings  they  were  regularly  the  com- 
manders.— Ed. 

f  This  poem,  which  tells  of  the  struggle  of  the  Burgundians  against 
Attila,  where  the  traditions  and  the  great  names  dear  to  the  memory  of 


Chap.  I.J        ROMAN  AND  BARBARIAN  WORLDS.  13 

The  bards  were  held  in  great  honor  among  them. 
"  Everything  dies,"  said  the  Germans  ;  "  one  thing  alone 
does  not  die,  the  memory  of  the  famous  dead."  Such  a 
thought  made  death  easy  ;  and  how  they  defied  it !  how 
rashly  and  fearlessly  did  they  brave  the  terrors  of  the  deep  ! 
Who  does  not  know  the  story  of  those  Franks  whom  Pro- 
bus  had  transported  to  the  shores  of  the  Euxine  Sea,  and 
who  one  day  having  seized  several  boats  embarked,  and 
sailed  over  the  whole  Mediterranean,  pillaging  as  they  went 
the  shores  of  Greece,  of  Italy,  and  of  Africa,  and  who  re- 
turned by  way  of  the  ocean,  after  defying  the  tempests  and 
the  Roman  Empire.  It  was  their  boast  to  laugh  in  the  face 
of  death. 

The  Germans  paid  little  attention  to  the  cultivation  of 
land  ;  they  had  no  property  in  their  own  right,  and  every 
year  the  magistrates  distributed  to  each  village,  and  to  each 
family,  the  lot  it  was  to  cultivate,*  in  order,  as  Caesar  said, 
not  to  divert  the  men  from  their  taste  for  fighting,  and  to 
maintain  an  equality  of  fortune.  For  this  reason  their 
civilization  made  little  progress.  They  had  no  towns 
either,  a  result  perhaps  of  this  same  arrangement,  but 
scattered  huts  of  earth  separated  from  each  other,  each 
one  surrounded  by  the  field  which  the  owner  cultivated. 
Their  closely  fitting  dress  formed  another  contrast  to  the 
full  robes  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 

Purity  of  life  was  general  among  the  Germans,  polygamy 
was  only  allowed  to  kings  and  great  men.  But  sobriety 
was  not  one  of  their  virtues  ;  they  drank  a  great  deal  at 
their  Homeric  feasts  ;  their  cup  of  honor  was  the  skull  of 
a  vanquished  enemy,  and  often  the  feast  ended  in  blood- 
shed and  the  death  of  some  one  of  the  guests.  They  also 
had  a  passion  for  gambling,  and  staked  everything,  even 
their  own  persons.  Whoever  lost  himself  at  play  became 
the  slave  of  the  winner  ;  it  was  a  debt  of  honor,  and  he 
would  not  think  of  breaking  his  word.  Barbarians  have 
their  vices,  as  well  as  civilized  races,  but  they  are  perhaps 


the  Germans  of  the  middle  ages  are  brought  together,  was  arranged  in  its 
present  form  in  the  thirteenth  century,  but  its  origin  is  of  a  much  earlier 
date. 

*  This  is  at  most  true  of  the  Germans  only  in  the  earliest  times,  and  in 
general  it  must  remembered  that  in  all  discussions  of  their  civilization 
tribal  differences  and  differences  of  date  are  vitally  important  points. — Ed. 


14  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  L 

preferable  because  they  spring  from  a  coarseness  that  can 
be  refined,  and  not  from  corruption  and  moral  exhaustion, 
for  which  there  is  no  remedy. 

Such  were  the  habits  of  the  great  Germanic  race  that 
was  about  to  invade,  and  for  some  time  to  occupy,  the  best 
part  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Behind  them 
^^^  Hurfs  ^"'^  were  two  other  barbarous  nations,  pushing 
them  on,  differing  much  more  from  the 
Roman  world  than  did  the  Germans.  These  were  the 
Slavonians  and  the  Huns. 

The  Slavonians,  who  are  to-day  a  race  of  one  hundred 
millions  of  men  in  the  family  of  European  nations,  were 
then  scattered  under  the  name  of  Venedi  and  Slovenes,  near 
the  Danube,  the  Borysthenes,  and  the  Black  Sea,  at  the 
source  of  the  Volga  and  the  Niemen,  and  along  the  Baltic 
as  far  as  the  Elbe,  where  they  may  have  mingled  with 
some  of  the  Germanic  tribes.  Elsewhere  they  did  not 
appear  till  later,  and  then  divided  into  three  branches,* — 
the  southern  Slavs  (Bosnians,  Serbs,  Croats,  modern 
Dalmatians),  between  the  Danube  and  the  Adriatic  Sea; 
the  western  Slavonians  (Lekhs  or  Poles,  Czechs  or  Bo- 
hemians, Moravians,  Pomeranians,  etc.),  between  the  Elbe 
and  the  Vistula,  the  Baltic  and  the  Carpathian  moun- 
tains ;  the  northern  or  settled  Slavonians,  who  joined  with 
the  Finns  or  Tchoudes  of  the  eastern  Baltic,  formed  the 
primitive  Russian  nation — among  whom  are  included  the 
Livonians,  the  Esthonians,  the  Lithuanians  and  the  Prus- 
sians. 

The  Huns  (Hiong-Nu),  who  belong  to  the  Tartar-Finnish 
race,  were  objects  of  fear  and  horror  to  all  the  western 
peoples,  whether  Germans  or  Romans  ;  their  wandering 
life  spent  in  huge  chariots  or  in  the  saddle,  their  bony  faces 
pierced  by  little  eyes,  their  broad  and  flat  noses,  their  great 
flaring  ears,  their  brown  and  tattooed  skin — were  all  pecu- 
liarities of  manners  and  appearance  entirely  foreign  to 
Europe.  Ammianus  Marcellinus  called  them  "  two-legged 
beasts,"  and  compared  them  to  those  grotesque  figures 
which  adorn  the  parapets  of  bridges.  The  Germans  ac- 
cused them  of  being  the  offspring  of  infernal  spirits  and 
Scythian  sorceresses,  from   the    boundless   steppes   which 

*  Consult  the  classification  given  in  vol.  xxii.  of  the  Encyc.  Brit., 
article  Slav. — Ed. 


Chap.  I.]        ROMAN  AND  BARBARIAN  WORLDS.  IS 

stretched  far  away  into  the   North   and  East,  an   unknown 
and  dreaded  region  well  fitted  to  harbor  such  beings. 

This  Tartar-Finnish  family  sent  representatives  many 
times  into  Europe,  after  the  Huns — the  Avars  in  the  sixth 
century,  the  Bulgarians  and  Khajars  in  the  seventh,  the 
Madgyars  or  Hungarians  in  the  ninth,  the  Mongols  or  Tar- 
tars in  the  thirteenth,  and  the  Turks  in  the  fourteenth. 
These  last  ended  the  invasions. 


CHAPTER  II.* 

FIRST  PERIOD   OF    INVASION   (375-476).      ALARIC,  RADA 
GAISUS,  GAISERIC.  AND  ATTILA. 


First  Movement  of  the  Barbarians  Before  the  Death  of  Theodosius. — 
Division  of  the  Empire  at  the  Death  of  Theodosius  (395). — Alaric 
and  the  Visigoths  (395-419);  the  Great  Invasion  of  406. — Founding 
of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Burgundians  (413),  of  the  Visigoths,  and  of 
the  Suevi  (419). — Conquest  of  Africa  by  the  Vandals  (431). — In- 
vasion of  Attila  (451-453). — Taking  of  Rome  by  Gaiseric  (455). — 
End  of  the  Empire  of  the  West  (476), 


In  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  there  came  from  the  depth 
of  the  Steppes  which  extend  to  the  borders  of  Europe  and 
Asia,  an  impulse  which  shook  the  whole  bar- 
ofthl^Bl^blHlns.  barian  world,  and  caused  that  great  rising  of 
peoples  which  overturned  the  Empire  of  the 
West.  The  Huns,  who  had  been  settled  since  the  third  century 
B.  C.  in  the  great  plains  of  Central  Asia,  beyond  the  Caspian 
Sea,  had  advanced  little  by  little  toward  the  West.  In 
consequence  of  internal  discord  the  nation  divided  itself 
into  two  parts,  and  one  part  founded  on  the  Oxus  the 
nation  of  the  White  Huns,  or  Ephthalites,  which  proved  so 
formidable  to  Persia,  while  the  other,  attracted  by  the  re- 
port of  the  wealth  of  Rome,  which  had  penetrated  even  to 
their  deserts,  pressed  on  toward  Europe  and  crossed  the 
Volga.  They  carried  along  with  them  the  Alani,  who 
were  established  between  the  Black  and  Caspian  seas,  crossed 
the  Don,  and  threw  themselves  upon  the  great  Gothic 
Empire  in  which  Hermanric  had  united  the  three  branches 

*  Of  the  recent  studies  of  the  period  covered  by  this  chapter,  Hodgkin's 
Italy  and  her  Invaders  (4  vols.)  is  the  best  detailed  account  in 
English.  Bury's  History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire  (2  vols.),  is 
more  condensed,  and  in  the  main  follows  closely  Hodgkin  and  the  re- 
cent German  authorities.  The  best  single  volume  account  in  English  is 
Emerton's  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages,  which  covers  the  whole 
period  to  the  end  of  Charlemagne's  reign. — Ed. 

16 


Chap.  II.]         FIRST  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  17 

of  his  nation — the  Ostrogoths  or  Eastern  Goths,  on  the 
east  of  the  Dnieper,  the  Visigoths  or  Western  Goths,  to  the 
west  of  it,  and  the  Gepidae  or  "  Loiterers,"  toward  the  Bal- 
tic, who  had  been  left  behind  by  the  other  two  tribes. 

The  Gothic  Empire  fell  :  the  Ostrogoths  submitted,  but 
the  Visigoths  retreated  to  the  shores  of  the  Danube  and 
begged  the  Emperor  Valens  for  an  asylum  on  the  lands  of 
Empire.  They  were  received  into  the  Empire  (376),  but 
finding  themselves  ill-used  by  the  Roman  officers,  they  re- 
paid the  hospitality  they  had  received  with  revolt,  and 
marched  against  Valens,  whom  they  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Adrianople  (378).  Theodosius  stopped  their  progress,  and 
by  means  of  skillful  treaties  incorporated  some  of  them  into 
his  army,  and  scattered  the  others  in  Thrace,  Moesia,  and 
Asia  Minor.  Those  who  settled  in  Thrace  remained  loyal 
and  defended  the  frontier  agamst  the  Huns. 

The  Empire  had  apparently  admitted  the  Goths  to  its 
territory  as  a  favor,  but  the  truth  is  that  it  dared  not  refuse 
such  formidable  suppliants.  Formerly  it  had  formed  the 
barbarians  into  colonies  after  subduing  them  ;  now  it  re- 
ceived them  seemingly  through  generosity,  in  reality  through 
fear,  and  as  the  boldness  of  the  barbarians  and  the  feeble- 
ness of  the  Empire  increased,  they  broke  through  the  bar- 
riers by  force  and. became  masters  of  the  Roman  soil. 

The  invasion  had  reached  this  point  when  the  Empire  of 
Theodosius  passed  to  his  two  sons,  and  was  divided  be- 
tween them  never  to  be  united  (395).  The 
Emp^re°at°'^the  boundary  in  Europe  was  the  Drinus,  tribu- 
Death  of  Theo-  tary  of  the  Save,  and  the  Adriatic  and  Ionian 

doSlUS  (395).  .  I.   r    •  .1  ir.i  .  r^         .  • 

seas  ;  m  Africa  the  end  of  the  greater  Syrtis. 
Honorius  had  the  west ;  Arcadius  the  east.  The  Empire 
of  the  East  lasted  1058  years  after  this  separation  ;  that  of 
the  West,  only  81  years.  During  these  81  years,  though 
entirely  independent  of  one  another,  the  two  empires  con- 
tinually combined  their  forces  for  their  common  defense. 

The  Empire  of  the  East  was  saved  by  the  double  barrier 
of  the  Danube  and  the  Balkan  Mountains,  by  the  general 
direction  of  the  barbarian  invasion,  which  was  at  first  turned 
rather  against  the  west  than  the  south,  and  perhaps,  also,  by 
its  greater  vigor,  being  the  younger  of  the  two  empires,  and 
by  the  greater  pains  taken  to  defend  Constantinople,  which 
had  become  the  real  and  living  capital  of  the  Roman  world, 
while  Rome  was  but  the  shadow  of  one.     The  Empire  of 


1 8  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

the  West,  on  the  other  hand,  was  the  object  of  all  the  great 
attacks,  and  in  one  half-century  endured  four  terrible  as- 
saults :  that  of  Alaric,  with  the  Visigoths  ;  Radagaisus,  with 
the  Suevi,  the  Vandals  and  the  Alans  ;*  Gaiseric  with  the 
Vandals,  and  Attila  with  the  Huns.  To  be  able  to  resist 
successfully  such  blows,  falling  in  such  quick  succession, 
the  Empire  of  the  West  would  have  needed  far  more  power 
than  it  could  command. 

The  Visigoths  having  chosen  for  their  leader  Alaric,  chief 

of  their  most  illustrious  family,  that  of  the  Balthi,  revolted 

again  at  the  instigation  of  the  Goth  Rufinus,f 

Vi^igoths^la^^-   a  perfidious    minister  of  Arcadius,  who  had 

419).   The  Great   neglected  to  pay  them  the  bounty  which  the 

Invasion  of  406.  ^        c     r^  t      ,.■  1  11  ^     ..u 

court  of  Constantmople  allowed  them  an- 
nually (395).  They  ravaged  Thrace  and  Macedonia,  and 
passing  Thermopylae  without  encountering  a  Leonidas  ; 
they  spared  Athens,  but  devastated  Attica  and  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. The  Empire  had,  however,  a  protector  in  the  Van- 
dal Stilicho,  to  whose  genius  Theodosius  had  confided  his 
two  sons  at  his  death.  Stilicho  hastened  against  the  Visi- 
goths and  surrounded  them  on  Mount  Pholoe,  in  Arcadia, 
but  either  through  neglect  or  policy  he  let  them  escape  by 
the  strait  of  Naupactus,  and  to  prevent  new  ravages,  Arca- 
dius had  no  recourse  but  to  appoint  Alaric  chief  of  the  sol- 
diery in  Illyricum. 

This  peaceful  honor  could  not  satisfy  a  barbarian  chief. 
Raised  on  the  shields  of  his  compatriots,  that  is,  made  their 
king,|  Alaric  led  them  to  the  conquest  of  Italy,  and  proba- 
bly at  Asti,  besieged  the  Emperor,  who  had  fled  there  from 
his  capital  at  Milan.  Fortunately  Stilicho  hastened  thither 
from  Rhaetia,  which  he  had  saved  from  an  invasion  of  bar- 
barians, rescued  Honorius,  and  defeated  the  Visigoths  at 
Pollentia  (Polenga  on  the  Tanaro,  402).  It  was  said  that 
Alaric  again  received  honors  after  his  defeat  in  Italy,  as 
after  his  defeat  in  Greece.  Honorius  appointed  him  gen- 
eral, and  gave  him  the  secret  mission  of  conquering  Illyri- 


*  See  p.  19,  note. 

f  That  this  revolt  was  instigated' by  Rufinus  is  extremely  doubtful. 
It  was  probably  an  independent  national  movement  which  was  sooner  or 
later  inevitable. — Ed. 

X  This  probably  occurred  in  395.  Both  chronology  and  the  details  of 
events  throughout  the  whole  period  are  very  uncertain. — Ed. 


Chap.  II.]  FIRST  PERIOD    OF  INVASION.  19 

cum  for  the  Empire  of  the  West.  After  this  treachery  and 
meanness,  the  Emperor  celebrated  his  victory  in  Rome, 
where  the  bloody  games  of  the  circus  were  held  for  the  last 
time.  He  then  retired  to  Ravenna,  beyond  the  marshes  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Po,  as  he  scorned  Rome  and  did  not  dare 
to  live  longer  at  Milan,  where  Alaric  had  so  nearly  taken 
him  by  surprise. 

The  Roman  Empire  did  not  have  a  long  respite,  for  the 
Suevi,  leaving  the  shores  of  the  Baltic  under  the  leadership 
of  Radagaisus,*  turned  toward  the  South,  carrying  with 
them  the  peoples  they  encountered,  the  Burgundians,  the 
Alans  and  the  Vandals.  These  tribes  joined  them  in  the 
devastation  of  the  Empire  all  the  more  readily,  as  they  saw 
gathering  behind  them  the  threatening  hordes  of  the  Huns. 
Two  hundred  thousand  of  them,  leaving  the  main  body  of 
their  companions  on  the  shores  of  the  Rhine,  crossed  the 
Alps  and,  descending  into  Italy,  penetrated  as  far  as  Flor- 
ence. Stilicho  again  saved  Rome  and  the  Empire,  by  sur- 
rounding the  barbarians  on  the  rocks  of  Fiesole,  where  they 
all  perished  of  hunger,  or  were  sold  as  slaves.  Radagaisus 
himself  was  put  to  death.  The  barbarians  who  had  re- 
mained in  Germany  were  terrified  by  the  news  of  this  dis- 
aster, and,  changing  their  course,  attacked  Gaul.  They 
crossed  the  Rhine  (406),  in  spite  of  the  resistance  of  the 
Ripuarian  Franks,  to  whom  the  defense  of  the  river  had 
been  confided  by  Rome.  From  this  time  for  two  years 
Gaul  was  a  prey  to  frightful  ravages,  which  did  not  cease 
till  the  Suevi,  the  Alans,  and  the  Vandals  turned  to  seek 
south  of  the  Pyrenees  the  booty  which  had  begun  to  fail 
them  in  the  north. 

Alaric  had  stopped  on  his  retreat  at  the  head  of  the 
Adriatic.  His  position,  lying  as  it  were  between  the  two 
empires,  allowed  him  to  throw  himself  on  the  one  or  the 
other  as  the  opportunity  offered.  He  was  again  attracted 
toward  the  Western  Empire.  Though  Stilicho  had  defeated 
the  Goths,  he  had  not  ceased  to  maintain  friendly  relations 
with  their  chief,  and  also  kept  a  body  of  30,000  barbarians 
in  Italy,  in  the  pay  of  the  Empire,  either  because  he  admired 


*  Except  the  main  events  this  paragraph  is  wholly  conjectural.  The 
composition  of  the  army  of  Radagaisus  is  entirely  unknown.  Most  likely 
Goths  formed  the  main  body.  The  invasion  probably  began  at  the  end 
of  404. — Ed. 


20  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

their  valor  or  because  he  really  wished  to  rely  on  their 
assistance  to  make  his  son  emperor.  Honorius,  alarmed  at 
this,  had  him  assassinated  (408),  and  abandoned  all  the  bar- 
barian auxiliaries  in  Italy  to  death.  The  latter  took  refuge 
with  Alaric,  and  he  returned  with  them  to  avenge  their 
wrongs  (408). 

This  is  the  most  famous  invasion  of  the  King  of  the 
Goths.  He  crossed  the  Alps,  passed  over  the  Po  and  the 
Apennines,  and  appeared  under  the  walls  of  the  Eternal 
City.  Deputies  came  to  his  camp  with  words  of  peace. 
They  represented  to  him  the  size  of  the  city  and  the  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants.  "  The  thicker  the  grass,  the  better 
the  mowing,"  said  he.  Nevertheless  he  consented  to  a 
treaty  which  ransomed  the  ancient  capital  of  the  world  on 
the  payment  of  5000  pounds  of  gold  and  30,000  pounds  of 
silver,  and  went  into  winter  quarters  in  Tuscany.  He  soon 
perceived  that  he  was  being  trifled  with,  and  returned  to 
Rome  in  great  rage,  receiving  into  his  ranks  the  fugitive 
slaves  who  rushed  to  him  from  every  side.  The  city,  after 
having  been  surrounded,  deprived  of  the  supplies  from 
Sicily  and  devastated  by  a  terrible  famine,  opened  its  gates. 
The  senate,  obedient  to  the  conquerors,  bestowed  the  pur- 
ple on  the  prefect  Attains  and  appointed  Alaric  himself 
master-general  of  the  armies.  The  Goths  assumed  Roman 
dignities,  and  this  same  instinct  led  them  at  first  to  respect 
Rome.  But  Honorius,  who  preferred  stratagem  to  force, 
secured  the  assistance  of  the  Goth  Sarus,  and  persuaded 
him  to  attack  suddenly  the  camp  of  his  compatriots.  Alaric 
returned  against  Rome  for  the  third  time,  and,  says  Bos- 
suet,  "  this  new  Babylon,  imitator  of  the  ancient  city,  like 
it  elated  by  its  conquests  and  triumphant  in  its  luxury  and 
wealth,  fell  with  a  great  fall."  The  city  endured  the  same 
disgrace  which  the  Gauls  had  inflicted  upon  it  eight  cen- 
turies earlier,  and  was  given  over  to  all  the  horrors  of  pillage 
during  three  days.  The  barbarians  respected  only  the 
Christian  temples,  which  were  a  secure  refuge  for  fugi- 
tives (410). 

Alaric  did  not  long  outlive  this  triumph,  which  Hannibal 
and  Pyrrhus  had  striven  for  in  vain.  He  had  gone  down 
into  southern  Italy,  meaning  to  take  possession  of  Sicily  and 
Africa,  and  died  the  following  year  at  Cosenza,  in  Bruttii. 
The  barbarians  honored  the  remains  of  their  great  chief 
with  a  strange  and  unusual  burial.     To  prevent  the  possi- 


Chap.  II.]         FIRST  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  21 

bility  of  the  profanation  of  his  body  by  the  Rortians,  they 
had  their  prisoners  turn  from  its  course  the  Busento,  which 
flows  through  Cosenza,  dig  a  grave  in  the  bed  of  the  river, 
and  bury  Alaric  there,  surrounded  by  the  rich  spoils  of  his 
victories.  The  waters  were  turned  back  to  their  natural 
course,  and  the  prisoners  who  had  done  the  work  were  killed 
on  the  tomb  so  that  no  one  might  betray  the  secret  (410). 

Athaulf  (Adolf),  the  brother  and  successor  of  Alaric,  had 
a  great  admiration  for  the  Empire  and  wished  to  re-estab- 
lish it  by  means  of  and  for  the  profit  of  his  nation.  He  began 
by  offering  his  services  to  Honorius,  and  in  January,  414,  he 
married  the  Emperor's  sister,  Placidia,  whom  the  Goths  had 
kept  in  their  camp  as  a  prisoner  or  hostage.  He  promised 
to  drive  from  Gaul  and  Spain  the  usurpers  who  were  there 
contending  for  the  imperial  throne. 

As  if  there  had  not  been  attacks  enough  from  without 
the  Empire,  three  usurpers  had  assumed  the  purple  in 
Spain  and  Gaul, — Constantine,  Maximus,  and  Gerontius. 
They  were  easily  overthrown,  but  there  succeeded  them 
Jovinus  and  Sebastian.  These  Athaulf  conquered,  and 
then  passed  into  Spain  to  drive  out  the  barbarians  who  had 
invaded  it.  He  was  assassinated  at  Barcelona,  the  first  of 
the  many  Visigoth  kings  who  were  to  meet  a  violent  death, 
(415).  His  children  were  put  to  death  by  the  Goth  Sin- 
geric,  who  was  king  for  seven  days  and  then  also  died  by 
the  hands  of  assassins. 

Walia  succeeded  him.  He  tried  to  pass  into  Africa,  but 
was  unable  to  cross  the  currents  of  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar, 
which  proves  that  the  Goths  had  had  little  experience  of 
the  sea.  Having  returned  to  the  heart  of  Spain,  Walia,  in 
the  interest  of  the  Emperor  of  the  West,  disputed  the  pos- 
session of  that  region  with  the  Alans,  the  Suevi,  and  the 
Vandals.  He  partly  exterminated  the  first,  drove  back  the 
second  into  the  mountains  of  the  Northwest,  and  the  latter 
into  Bastica. 

The  chief  of  the  Suevi,  though  defeated,  fell  back  upon 

the   mountains   of   Asturia    and    of    Gall^cia,    where    he 

„      ,.         f    founded  a  kingdom   (410),  which   under  its 

rounding     01      ,  .  1  m  1     -r-.       1  •       • 

the  kingdom  of  kuigs  Rechila  and  Rechiarms,  from  438  to 
Inl  (4^3)^0!" he  455'  conquered  Lusitania,  and  would  have 
Visigoth's  and  subdued  the  whole  of  Spain,  if  the  Goths 
uevi  (419).  ^^^  ^^^  arrested  its  progress.  These  latter 
people  had  recovered  from  the  Emperor  Honorius  (in  419), 


22  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

as  recompense  for  their  services,  the  second  Aquitaine  with 
Toulouse  as  capital.  Little  by  little  they  spread  over  Gaul 
as  far  as  the  Rhone  and  the  Loire,  and  returned  into  Spain, 
this  time  on  their  own  account.  Theodoric  IL  conquered 
the  Suevi  there  in  456,  and  Leovigild  subdued  them  in  585. 
The  whole  of  Spain  then  belonged  to  the  Goths  ;  by  507 
the  Franks  had    almost    entirely  driven  them  from  Gaul. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Burgundians  came  sooner  into  being, 
for  in  the  year  413  Honorius  had  ceded  to  Gundicar  terri- 
tory on  both  sides  of  the  Jura  (Switzerland  and  the 
Franche-Comte). 

Thus,  in  the  first  twenty  years  of  the  fifth  century,  three 
barbarian  kingdoms  were  founded,  which  lasted  for  unequal 
periods  but  which  all  disappeared  very  soon  ;  that  of  the 
Suevi  in  585  under  the  attack  of  the  Visigoths,  that  of 
the  Burgundians  in  534,  and  that  of  the  Visigoths,  to  the 
north  of  the  Pyrenees,  in  507,  at  the  hands  of  the  Franks, 
and  in  Spain,  in  711,  at  the  hands  of  the  Arabs. 

Honorius  died  in  423,  incapable  of  defending  his  empire, 
and  leaving  no  glory  behind  him  but  that  of  having,  like  his 
Con  uest  of  f^^^er,  protected  the  Church  and  the  true  faith. 
Africa  by  the  Many  of  his  cdicts  ordered  the  destruction  of 
Vandals  (431).  j^ols  and  of  tcmplcs,  and  forbade  public 
employment  to  pagans  and  heretics.  His  nephew  Valen- 
tinian  HL,  son  of  Placidiaand  of  Count  Constantius,  whom 
she  had  married  after  the  death  of  Athaulf,  succeeded  him. 
He  was  only  six  years  old  and  remained  under  the  guard- 
ianship of  his  mother.  During  the  same  time,  Pulcheria 
was  governing  the  Empire  of  the  East  for  her  brother 
Theodosius  H.,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  Arcadius  in 
408.  New  calamities  assailed  the  two  empires  under  the 
reign  of  these  feeble  emperors,  who  were  controlled  by 
women,  and  whose  ministers  and  generals  made  use  of  the 
barbarians  in  their  rivalries  and  court  intrigues. 

Count  Boniface,  ruler  of  Africa,  jealous  of  the  favor 
shown  Aetius  by  the  Empress  Placidia,  called  the  Vandals 
and  their  king,  Gaiseric,  into  Africa.*  He  soon  repented 
it,  and  tried,  but  too  late,  to  resist  the  invasion,  which  was 
one  of  the  most  destructive  that  ever  passed  over  the  Ro- 


*  This  is  the  traditional  account,  but  it  is  probably  incorrect.  See  the 
article  by  E.  A.  Freeman  in  the  English  Historical  Review,  vol.  ii.  p. 
417.— Ed, 


Chap.  II.]         FIRST  PERIOD   OF  INVASION:  23 

man  provinces.  Gaiseric  made  an  alliance  with  the  nomad 
tribes  of  the  Moors,  defeated  Boniface  in  a  bloody  battle, 
and  besieged  him  at  Hippo  (Bona)  fourteen  months.  Saint 
Augustine,  who  was  bishop  of  this  city,  refused  to  leave  it, 
and  kept  up  the  courage  of  its  inhabitants  by  his  exhorta- 
tions and  piety.  His  death  in  430  saved  him  from  the  sight 
of  a  new  defeat  of  Boniface  and  the  fall  of  Hippo.*  The 
Romans  were  obliged  to  abandon  Africa  (431),  and  four 
years  later  Valentinian  recognized  by  treaty  the  establish- 
ment of  the  kingdom  of  the  Vandals.  This  was  the  fourth 
state  founded  by  the  barbarians,  and  was  destined  to  last 
no  longer  than  the  others.  Its  founder,  however,  had  some 
remarkable  ideas,  and  showed  genius  in  seizing  upon  the 
advantages  of  his  new  position.  He  took  Carthage  in  439, 
and  tried  to  revive  the  maritime  power  of  which  these  cities 
had  formerly  been  the  seat.  He  constructed  vessels,  kept 
a  marine  force,  though  the  Empire  no  longer  did  so,  and 
took  possession  of  Sicily,  Corsica,  Sardinia,  and  the  Balearic 
Islands.  He  harassed  the  coasts  of  the  Tuscan  and  the 
yEgean  seas,  and,  in  a  word,  defied  Constantinople  as  he 
had  done  Rome,  and  became  the  master  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean. At  the  same  time  he  was  conspiring  with  the  bar- 
barians in  the  North  in  order  that  they  might  press  in  at 
once  from  all  sides  upon  the  Empire,  where  Aetiuswas  try- 
ing to  restore  a  little  authority  and  order. 

Those  whom  Gaiseric  had  summoned  were  the  Huns. 
They  came  at  last,  those  barbarians,  who  were  more  terrible 
even  than  all  the  others  whom  we  have  seen 
'^«iia('«i-453)°.  setting  the  whole  universe  in  commotion,  and 
who  had  halted  for  half  a  century  in  the  cen- 
ter of  Europe,  holding  under  their  yoke  the  Ostrogoths,  the 
Gepidse,  Marcomanni,  and  the  southern  Slavs.  Attila,  the 
son  of  Mundzuk,  reigned  over  them.  A  dagger  planted  in 
the  earth  had  been  for  all  time  the  religious  symbol  of  the 
Scythian  peoples.  A  herdsman  found  a  very  rusty  one  in 
the  fields  where  his  flock  was  grazing,  and  carried  it  to 
Attila.  It  was  believed  that  it  was  the  dagger  of  the  god 
of  war,  and  that  this  find  portended  the  conquest  of  the 
world  by  the  King  of  the  Huns.  From  this  time,  clothed 
in  the  eyes  of  his  people  with  a  divine  character,  Attila 

*  The  siege  of  Hippo  fails.     The  Vandals  obtain  it  by  the  treaty  of 
435.— Ed, 


24  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

wished  to  reign  alone  and  had  his  brother  Bleda  put  to 
death.  He  called  himself  the  Scourge  of  God,  adding  that 
the  grass  could  not  grow  where  once  his  horse  had  passed. 

It  is  remarkable  that  this  great  conqueror  accomplished 
so  much  by  means  of  negotiation,  and  that  we  know  of 
no  victory  gained  by  him,  although  his  empire  was  im- 
mense. He  first  made  a  strong  diversion  against  Theodo- 
sius  II.  to  force  him  to  recall  the  troops  which  he  had  just 
sent  against  Gaiseric.  He  crossed  the  Danube  near  Mar- 
gus,  destroyed  seventy  towns,  and  compelled  the  Emperor 
not  only  to  pay  a  heavier  tribute  than  the  one  he  had  al- 
ready submitted  to,  but  also  to  give  up  the  right  bank  of 
the  Danube  to  the  Huns.  Theodosius  II.  attempted  to 
have  him  assassinated,  and  thought  that  he  had  succeeded 
in  corrupting  his  minister  Edecon.  Attila,  hearing  of  this 
perfidy,  pardoned  with  contempt  the  Roman  ambassadors 
who  had  come  to  find  him  in  his  wooden  palace  in  Panno- 
nia,  and  contented  himself  with  reproaching  Theodosius 
"  with  conspiring  against  the  life  of  his  master  like  a 
treacherous  slave."  But  after  the  death  of  Theodosius  II. 
(450)  he  found  a  bolder  enemy  in  Marcian,  a  prince  who 
declared  that  he  had  "  gold  for  his  friends  and  a  sword  for 
his  enemies." 

Attila  was  not  a  man  to  be  stopped  by  menacing  words,  but 
as  Constantinople  was  considered  impregnable  he  decided  to 
carry  the  wrath  of  heaven  in  another  direction.  He  de- 
manded of  the  Emperor  of  the  West  the  half  of  his  states, 
and  pressing  on  Gaul  with  600,000  barbarians,  he  passed 
over  the  Rhine,  ravaged  Belgium  with  fire  and  sword, 
crossed  the  Moselle  and  the  Seine,  and  marched  upon  Or- 
leans. The  people  fled  before  him  in  indescribable  terror, 
for  the  Scourge  of  God  did  not  leave  one  stone  upon  another 
where  he  passed.  Metz  and  twenty  other  cities  had  been 
destroyed;  Troyes  alone  had  been  saved  by  its  bishop, 
Saint  Lupus.  Attila  wished  to  possess  Orleans,  the  key  to 
the  southern  provinces,  and  surrounded  it  with  his  vast 
army.  The  bishop.  Saint  Anianus,  kept  up  the  courage  of 
the  inhabitants.  While  he  was  praying  a  cloud  of  dust  was 
seen  on  the  horizon;  "'Tis  the  help  of  God"  cried  he,  and 
indeed  it  was  Aetius,  who  had  united  with  the  troops  of  the 
Romans  those  of  the  barbarians  of  Germanic  race  who  were 
now  inhabiting  Gaul  and  who  would  be  chiefly  affected  by 
the  new  invasion,  the  Visigoths  under  Theodoric,  the  Sax- 


Chap.  II.]         FIRST  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  25 

ons,  the  Burgundians,  the  Ripuarian  and  the  Salian  Franks. 
At  first  Attila  retreated,  but  only  in  order  to  choose  a 
field  of  battle  more  favorable  to  his  cavalry.  He  halted 
near  M^ry-sur-Seine  on  a  vast  plain,  where  was  fought  the 
battle  which  saved  the  West  from  the  dominion  of  the  Huns. 
This  was  a  terrible  conflict  of  all  the  nations  of  the  world, 
and  the  bodies  of  160,000  men  strewed  the  field  of  carnage. 
Attila  was  defeated  and  retired  to  his  camp,  which  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  wall  of  chariots,  and  "in  the  morning,"  says 
the  Goth  Jornandes,  historian  of  the  war,  "the  conquerors 
saw  in  the  midst  of  this  camp  an  immense  funeral  pile  made 
of  the  saddles  of  horses.  Upon  it  stood  Attila,  and  below 
the  Huns,  torch  in  hand,  were  ready  to  set  fire  to  it  if  their 
fortification  should  be  forced.  Thus  a  lion  pursued  by 
hunters  to  the  entrance  of  his  lair,  turning,  once  more 
arrests  and  terrifies  them  by  his  roaring."  The  allies  did 
not  dare  brave  the  despair  of  the  Huns,  and  allowed  Attila 
to  return  to  Germany  (451). 

The  following  year  he  indemnified  himself  for  his  defeat 
by  invading  upper  Italy.  He  destroyed  Aquileia,  whose 
inhabitants  took  refuge  in  the  lagoons  where  their  descen- 
dants founded  Venice.  Padua  also  was  reduced  to  ashes. 
Vicenza  and  Verona,  Pavia  and  Milan  submitted.  In  the 
palace  in  Milan  he  saw  a  picture  representing  the  Emperor 
sitting  on  his  throne  and  the  chief  of  the  Huns  prostrate 
before  him.  He  ordered  the  painter  to  put  the  king  of  the 
Huns  on  the  throne  and  the  Emperor  at  his  feet,  and  the 
picture  thus  came  much  nearer  the  truth.  In  the  mean 
while  the  Italians  had  no  soldiers  to  defend  them.  The 
Pope,  Leo  the  Great,  risked  his  life  to  save  them.  He 
came  to  the  camp  of  Attila  with  deputies  of  the  Emperor 
and  yielded  to  the  barbarian  everything  he  desired,  rich 
presents  and  the  promise  of  a  tribute.  The  approach  of 
Aetius  and  a  disease  which  decimated  his  army  decided  At- 
tila to  return  to  his  forests.*  The  terror  of  Italy  was  so 
great  that  it  was  believed  to  have  been  saved  only  by  a  mir- 
acle, which  the  genius  of  Raphael  has  immortalized.  Some 
months  afterwards  the  Scourge  of  God  died  at  his  royal  vil- 
ag'e  near  the  Danube  (453).  The  peoples  he  had  subdued 
threw  off  the  yoke ;  the  chiefs  of  the  Huns  disputed  over  his 
crown  by  terrible  combats  which   reduced  their  numbers ; 

*  Exactly  what  induced  Attila  to  retreat  remains  unknown. — Ed. 


26  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

and  their  power  wasted  away  like  those  violent  tempests 
which  disappear  and  leave  behind  only  the  traces  of  their 
ravages. 

Attila  had  never  seen  Rome,  but  Gaiseric,  his  ally,  vis- 
ited it  with  fire  and  sword  (455).  The  Senator  Petronius 
The  taking  of  Maximus,  who  had  assassinated  Valentinian 
Rome  by  Gai-  ni.^  was  then  Emperor.  Exasperated  by  his 
o/the^Empire  weakness  the  people  slew  him,  but  not  before 
West  (476).  Eudoxia,   the   widow  of   Valentinian,   whom 

he  had  compelled  to  marry  him,  had  sent  to  the  Van- 
dals for  help.  Leo  the  Great  had  less  success  with  the 
King  of  the  Vandals  than  with  the  King  of  the  Huns. 
During  fourteen  days  Rome  was  pillaged  with  such  bar- 
barity, that  since  then  the  name  of  Vandalism  has  been 
given  to  all  devastation  where  destruction  is  wrought  for  the 
mere  pleasure  of  destroying.  For  twenty  years  longer  Gai- 
seric ruled  over  the  Mediterranean  and  defied  the  impotent 
rage  of  the  two  Empires.  Indeed  he  survived  the  Empire 
of  the  West  by  one  year,  but  the  greatness  of  his  people 
seemed  to  perish  with  him  (477).  His  kingdom,  torn  by 
religious  discord  and  the  revolts  of  the  Moors,  fell  under 
the  attacks  of  Belisarius,  fifty-seven  years  after  his  death. 

After  the  death  of  the  feeble  Maximus  the  King  of  the 
Visigoths  in  Gaul  gave  the  purple  to  the  rhetorician  Avitus. 
The  Suev  Ricimer  transferred  it  to  the  Senator  Majorian. 
The  barbarians  disposed  of  the  Empire  as  they  pleased,  but 
a  certain  shame  kept  them  from  assuming  the  sceptre  them- 
selves. Majorian  showed  himself  a  noble  character  in  the 
midst  of  general  corruption.  He  wished  to  overturn  the 
power  of  the  Vandals,  and  assembled  a  fleet  at  Carthage,  but 
his  preparations  were  destroyed,  betrayed  perhaps  by  his 
generals.  Disheartened  he  returned  to  Italy  and  died  there 
under  the  sword  of  Ricimer  (461).  His  murderer  set  up 
successively  three  Emperors  who  pass  across  the  scene  like 
shadows  (461-472),  Severus,  Anthemius,  and  Olybrius,  and 
he  even  left  the  throne  vacant  for  a  time.  Glycerins  and 
Julius  Nepos  reigned  hardly  two  years  (472-475).  Finally 
the  Pannonian  Orestes  gave  the  purple  to  his  own  son 
Romulus  Augustulus,  a  child  of  six  years,  who,  as  if  in  bit- 
ter irony,  united  the  names  of  the  founder  of  Rome  and  the 
founder  of  the  Empire.  Odovakar,  commander  of  the  con- 
federate barbarians  (Heruli,  Rugii,  Scyri,  Turcilingi,  etc.) 
took  Ravenna  and  Rome,  and  banished  the  last  heir  of  the 


Chap.  II.]         FIRST  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  ij 

Caesars  of  the  West  to  the  country  house  of  Lucullus.  The 
imperial  insignia  were  sent  to  Constantinople  by  the  senate, 
a  symbol  of  the  fall  of  the  Empire.  Odovakar  was  pro- 
claimed king  by  his  Heruli  and  gave  them  a  third  of  the 
lands  of  this  country,  and  demanded  the  title  of  Patrician 
from  Zeno  the  Emperor  of  the  East,  thus  acknowledging 
the  superiority  of  the  imperial  dignity  and  the  majesty  of 
the  Roman  name.  This  was  the  end  of  the  Empire  of  the 
West  (476),  an  event  which  appears  more  significant  to  the 
eyes  of  posterity  than  to  those  of  its  contemporaries,*  who 
had  been  accustomed  for  more  than  half  a  century  to  see 
the  barbarians  in  control  of  everything. 

*  In  their  eyes  the  Roman  Empire  still  continued  to  exist  as  before. — EDj 


CHAPTER  HI. 

SECOND  PERIOD  OF  INVASION  :   THE  FRANKS,  THE  OS- 
TROGOTHS, THE  LOMBARDS  AND  THE 
ANGLO-SAXONS  (455-569). 


A  Second  Invasion  of  German  Barbarians  Successful  in  Founding  States. — 
Clovis  (481-511). — The  Sons  of  Clovis  (511-561). — Conquest  of 
Burgundy  (534)  and  of  Thuringia  (530). — Theodoric  and  the  King- 
dom of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy  (493-526). — The  Lombards  (568- 
774). — Foundation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Kingdoms  (455-584). 


We  have  seen  that  in  their  first  period  of  invasion,  the 

German   barbarians  destroyed   more  than  they   built    up. 

Some,  like  Alaric,  Radagaisus,  and  Attila,  left 

Second  Inva-  ,.'       ,  .',.*',      ,'  ,  ',., 

sion  of  the  Ger-  nothmg  but  rums  behmd  them  ;  others,  like 
man  Barbarians.  Qundicar,  Hermcric,  Walia,  and  Gaiseric,  set 
up  kingdoms  which  did  not  prove  stable.  We  come  now  to 
a  second  period,  a  new  incursion  of  barbarians,  who  founded 
more  durable  states  on  the  ruins  of  the  shattered  Empire. 

The  Salian  Franks  are  supposed  to  have  been  governed 

between  the  years  420  and  428,  by  a  king  named  Phara- 

mond  :  but  there  is  some  doubt  of  his  exist- 

Clovis  (481-511).  ^  r    rr.  11^1  c 

ence,  as  Gregory  of  Tours  did  not  know  of 
him.*  Toward  428  they  raised  on  their  shields — and  thus 
made  king — Clodion  the  Hairy,  who  led  them  as  far  as  the 
Somme,  where  they  were  driven  back  by  Aetius.  To  suc- 
ceed him  (448),  they  chose  Merovius,  who  fought  with  honor 
at  the  great  battle  of  Chalons  [M^ry-sur-Seine]  and  from 
whom  sprung  the  Merovingian  dynasty.  Nevertheless,  his 
son,  Childeric  the  First  (456),  was  driven  out  for  a  time, 
on  account  of  his  excesses,  and  was  replaced  by  Count 
Aegidius,  who,  with  the  title  of  Master  of  the  Roman  Sol- 
diery, took  command  of  the  Gallo-Roman  forces  between 
the  Somme  and  the  Loire.     But  the  Franks  were  not  con- 


*  Nearly  the  whole  of  the  early  history  of  the  Franks  as  related  in  this 
paragraph  is  legendary. — Ed. 

28 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  29 

tent  with  Aegidius  and  called  back  their  national  chief. 
Leading  his  warlike  bands  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Loire, 
over  which  their  descendants  were  to  rule  for  ever,  he 
joined  the  Saxon  pirates  who  had  disembarked  at  the 
mouth  of  that  river.  In  481  he  died,  and  his  son  Chlo- 
doweg  or  Clovis  succeeded  him. 

Clovis  was  the  founder  of  the  first  barbarian  monarchy 
which  was  fully  able  to  resist  successfully  the  last  shocks 
of  invasion  and  to  endure  for  many  centuries.  At  first  he 
reigned  only  over  the  country  of  Tournay,  and  had  only 
three  or  four  thousand  warriors  at  his  command.  But  the 
divided  condition  in  which  he  found  Gaul  made  easy  for 
him  a  conquest  which  would  have  been  impossible  fifty 
years  before,  when  the  Empire  of  the  West  was  still  in 
existence.  AH  the  country  to  the  south  of  the  Loire  be- 
longed to  the  Visigoths ;  the  Burgundians  ruled  from 
Langres  to  the  Durance,  and  from  the  Loire  to  the  Alps ; 
Alsace  and  the  country  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Vosges 
belonged  to  the  Alemanni  ;  Armorica,  which  was  destined 
to  receive  from  British  emigrants  the  name  of  Brittany, 
was  independent  and  had  renewed  the  old  federation  of  the 
Armorican  cities  ;  finally,  Alans  were  encamped  by  the 
Vilaine  ;  Saxons  occupied  Bayeux,  and  Prankish  kings 
ruled  at  Cambray,  Terouanne  and  Cologne.  In  this  way 
the  barbarians  held  almost  the  whole  of  Gaul  divided  among 
them  ;  of  the  Roman  power  only  a  feeble  remnant  was  left 
in  Champagne  and  Picardy,  where  Syagrius,  the  son  of 
Aegidius,  called  by  the  barbarians  King  of  the  Romans, 
held  Beauvais,  Soissons,  Troyes  and  Rheims. 

Clovis  attacked  Syagrius  and  defeated  him  near  Soissons 
(486);  from  that  time  nothing  was  left  of  the  Empire  of  the 
West,  and  the  barbarians  were  at  last  fairly  masters  of  the 
country.  Three  peoples,  then,  held  dominion  in  Gaul  ;  the 
Visigoths,  the  Burgundians,  and  the  Franks.  Alaric  II., 
King  of  the  Visigoths,  sought  an  alliance  with  Clovis,  who 
eagerly  accepted  it.  Gundobad,  King  of  the  Burgundians, 
having  just  put  to  death  two  of  his  three  brothers,  so  that 
he  need  only  share  his  kingdom  with  one,  *  gave  Clovis,  at 
his  request,  the  hand  of  his  niece  Clotilda  ;  she  was  a 
Catholic. 


*  This  story  and  that  of  Clovis's  later  vengeance  are  now  considered 
very  doubtful. — Ed. 


$0  THE  GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

Clovis  had  no  intention  of  confining  his  conquests  to 
what  he  already  possessed.  He  was  resolved  not  to  share 
at  all  with  new  invaders — that  is,  he  was  resolved  to  change 
the  Franks  into  defenders  of  the  soil  of  which  they  had  just 
taken  possession,  and  also  to  subjugate  the  barbarians  who 
had  established  themselves  in  Gaul  before  him.  In  496, 
he  conquered  the  Alemanni  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine 
and  pursued  them  as  far  as  Swabia  ;  he  also  drove  the 
Thuringians,  who  were  ravaging  the  right  bank  of  the 
river,  back  to  their  forests. 

In  the  heat  of  the  battle  against  the  Alemanni,  he  had 
called  upon  the  God  of  Clotilda  and  vowed  that  if  He  would 
give  him  the  victory,  he  would  become  a  Christian.  Soon 
after,  he  was  baptized  by  Saint  Remigius,  Archbishop  of 
Rheims;  3000  Franks  followed  his  example,  the  others 
remained  pagans.  This  conversion  had  great  results;  as 
he  had  become  not  only  a  Christian  but  a  Catholic,  as  were 
also  the  Gallic  bishops  and  all  the  Gallo-Roman  population, 
he  was  considered  as  a  protector  throughout  the  country, 
while  the  Visigoths  and  the  Burgundians  were  hated  as 
Arians.  This  circumstance  greatly  helped  him  in  subduing 
these  two  peoples. 

When  a  quarrel  broke  out  between  Gundobad  and  his 
remaining  brother  Godigisel,  Clotilda  urged  her  husband  to 
avenge  her  father's  murder;  and  the  bishops,  too,  made 
an  urgent  appeal  to  him  as  orthodox  king  of  the  Franks. 
He  entered  Burgundy,  defeated  Gundobad  near  Dijon 
(500),  forced  him  to  give  up  Vienne  and  Geneva  to  Godi- 
gisel, and  made  both  of  them  pay  him  tribute.  Thus  he 
both  divided  and  impoverished  the  kingdom  of  Burgundy. 
Hardly  had  he  departed  when  Gundobad  despoiled  and 
killed  Godigisel.  Clovis  did  not  return  to  attack  him  again, 
but  sent  against  him  from  the  south  Theodoric,  king  of 
the  Italian  Ostrogoths,  whom  he  had  made  his  ally  by  giving 
him  his  sister  in  marriage.*  This  custom  of  strengthening 
political  alliances  by  family  ties  had  hardly  been  known  to 
ancient  history,  and  it  may  be  considered  a  barbarian  impor- 


*  The  account  of  these  events  here  and  in  the  following  paragraph  is 
entirely  wrong.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  alliance  was  between  Bur- 
gundians and  Franks  against  the  Visigoths.  Theodoric  interferes  to  aid 
the  Visigoths,  checks  the  Franks,  and  compels  the  Burgundians  to  yield 
him  a  part  of  their  territory. — Ed. 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  3^ 

tation.  Theodoric  occupied  the  passes  of  the  Alps  and 
seized  the  province  of  Marseilles.  Gundobad  relinquished 
it  to  him,  and  by  this  concession  and  by  his  political  gentle- 
ness toward  the  Catholic  clergy,  he  saved  the  remainder  of 
his  states. 

The  Visigoths  had  entered  into  alliance  with  the  Burgun- 
dians,  who  were  Arians  like  themselves,  and,  like  them,  were 
threatened  by  the  ambition  of  Clovis.  Clovis,  attracted  by 
the  rich  and  beautiful  countries  of  the  South,  made  objec- 
tions to  this  alliance ;  he  also  put  forward  the  interests  of 
religion,  and  said  to  his  warriors:  "I  am  much  displeased 
that  these  Visigoths,  who  are  Arians,  should  possess  a  part 
of  Gaul.  Let  us  go  forth  with  the  help  of  God,  and  when 
we  have  conquered  them,  we  will  take  possession  of  their 
land,  for  it  is  very  good."  Accordingly,  he  marched 
against  the  Visigoths,  gained  a  victory  over  them  on  the 
plain  of  Vouille,  near  Poitiers  (507),  and  finished  the  con- 
quest of  all  the  country  as  far  as  the  Pyrenees,  except, 
however,  Septimania,  which  the  Visigoths  retained  for  three 
centuries  longer. 

In  this  way  all  the  Gauls  were  either  subject  to  Clovis  or 
paid  him  tribute,  wath  the  exception  of  the  Armoricans, 
who,  though  at  first  allied  with  him,  afterward  resisted  his 
ambitious  pretensions  and  remained  independent  under 
their  king  Budic.  The  other  tribes  of  the  Frankish  nation 
had  also  kept  their  own  chiefs ;  Clovis  put  an  end  to  this  by 
means  which  show  the  crafty  and  cruel  spirit  of  the  barba- 
rians. He  caused  Sigibert,  king  of  the  Ripuarian  Franks,  to 
be  assassinated  by  his  own  son,  and  had  the  son  killed  after- 
wards; then  presenting  himself  before  the  warriors  of  the 
tribe,  he  said:  "I  am  in  no  way  an  accomplice  of  these 
doings ;  it  would  be  wrong  for  me  to  spill  the  blood  of  my 
relations.  But  since  this  thing  has  happened,  my  advice  is 
this;  if  it  pleases  you,  follow  it;  turn  to  me,  put  yourselves 
under  my  protection."  The  Ripuarians  lifted  him  on  their 
shields  and  proclaimed  him  king.  The  other  chiefs  ruling 
at  Tournay,  Cambray,  and  at  Mans,  suffered  the  same  fate  as 
Sigibert.  "Then,"  says  Gregory  of  Tours,  "Clovis,  gath- 
ering his  people  together,  spoke  thus  of  the  relatives  he  had 
killed:  'Unhappy  am  I  to  remain  like  a  wayfarer  among 
strangers !  I  have  no  kinsmen  to  aid  me  if  adversity  should 
come.'  But  this  he  said,  not  from  grief  at  their  death,  but 
out  of  cunning,  if  perchance  he  might  still  discover  some 


32  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

relation  whom  he  might  kill.      Having  done  these  things  he 
died  (511)." 

Clovis  was  the  first  to  unite  all  the  elements  from  which 
the  new  social  order  was  to  be  formed, — namely,  the  bar- 
barians, whom  he  established  in  power  ;  the  Roman  civiliza- 
tion, to  which  he  rendered  homage  by  receiving  the  insignia 
of  Patrician  and  of  Consul  from  the  Emperor  Anastasius  ; 
and  finally,  the  Catholic  Church,  with  which  he  formed  that 
fruitful  alliance  which  was  continued  by  his  successors. 
The  Council  of  Orleans  had  sanctioned  this  alliance  by 
recognizing  Clovis  as  protector  of  the  Church,  whose  im- 
munities he  confirmed  in  this  same  council.  The  Pope  had 
already  written  to  him  :  "  The  Lord  has  provided  for  the 
needs  of  the  Church  by  giving  her  for  defender  a  prince 
armed  with  the  helmet  of  salvation  :  be  thou  always  for  her 
a  crown  of  iron,  and  she  will  give  thee  victory  over  thine 
enemies." 

The  sons  of  Clovis,  following  the  Germanic  custom, 
divided  his  states.  Theodoric  [Theuderic]  the  eldest,  be- 
came king  of  Metz ;  Lothaire  [Chlo- 
viIf5ir56f)°*^(?dSl  thacherj,  of  Soissons  ;  Childebert,  of  Paris  ; 
quest  of  Burgundy  and  Chlodomcr,  of  Orleans.  Each  of  them 
mgia(53o°       ^^'    had  also  a  part  of  Aquitaine. 

From  this  time,  for  half  a  century,  the 
history  of  the  Franks  lacks  unity  and  continuity.  Being 
masters  of  almost  the  whole  of  Gaul,  they  satisfied  their 
adventurous  spirit  by  expeditions  in  all  directions,  against 
the  Burgundians,  the  Thuringians,  the  Visigoths  and  the 
Ostrogoths.  They  rarely  acted  in  accord,  which  resulted  in 
a  separation  between  the  Austrasians,  or  eastern  Franks, 
and  the  Neustrians,  or  western  Franks,  a  separation  which 
continued  to  increase. 

In  523,  the  sons  of  Clovis  attacked  Sigismund,  son  of 
Gundobad,  conquered  him,  and  threw  him  with  all  his  family 
into  a  well.  But  soon  afterwards  Chlodomer  fell  into  an 
ambuscade  and  perished.  He  left  three  sons  ;  his  brothers 
Childebert  and  Lothaire  stabbed  two  of  them  and  divided 
his  states  ;  the  third,  Chlodobald,  who  became  Saint  Cloud, 
only  escaped  by  taking  refuge  in  a  monastery.  Ten  years 
afterwards  Childebert  and  Lothaire  again  attacked  the  Bur- 
gundians, whom  they  conquered,  deprived  of  their  national 
kings,  and  forced  to  embrace  Catholicism  (534)  ;  this  com- 
pleted the  work  of  Clovis. 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  33 

Between  the  two  expeditions  against  Burgundy  there  was 
a  war  with  the  Visigoths.  Their  king,  Amalaric,  had  mar- 
ried Clotilda,  sister  of  the  Frankish  kings  ;  as  he  was  an 
Arian,  and  she  a  Catholic,  he  maltreated  her.  Outraged  by 
this,  Childebert  and  Lothaire  entered  the  country  of  the 
Visigoths,  defeated  Amalaric  near  Narbonne  (531),  crossed 
the  Pyrenees,  and  brought  back  Clotilda.  They  appeared 
again  in  that  country  in  542,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Sara- 
gossa,  but  the  new  Visigoth  king,  Theudis,  drove  them  back. 

During  this  time  Theodoric  had  waged  war  elsewhere. 
He  subdued  the  Thuringians  (530),  thus  extending  the 
power  of  the  Franks  as  far  as  the  mountains  of  Bohemia. 
When  his  brothers  started  for  Burgundy,  his  warriors  said 
to  him  :  "  If  you  will  not  go  against  the  Burgundians  with 
your  brothers,  we  will  leave  you  and  follow  them  instead." 
He  replied  to  them  :  "  Follow  me  and  I  will  lead  you  to  the 
country  of  Auvergne,  where  you  will  get  as  much  gold  and 
silver  as  you  wish,  and  whence  you  may  bring  back  slaves, 
flocks  and  clothing."  Auvergne,  which  was  very  hostile  to 
the  Franks,  had  revolted  against  them,  and  was  now  pil- 
laged and  devastated.  The  Austrasians  brought  back  lines 
of  chariots  and  of  chained  prisoners  whom  they  sold  at  auc- 
tion all  along  the  road. 

Under  Theudibert,  son  of  Theodoric,  the  Austrasians 
descended  upon  Italy,  over  which  enticing  country  the 
Greeks  and  the  Ostrogoths  were  struggling  (539)  ;  they 
promised  their  aid  to  both  sides,  attacked  each  in  turn,  and 
gained  a  rich  booty.  But  they  did  not  all  return,  diseases 
and  excesses  caused  the  death  of  a  great  number.  They 
made  two  more  expeditions  into  Italy  under  the  generals 
Leutharis  and  Buccelin.*  The  latter  penetrated  the  first  time, 
in  546,  as  far  as  Sicily  ;  but  descending  again  into  Italy  in 
554,  he  was  defeated  by  Narses,  near  Capua,  and  the 
Franks  left  the  peninsula,  not  to  return  for  two  centuries. 

In  the  mean  time,  Theodoric,  the  son  of  Theudibert,  died, 
and  Lothaire  I.  took  his  kingdom  of  Austrasia.  This  did 
not  add  to  Lothaire's  strength,  for  he  was  vanquished  by 
the  Saxons,  whom  his  warriors  had  forced  him  to  attack 
against  his  will.  He  also  received  the  inheritance  of  Chil- 
debert, King  of  Paris,  and  so  found  himself  sole  king  of  the 


*  These   seem    to    have    been    independent  expeditions    undertaken 
against  the  will  of  the  king  and  to  have  been  unsuccessful. — Ed. 


34  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

Franks  (558).  But  at  his  death  (561)  this  transient  unity 
was  again  broken. 

We  come  now  to  another  founder  of  a  great  kingdom, 
Theodoric,  who  was  an  even  more  remarkable  man  than 
Clovis.  It  is,  however,  not  astonishing  that 
thI^K°ngdo''m''o'f  the  Goths  were  distinguished  from  the  other 
the  Ostrogoths  barbarians  by  a  singular  readiness  to  adopt 
ay  493-52  .  ^j^^  Roman  civilization,  for  they  had  lived  for 
a  long  time  in  immediate  contact  with  the  Empire.  And 
in  the  case  of  Theodoric,  who  seems  utterly  different  from 
the  barbarians  in  his  civilizing  genius  and  in  his  policy, 
there  is  still  less  cause  for  surprise,  as  he  was  brought  up  at 
Constantinople,  whither  he  was  taken  as  a  hostage  when 
eight  years  old. 

When  at  the  death  of  Attila  all  the  nations  which  had 
been  subject  to  the  Huns  threw  off  their  yoke,  the  Ostro- 
goths also  became  free.  Three  princes  of  the  family 
of  the  Amals  ruled  over  them  :  Walamir,  Widemir,  and 
Theudemir.  Theudemir  had  a  son  Theodoric,  who  was 
born  in  454,  and  succeeded  his  father  in  474.  His  sojourn 
at  the  court  of  the  East  had  attached  him  to  the  Emperor 
Zeno,  whom  he  defended  against  a  rival.  When  obliged  by 
the  turbulence  of  his  subjects  to  undertake  some  warlike 
expedition,  he  diverted  their  attention  from  Constantinople, 
which  they  had  planned  to  attack.  Zeno  authorized  him 
to  descend  upon  Italy  where  Odovakar  was  reigning,  for  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople  cared  nothing  for  the  Kingdom 
of  the  Heruli.* 

Theodoric  carried  his  whole  nation  with  him.  Old  men, 
women,  and  children  followed  the  warriors  in  chariots,  with 
the  flocks  and  all  the  wealth  of  the  tribe.  There  were  200,- 
000  in  all.  This  movement  began  in  the  autumn  of  488, 
and  in  the  following  February  he  first  overwhelmed  in  the 
Julian  Alps  an  army  of  Gepidae  and  Sarmatians,  and  then 
defeated  Odovakar  at  Aquileia  and  Verona  (489).  In  spite  of 
these  three  victories  he  was  surrounded  by  a  force  from 
Pavia  and  placed  in  a  critical  situation,  from  which  he  was 
rescued  by  a  relief  force  sent  him  by  the  Goths  of  Toulouse. 
Thanks  to  this  aid,  he  conquered  the  whole  Cisapline 
region,  and  Odovakar  took  refuge  in  Ravenna.     During  the 

*  The  fidelity  of  Theodoric  to  Zeno  was  not  quite  so  perfect  as  here 
represented-  — Ed. 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  35 

two  years'  siege  of  this  city,  all  Italy  submitted,  and  the  Goths 
made  the  valuable  acquisition  of  Sicily.  Odovakar  surren- 
dered on  the  condition  of  dividing  his  kingdom,  but  Theodo- 
ric  had  him  assassinated  at  a  feast,  and  reigned  alone  (493). 
The  new  Emperor  Anastasius  recognized  him  as  king  in 
Italy. 

Without  going  to  war  Theodoric  added  Illyricum,  Panno- 
nia,  Noricum,  and  Rhaetia  to  Italy,  and  after  some  hostili- 
ties with  the  Burgundians  gained  also  the  province  of  Mar- 
seilles. The  Bavarians  paid  him  tribute,  the  Alemanni 
invoked  his  aid  against  Clovis,  and  finally,  at  the  death  of 
Alaric  II.,  the  Visigoths  recognized  him  as  their  ruler  for 
the  time  of  the  minority  of  Amalaric,  grandson  of  Alaric. 
He  defeated  a  Frankish  army  near  Aries  in  508,  thus  return- 
ing to  the  Goths  of  Aquitaine,  who  had  been  subdued  by 
the  Franks,  the  aid  they  had  given  him  when  conquering 
Odovakar.  The  two  branches  of  the  Gothic  nation  which 
had  been  separated  so  long,  and  whose  territories  near  the 
Rhone  were  adjacent,  were  now  united,  and  the  domin- 
ion of  Theodoric  extended  from  the  depths  of  Spain  across 
Gaul  and  Italy  as  far  as  Sirmium  on  the  Save.  He  was 
united  by  family  alliance  with  almost  all  the  barbaric  kings; 
he  himself  had  married  the  sister  of  Clovis,  and  he  gave  the 
hand  of  his  own  sister  to  the  King  of  the  Vandals,  his  niece 
to  the  King  of  the  Thuringians,  one  of  his  daughters  to 
the  King  of  the  Visigoths  and  the  other  to  the  King  of  the 
Burgundians.  He  seemed  to  be  the  chief  of  the  barbarians 
who  were  established  in  the  Empire  of  the  West,  and  even 
Germany  showed  deference  to  her  glorious  representative, 
who  had  become  the  heir  of  the  C^sars.  Theodoric  was 
really  anything  but  a  barbarian  in  his  political  ideas.  He 
showed  a  consideration  for  the  Emperor  of  the  East  which 
proved  his  respect  for  this  ancient  empire,  still  so  imposing 
in  its  ruins,  and  only  waged  war  when  forced  to  do  so. 
For  this  chief  of  the  Goths  was  a  pacific  king,  and  made  the 
best  use  of  peace.  "Let  other  Kings  rejoice  in  ravaging 
cities  and  burdening  themselves  with  huge  spoils,"  said 
he,  "but  I  wish  my  dominion  to  be  such  that  vanquished 
nations  shall  only  regret  that  they  were  not  sooner  made 
subject  to  it." 

The  new-comers  needed  lands,  and  as  each  Italian  city  had 
given  up  a  third  of  its  territory  to  be  distributed  to  the  Heruli 
of  Odovakar,  the  Goths  of  Theodoric  merely  substituted 


3*5  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

themselves  for  the  Heruli,  a  substitution  which  caused  no 
suffering,  as  there  were  many  abandoned  estates.  A  com- 
mon law  was  established  for  the  two  peoples,  except  in  regard 
to  a  few  of  their  own  customs  which  the  Goths  preserved. 
The  barbarians  paid  a  tax  for  their  lands  like  the  Romans, 
and  cases  of  dispute  between  men  of  the  two  races  were 
decided  by  a  mixed  tribunal.  Theodoric  did  not  wish  his 
Goths  to  be  privileged  before  the  law,  and  would  perhaps 
have  preferred  to  have  them  mingle  freely  with  the  van- 
quished population,  but  the  barbarians  reserved  the  profes- 
sion of  arms  for  themselves,  and  forbade  their  children 
the  study  of  literature  and  the  arts.  The  Romans  alone 
resorted  to  the  schools,  and  they  held  only  civil  offices. 
Nevertheless  Theodoric  was  supreme  over  his  kingdom,  and 
we  do  not  find  among  the  Ostrogoths  assemblies  such  as 
the  other  barbarians  had,  but  the  king  governed  alone  with 
the  aid  of  a  council. 

Theodoric  professed  a  great  reverence  for  the  Roman 
civilization.  He  had  asked  for  and  obtained  from  the  Em- 
peror Anastasius  the  imperial  insignia  that  Odovakar  had  dis- 
dainfully sent  back  to  Constantinople,  and  he  gave  up  the 
dress  of  the  barbarians  for  the  Roman  purple.*  Although  he 
lived  at  Ravenna  he  was  accustomed  to  consult  the  Roman 
senate,  to  whom  he  wrote:  "We  desire,  conscript  fathers,  that 
the  genius  of  liberty  may  look  with  favor  upon  your  assem- 
bly." He  established  a  consul  of  the  West,  three  praetorian 
prefects,  and  three  dioceses, ^ — that  of  northern  Italy,  that  of 
Rome,  and  that  of  Gaul.  He  retained  the  municipal  gov- 
ernment, but  appointed  the  decurions  himself.  He  reduced 
the  severity  of  the  taxes,  and  his  palace  was  always  open 
to  those  who  wished  to  complain  of  the  iniquities  of  the 
judges.  Faustus,  a  praetorian  prefect,  and  Theodahad,  a 
nephew  of  the  prince,  were  in  this  way  forced  to  make  resti- 
tution. A  poor  woman  had  been  begging  for  years  to  have 
her  process  decided.  Theodoric  summoned  the  judges  and 
they  despatched  the  affair  in  a  few  days.  He  then  con- 
demned them  to  punishment  for  not  having  done  in  three 
years  what  could  have  been  done   in  three  days.     Royal 


*  It  is  impossible  to  tell  what  was  the  exact  relationship  between  the 
two  governments.  Theodoric  does  not  seem  to  have  recognized  any  real 
subordination  to  the  Empire.  Monimsen  in  recent  studies  holds  that 
he  did.— Ed. 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  37 

envoys  armed  with  his  full  authority  traversed  the  prov- 
inces, that  the  king's  justice  might  be  accessible  to  all,  and 
in  order  to  establish  a  vigilant  police. 

Thus  a  barbarian  gave  back  to  Italy  the  prosperity  which 
she  had  lost  under  the  emperors.  The  public  buildings, 
aqueducts,  theatres,  and  baths  were  repaired,  and  palaces 
and  churches  were  built.  The  uncultivated  lands  were 
cleared  and  companies  were  formed  to  drain  the  Pontine 
marshes,  and  the  marshes  of  Spoleto.  The  iron  mines  of 
Dalmatia  and  a  gold  mine  in  Bruttii  were  worked.  The 
coasts  were  protected  from  pirates  by  numerous  flotillas. 
The  population  increased  greatly.  Theodoric,  though  he 
did  not  know  how  to  write,  gathered  around  him  the  best 
literary  merit  of  the  time,^Boethius,  the  bishop  Ennodius, 
and  Cassiodorus.  The  latter,  whom  he  made  his  minister, 
has  left  us  twelve  books  of  letters.  Theodoric  seems  in 
many  ways  like  a  first  sketch  of  Charlemagne. 

Though  himself  an  Arian,  he  respected  the  rights  of  the 
Catholics  from  the  first,  confirmed  the  immunities  of  their 
churches,  and  in  general  left  the  free  election  of  their 
bishop  to  the  people  and  the  clergy  of  Rome.  He  eve' 
protected  the  Jews  and  wrote  to  their  rabbis  :  "  We  can  ■ 
not  enforce  religion,  for  no  one  is  obliged  to  believe  any- 
thing in  spite  of  himself."  When,  however,  the  Emperor 
Justin  I.  persecuted  the  Arians  in  the  East,  he  threatened 
to  retaliate,  and  as  a  great  commotion  was  observed  among 
his  Italian  subjects,  he  believed  that  a  conspiracy  was  being 
formed  against  himself.  He  forbade  the  Catholics  to  carry 
any  sort  of  arms,  and  accused  several  men  of  consular  rank 
of  criminal  relations  with  the  court  of  Constantinople.  The 
prefect  Symmachus  and  his  son-in-law,  Boethius,  were  im- 
plicated. Theodoric  confined  them  in  the  tower  of  Pavia, 
and  it  was  there  that  Boethius  wrote  his  great  work,  The 
Consolations  of  Philosophy.  They  were  both  executed  in 
525.*  Theodoric,  however,  finally  recognized  their  inno- 
cence, and  felt  such  great  regret  that  his  reason  is  said  to 
have  been  unbalanced  and  that  remorse  hastened  his  end 
(526).  His  tomb,  of  which  the  cupola  is  formed  of  a  single 
stone  twelve  metres  wide  and  one  and  a  half  thick,  is  still 
to  be  seen  at  Ravenna.  It  is  the  only  monument  raised  by 
the  Goths  that  we  possess,  and  it  is  readily  seen  that  this 

*  Boethius  was  probably  executed  in  524. — Ed. 


38  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

structure  has  nothing  in  common  with  the  architecture  so 
improperly  called  Gothic. 

After  the  death  of  Theodoric  the  supremacy  wielded  by 
his  nation  over  the  barbarian  world  disappeared.  The 
Ostrogoths  and  the  Visigoths  were  again  separated.  The 
first  recognized  as  king  x\thalaric,  son  of  the  beautiful  and 
learned  Amalasuntha,  and  grandson  of  Theodoric  ;  the 
second,  a  son  of  Alaric  II.  The  kingdom  of  the  Ostrogoths 
degenerated  rapidly,  and  survived  its  founder  but  a  short 
time.  Nevertheless,  Theodoric  showed  too  high  a  degree 
of  the  genius  of  civilization  to  be  ranked  with  the  barba- 
rians who  have  left  nothing  durable  behind  them. 

Though  the  Ostrogoths  left  few  traces  on  the  soil  of 
Italy  in  spite  of  their  graat  king,  Theodoric,  the'7  place  on 
the  peninsula  was  filled,  after  some  years  of 
Lombards  (568-  Qj-cck  dominion,  by  a  people  who  planted 
Germanic  institutions  there.  The  Lombards, 
or  Longobards,  a  people  originally  from  the  banks  of  the 
Elbe,  had  long  wandered  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube 
between  the  Theiss  and  Moravia,  and  had  finally  settled 
in  Pannonia  and  Noricum  at  the  invitation  of  Justinian. 
Reinforced  by  an  army  of  Avars  from  Asia, and  underthe  lead- 
ership of  Alboin,  they  utterly  destroyed  the  kingdom  of  the 
Gepidse,  and  forced  the  beautiful  Rosamund,  daughter  of 
the  King  Cunimund,  who  was  slain  in  the  battle,  to  marry 
the  victor  (566).  Two  years  later  summoned  by  Narses,  * 
A.lboin  crossed  the  Julian  Alps,  conquered  the  whole  valley 
of  the  Po  without  a  combat,  and  had  himself  proclaimed 
king  in  Milan.  Pavia,  which  he  took  after  a  long  siege,  be- 
came his  capital.  He  entered  Umbria  and  established  a 
Lombard  duke  in  Spoleto,  but  Ravenna  and  Rome  escaped 
him,  as  well  as  the  coasts  of  Liguria  and  Venice,  and  all  the 
southern  part  of  the  peninsula  and  the  islands.  The  Greek 
Empire  retained  these,  and  they  were  governed  by  an 
exarch  who  lived  at  Ravenna  and  was  supreme  over  the 
dukes  established    elsewhere  as  subordinate  governors. 

Alboin  was  assassinated  in  573  by  Helmichis,  his  shield- 
bearer,  at  the  instigation  as  the  legend  goes  of  Rosamund, 
whom  he  had  forced  at  a  feast  to  drink  from  her  father's 
skull.  His  successor,  Kief,  carried  the  dominion  of  the 
Lombards   into   the   southern    part   of  the  peninsula.      He 

*  This  story  is  now  commonly  rejected. — Ed. 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  39 

took  Beneventum,  but  did  not  gain  Naples,  Gaeta,  Amalfi, 
Calabria,  or  Bruttii,  which  were  kept  by  the  Greeks.  He 
died  in  575  by  the  hands  of  one  of  his  great  nobles.  Alboin 
had  divided  the  country  between  thirty-six  dukes,  who  each 
ruled  over  his  territory  and  one  great  city.*  Following  the 
Germanic  custom  the  nation  came  together  in  a  general 
assembly,  and  even  the  king  was  then  subject  to  its  decisions. 

After  the  death  of  Kief  the  thirty-six  dukes  let  the  throne 
stand  vacant  and  each  one  ruled  over  his  own  territory. 
This  division  of  power  encouraged  the  enemies  of  the  Lom- 
bards, and  after  being  attacked  by  the  Greeks  and  the 
Franks  they  reestablished  the  office  of  king  in  584.  Au- 
tharis,  the  son  of  Kief,  recovered  the  lost  provinces,  sub- 
dued Beneventum,  which  had  become  the  seat  of  a  power- 
ful duchy,  and  by  regulating  the  laws  confirmed  the  Lom- 
bard conquest.  He  settled  the  conditions  of  the  ownership 
of  land  and  the  rights  of  the  victor  and  the  vanquished ;  the 
latter  sank  to  the  condition  of  tributaries,  and  were  obliged 
to  pay  to  their  new  masters  one-third  of  the  product  of  the 
fields  they  had  retained.  He  compelled  the  dukes  to  sur- 
render half  their  revenues  to  the  king,  but  promised  not  to 
deprive  them  of  their  offices  for  anything  short  of  felony. 

The  Lombards  were  pagans  at  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
quest, and  though  soon  converted  to  Arianism,  they  did  not 
become  Catholics  till  the  reign  of  Agilulf  (602),  and  then 
through  the  efforts  of  the  Pope,  Saint  Gregory,  and  the 
queen  Theudelinda.f 

Rotharis  gave  them  their  first  written  laws.  In  a  diet 
held  in  Pavia  in  643,  by  "the  faithful  people  and  fortunate 
army"  of  the  Lombards,  the  law  which  bears  his  name  was 
published,  and  differed  from  other  barbarian  laws  in  being 
territorial  rather  than  personal.  J  The  only  ones  of  his  suc- 
cessors who  are  worthy  to  be  rescued  from  oblivion  are 
Grimoald  (662)  one  of  the  most  energetic  of  Lombard  kings, 

*  The  Lombard  dukes,  probably  thirty-five  in  number,  correspond 
more  nearly  to  the  counts  than  to  the  dukes  of  the  Frankish  kingdom. 
Counts  very  rarely  appear  in  the  Lombard  kingdom,  though  the  kings 
appoint  over  smaller  subdivisions  judicial  officers  like  the  Judex  and  the 
Sculdahis,  or  administrative  officers  like  the  Gastaldus. — Ed. 

f  The  process  of  conversion  was  a  slow  one.  It  cannot  be  called  com- 
plete before  the  reign  of  Grimoald. — Ed. 

X  That  is,  German  and  Roman  were  subject  alike  to  the  Lombard  law, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  cases  arising  between  Romans. — Ed. 


40  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

and  Luitprand  (712)  who  united  very  nearly  the  whole  pen- 
insula under  his  laws.  It  was  then  that  the  Pope  Greg- 
ory III.  sent  a  suppliant  letter  to  Charles  Martel,  and 
instituted  that  policy  in  pursuance  of  which  the  Holy  See 
to  preserve  its  independence  so  often  contended  against  the 
masters  of  Italy,  and  so  often  summoned  against  them  the 
aid  of  foreigners.  When  Charlemagne  assumed  the  crown 
of  the  Lombards  in  774,  their  race,  which  had  been  supreme 
over  a  great  part  of  Italy  for  206  years,  had  established  cus- 
toms there  which  gave  rise  to  Italian  feudalism,  the  Cisal- 
pine region  even  retained  their  name,  and  is  still  called 
Lombardy. 

In  the  same  period  as  the  reigns  of  Clovis  and  Theo- 

doric,  Britain,  separated  by  the  sea  from  the  continent,  had 

its  own  particular  invasion,  or  rather  a  series 

Founding    of        r  •  ■  •  i      '  ,         ^ 

the  Angio?sax-     ot  successive  mvasious  by  two  peoples  from 

°^^_^^ingdoms     the  shores  of  the  lower  part  of  the  Elbe,  the 

Angles  and    the    Saxons.*     These  invasions 

lasted  a  century  and  resulted  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  heptarchy. 

Great  Britain,  which  had  been  partly  conquered  by  the 
Romans,  had  under  their  dominion  preserved  entirely  distinct 
its  three  peoples, — the  Caledonians  (Picts  and  Scots)  in  the 
north,  in  what  is  now  called  Scotland  where  the  Romans,  had 
not  penetrated  ;  in  the  south  and  east  the  Loegrians,  who  had 
felt  the  influence  of  the  Roman  civilization;  and  at  the  west 
beyond  the  Severn  the  Cambrians  or  the  Welsh,  a  people 
unconquerable  in  their  mountain  fastnesses. 

The  Picts  continually  descended  from  the  highlands  of 
Scotland  and  made  disastrous  expeditions  against  the 
South.  As  long  as  the  Romans  held  the  island  they  kept 
them  in  check,  but  when  Honorius,  menaced  by  Alaric  and 
Radagaisus,  recalled  his  legions, f  the  wall  of  Severus  and  the 
vallum  of  Adrian  were  no  longer  of  any  use.  The  Loegrians 
and  the  Cambrians  were  harassed  by  these   attacks  and 

*  This  history  of  the  English  conquest  takes  little  account  of  the  more 
recent  investigations.  The  chronology  and  nearly  all  matters  of  detail 
are  very  uncertain.  The  account  given  by  J.  R.  Green  in  his  shorter  or 
longer  History  of  England  or  in  his  Making  of  England  should  be 
read. —  Ed. 

f  It  seems  certain  that  only  one  legion,  the  20th,  was  recalled  to  meet 
Alaric,  and  this  in  402,  and  that  the  other  two,  the  2d  and  6th,  formed 
the  army  of  the  usurper  Constantine,  with  which  he  took  possession  of 
Gaul  in  407. — Eu. 


Chap.  III.]      SECOND  PERIOD   OF  INVASION.  4I 

decimated  by  famine,  and,  unable  to  gain  the  assistance  of 
Aetius  "by  their  groans,"  were  reduced  to  defend  them- 
selves. They  chose  a  penteym  or  pendragoii,  a  common 
chief,  who  was  to  live  at  London  and  take  charge  of  the 
defense  of  the  whole  country.  The  choice  of  the  pendragon 
often  proved  to  be  an  occasion  of  discord,  as  the  Lcegrians 
and  Cambrians  quarreled  as  to  which  people  should  receive 
the  office.  While  Vortigern  filled  this  office,  they  could 
think  of  no  other  means  of  safety  than  to  summon  against 
the  Picts  the  barbarians  from  beyond  the  sea,  the  Saxons, 
the  Jutes,  and  the  Angles.  These  were  bold  pirates,  who, 
finding  the  way  toward  the  Rhine  barred  by  the  Franks, 
had  taken  the  ocean  for  their  domain,  and  continually  set 
sail  from  the  coasts  of  Germany  and  the  Cimbric  peninsula 
to  scour  the  North  Sea  and  the  British  Channel.  Two 
Saxon  chiefs,  Henghist  and  Horsa,  defeated  the  Picts  and 
received  as  recompense  the  Isle  of  Thanet  on  the  coast  of 
Kent,  with  the  promise  of  tribute.  Such  protectors  soon 
change  to  masters  ;  the  white  dragon  of  the  strangers  de- 
voured the  red  dragon  of  the  Britons.  These  were  the  ban- 
ners of  the  two  peoples.  In  455  Henghist  took  possession 
of  the  country  between  the  Thames  and  the  Channel  with 
the  title  of  King  of  Kent,  and  made  Canterbury  his  capital. 
From  that  time  it  was  the  ambition  of  all  the  chiefs  of 
the  Saxon  pirates  to  gain  a  firm  footing  in  Great  Britain  as 
the  Frankish  tribes  had  done  in  Gaul.  In  491,  in  spite  of 
the  efforts  of  the  penteyrn  Ambrosius,  ^lla  founded  at 
Chichester  the  kingdom  of  Sussex  (Southern  Saxons).  In 
516  Cerdic  founded  at  Winchester  that  of  Wessex  (West 
Saxons).  Here  the  Saxons  came  into  collision  with  the 
Cambrians,  who  proved  to  be  formidable  adversaries.  Ar- 
thur,* prince  of  Caerleon,  the  hero  of  Gaelic  legends  and 
the  Achilles  of  the  Cambrian  bards,  defeated  them,  it  is  said, 
in  twelve  battles,  of  which  the  most  celebrated  is  that  of 
Badon-Hill  (520).  According  to  tradition  he  killed  with 
his  own  hand  in  a  single  day  400  of  his  enemies.  When 
wounded  he  was  borne  to  an  island  formed  by  two  rivers 
and  died  there,  at  what  date  is  not  known.  His  tomb  has 
never  been  found.  The  Cambrians,  whom  he  had  defended 
so  long,  refused  to  believe  in  the  death  of  their  national 

*  Consult  the  article  on  Arthur  in  vol.  ii.  of  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography. — Ed, 


42  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

hero,  and  for  many  centuries  looked  forward  to  his  coming 
as  the  time  of  their  deliverance.  He  had  saved  the  Cam- 
brian independence  for  the  time  being.  When  stopped  at 
the  west,  the  Saxon  invaders  founded  in  the  east  in  526  still 
another  kingdom,  Essex  (East  Saxons),  with  the  capital  of 
London  (Lon-din,  the  city  of  vessels),  on  the  Thames, 
which  made  four  Saxon  kingdoms. 

In  547  the  Angles  made  their  appearance.  Ida,  or  the 
i^ian  of  fire,  took  possession  of  York  and  the  region  which 
is  called  Northumberland  (land  north  of  the  Humber).  In 
571,  Offa,  chief  of  a  tribe  of  Angles  who  were  settled  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  Great  Britain,  took  the  title  of  King  of 
East  Anglia,  with  Norwich  for  his  capital,  and  in  584  Crida 
founded  between  the  East  x\ngles  and  the  Cambrians  the 
kingdom  of  Mercia  (frontier,  March),  with  Lincoln  or  Lei- 
cester for  capital. 

When  these  three  kingdoms  were  added  to  the  four  Saxon 
kingdoms  the  heptarchy  was  complete,  and  the  country 
which  had  been  held  by  the  Romans  was  divided  into  seven 
little  barbarian  kingdoms,  which  later  were  united  into  one. 
The  new-comers  formed  a  large  element  of  the  English 
population,  which  is  still  considered  to  have  a  Saxon  foun- 
dation. 

The  invasion  did  not  reach  Scotland,  which  was  still  held 
by  the  Picts  and  Scots,  whom  the  Romans  had  been  unable 
to  conquer,  nor  did  it  reach  Ireland,  which  escaped  the 
German  dominion  as  it  had  the  Roman,  except  for  a  few 
points  on  the  coasts  where  the  Danes  had  settled.  The 
Celtic  population  of  Ireland,  which  was  divided  into  a  great 
number  of  clans  and  little  states,  kept  its  independence  till 
the  twelfth  century.  Saint  Patrick  carried  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion there  as  early  as  the  fourth  century,  and  the  Church 
of  Ireland  early  became  a  center  of  light.  Saint  Columban, 
whom  we  shall  find  among  the  Franks,  was  one  of  her  sons. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   GREEK    EMPIRE    FROM    408    to    705  ;    TEMPORARY 
REACTION    OF    THE   EMPERORS  OF    CONSTANTI- 
NOPLE   AGAINST  THE  GERMANIC  INVADERS. 


Theodosius  II.,  Marcian,  Leo  I.,  Zeno,  Anastasius,  Justin  I.  (408-527). 
Justinian  I.  (527-565). — Wars  against  the  Persians  (52S-533  and 
540-562). — Conquest  of  Africa  from  the  Vandals  (534)  ;  of  Italy 
from  the  Ostrogoths  (535-553)  ;  Acquisitions  in  Spain  (552)  ;  Jus- 
tinian's Administration  of  the  Interior;  Code  and  Digest. — Justi- 
nian II.,  Tiberius  II.,  Maurice  and  Pliocas  (565-610)  ;  Heraclius 
(610-641)  ;  DecHne  of  the  Greek  Empire. 


While  the  tide  of  barbarian  nations  swept  over  almost  the 

whole  of   Europe,  the  Greek  Empire*  remained  intact;  it 

dragged  out  an  existence  which  was  for  the 

Theodosius     II.,  .  .         •  vi        ^1  , 

Marcian,  Leo    I.)    most   part  miserable,  though  it  was   more 
Zeno,  Anastasius,    ffioj-jQug  ^t  timcs  than  might  have  been  ex- 

JUStin  I.   (408-527).  ^  ,        ,     c  ■      .  TT         I 

pected  from  so  corrupt  a  society.  Under 
Justinian  and  Heraclius  it  had  been  able  to  take  the  offen- 
sive against  the  invaders,  to  regain  Italy  from  the  Ostro- 
goths, Africa  from  the  Vandals,  and  a  part  of  Spain  from 
the  Visigoths,  at  the  same  time  driving  back  the  Bulgarians 
and  Avars  beyond  the  Danube,  the  Persians  beyond  the 
Euphrates,  and  extending  its  protectorate  over  all  the  Chris- 
tians in  Asia.  But  it  was  exhausted  by  this  last  effort,  and 
unable  to  defend  and  keep  its  southern  provinces  when  the 
invading  barbarians  from  the  south,  the  Arabs,  appeared. 

This  Empire  was  governed  for  the  most  part  by  women 
and  eunuchs,  who  swayed  at  their  will  the  degenerate  em- 
perors. Thus  Theodosius  II.,  the  successor  of  Arcadius 
(408-450),  allowed  himself  to  be  ruled  throughout  his  reign 

*  The  titles  Greek  Empire,  Eastern  Empire,  and  Western  Empire,  as 
used  here  and  elsewhere,  are,  strictly  speaking,  incorrect,  at  least  till  we 
reach  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  The  Empire  throughout  the  whole 
period  was  considered  as  one  and  undivided,  whatever  arrangements 
night  be  made  for  the  government  of  different  parts  of  it. — Ed. 

43 


44  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

by  his  sister  Pulcheria,  who  succeeded  in  keeping  liim  in  a 
long  minority.  When  the  Empire  was  attaclied  under  this 
emperor,  he  paid  tribute  ;  he  had  the  good  fortune  not  to 
be  attacked  at  the  East  and  even  gained  half  of  Armenia, 
which  King  Arsaces  divided  with  him,  himself  taking  the 
lion's  share.*  In  the  reign  of  Theodosius  a  new  heresy 
sprang  up — that  of  Nestorius,  whom  he  appointed  bishop  of 
Constantinople,  and  the  Empire  was  long  troubled  by  it. 
The  Theodosian  Code  must  be  mentioned  here,  too,  which 
supplemented  the  inadequate  Gregorian  and  Hermogenian 
codes  and  contained  the  collected  decrees  of  the  Christian 
emperors.  This  code  was  drawn  up  by  a  commission  of 
lawyers  in  438,  and  was  the  first  body  of  laws  which  was 
given  to  the  Empire  with  the  imperial  sanction  ;  it  was  very 
popular,  especially  in  the  West,  among  the  Goths  of  Italy 
and  Spain. 

Marcian  (450-457),  whom  Pulcheria  married  for  his 
courage,  showed  more  firmness  toward  Attila  than  his  prede- 
cessor had  done ;  but  after  his  death  Constantinople  was 
given  over  to  misfortune.  The  Thracian  Leo  I.  (457)  re- 
ceived the  crown  at  the  hands  of  a  barbarian.  Zeno  (474) 
owed  it  to  the  revolt  of  the  Isaurian  guards,  who,  like  the 
old  praetorian  guards,  made  everything  bow  to  their  caprice 
and  violence.  A  rival  Basilicus  troubled  the  Empire,  and 
religious  quarrels,  a  chronic  malady  at  Constantinople, 
brought  the  Catholics  and  the  partisans  of  Eutyches  into 
such  violent  conflict  that  Zeno's  endeavors  to  calm  them  by 
his  Henoticon,  ox  Edict  of  Union  (481),  were  without  suc- 
cess. 

In  491  Anastasius,  who  had  been  earlier  proposed  for  the 
patriarchal  see  at  Antioch,  was  made  Emperor  through  the 
intrigues  of  a  woman.  To  protect  Constantinople,  he  built 
a  wall  from  the  Euxine  to  the  Propontis,  70  kilometers  (40 
miles)  long,  strengthened  with  towers  and  bearing  his  name; 
he  mixed  in  the  religious  quarrels  and  only  inflamed  them 
the  more — blood  even  flowed  in  the  tumults.  However,  he 
freed  Constantinople  from  the  Isaurians,  abolished  again 
the  chrysargyron,  the  detested  tax,  and  strictly  forbade  the 
combats  in  the  circus  between  men  and  wild  beasts.  These 
emperors  were  not,  as  a  general  rule,  wanting  in  knowledge, 

*  The  division  of  Armenia  between  Rome  and  Persia  takes  place  in  the 
reign  of  Theodosius  I. — Ed. 


Chap.  IV.]  THE   GREEK  EMPIRE.  45 

humanity,  or  even  good  intensions  ;  but  tliey  were  petty  and 
weak.  What  they,  as  well  as  the  whole  nation,  lacked,  was 
dignity  and  force  of  character,  strength  and  elevation  of 
mind,  rather  than  mere  intelligence. 

Anastasius  waged  an  unsuccessful  war  against  Persia 
(502-505),  which  cost  him  Colchis.*  At  his  death  (518), 
a  dynasty  began  in  the  person  of  the  Thracian  Justin  I., 
who  had  bought  the  throne  from  the  Imperial  guards.  He 
was  an  officer  of  the  guard,  and  had  before  that  been  a 
shepherd  and  a  soldier.  He  did  not  know  how  to  read,  and 
he  signed  his  edicts  by  means  of  a  tablet,  in  which  the  first 
four  letters  of  his  name  were  cut  like  a  stencil.  Neverthe- 
less, he  was  not  without  merit,  and  he  reigned  till  527. 

At  this  time  his  nephew  Justinian  mounted  the  throne, 
having  made  his  way  to  it  by  humoring  all  the  vices  which 
distracted  Constantinople,  by  corrupting  the 
(ssT^se's^.'^^Per-  soldicrs  and  lavishing  gold  on  the  circus 
sian  Wars  (528-  games,  which  held  in  the  affections  of  this 
degenerate  people  a  place  equal  to  that  of 
their  gravest  interests.  If  his  reign  was  great  it  was  not  due 
to  moral  excellence,  but  to  his  wars,  his  works  of  legislation, 
and  the  monuments  he  erected. 

Justinian  carried  on  wars  in  four  directions, — in  the  east 
with  the  Persians,  in  the  southwest  with  the  Vandals,  in 
the  west  with  the  Ostrogoths,  in  the  north  with  the  Bul- 
garians. 

The  war  against  the  Persians,  though  often  interrupted, 
was  the  first  to  begin — in  528 — and  the  last  to  end,  in  562. 
It  did  not  have  the  same  character  as  the  others;  there  were 
no  countries  conquered  by  the  barbarians,  to  be  recovered 
from  them,  like  Italy  and  Africa,  nor  an  invasion  to  be 
repelled,  as  upon  the  Danube ;  it  was  the  sustaining  of  an 
old  and  equal  struggle — the  defense  of  a  frontier  from  the 
regular  attacks  of  an  established  people,  as  old  as  the  Em- 
pire itself;  who  did  not  come  rushing  on,  a  whole  people 
in  masses,  but  who  sent  armies — which  constitutes  the 
real  difference  between  barbarian  invasions  and  ordinary 
wars. 

After  the  hundred  years  of  good  understanding,  the  old 
hostilities    between    the    Roman    Empire    and    Persia   had 

*  Colchis  was  not  involved  in  this  war.  The  conquests  which  the  Per- 
sians had  made  were  restored  at  its  close  — Ed. 


4^  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

broken  out  again  under  Anastasius  and  Justin.  King  Ko« 
bad  had  seized  several  Roman  towns,  and  had  subjugated 
all  Armenia,  always  an  object  of  desire  to  both  empires. 
There  had  also  been  a  few  quarrels  during  the  reign  of  Jus- 
tin on  the  occasion  of  the  conversion  of  the  Lagi,  who,  on 
becoming  Christians,  had  renounced  the  protection  of  the 
Persians  to  put  themselves  under  the  Greek  Emperor.  Jus- 
tinian had  reigned  for  a  year  (528),  when  Kobad  finally 
opened  hostilities  by  dispersing  the  workmen  engaged  in  for- 
tifying the  town  of  Dara  in  Mesopotamia.  The  defense  of 
the  provinces  in  Asia  was  confided  to  Belisarius,  whose  name 
has  become  inseparably  connected  with  Justinian's  and 
immortalized  by  his  great  deeds  as  well  as  by  his  misfor- 
tunes. They  were  associated  in  debauchery  before  they 
were  associates  in  glory — a  fact  very  characteristic  of  the 
Greek  Empire.  Belisarius  was  first  victor  in  two  battles, 
and  then  vanquished  at  Callinicum.  Nevertheless  he  saved 
the  Asiatic  provinces  of  the  Greek  Empire  by  his  skillful 
maneuvers,  and  Kobad's  successor,  Chosroes  Nushirvan, 
wishing  to  strengthen  his  position  by  peace  before  under- 
taking the  vast  designs  that  filled  his  head — consented  to 
negotiate.  Justinian  paid  down  11,000  pounds  of  gold 
(533)-  For  this  price  they  swore  an  eternal  friendship;  it 
lasted  less  than  eight  years. 

In  540,  Chosroes,  uneasy  at  the  increase  of  Justinian's 
power,  and  urged  on  by  Witiges,  King  of  the  Ostrogoths, 
invaded  and  ravaged  Syria,  took  possession  of  Antioch,  and 
was  stopped  only  by  Belisarius,  whom  Justinian  called  back 
from  Italy  in  all  haste.  The  great  general  prevented  new 
conquests  of  the  Persians  by  his  maneuvers,  but  he  could 
neither  conquer  Armenia  nor  bring  back  the  Lagi  under 
Roman  protection.  They  had  had  to  suffer  so  much  from 
Roman  extortioners,  that  they  no  longer  wished  to  be  separ- 
ated from  Persia.  In  545,  a  truce  was  signed,  after  Chos- 
roes had  besieged  Edessa  in  vain.  Ten  years  later,  the  Lagi 
rebelled  and  the  war  began  again  in  Colchis,  whose  popula- 
tion was  in  great  ])art  Christian.  The  treaty  of  562  secured 
this  ])rovince  to  the  Emjiire.  Justinian,  at  the  same  time, 
obtained  liberty  of  conscience  for  the  Christians  of  Persia, 
but  agreed  to  pay  a  tribute  of  30,000  pieces  of  gold,  so 
that,  in  the  East,  his  reign  was  marked  by  the  humiliation 
of  a  material  loss  and  by  the  honor  of  obtaining  a  moral 
advantage  in  the  empire  of  his  enemy. 


Chai-.  iV.j  THE   GREEK  EMPIRE.  47 

On  the  other  three  sides,  his  military  glory  was  less 
doubtful. 

Victory  had  been  fatal  to  the  barbarians.      Those  men  of 

the  north,  carried  suddenly  from  the  damp  and  gloomy  for- 

„.    „  ^     ests  of  Germany  to    the  scorching  plains  of 

The  Conquest  o-  ^      k  r   ■  it 

of  Africa  (534) ;  Italy,  bpam,  and  Africa,  had  two  enemies 
5  53K^^Acquis^-  that  brought  them  sure  death,  the  sun  and 
tions  in  Spain  dissipation.  What  happened  to  the  English 
soldiers  in  India,  happened  to  them  too. 
They  were  enervated  by  the  climate,  and  their  intemperate 
habits,  harmless  on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe,  became  fatal  at 
the  foot  of  Atlas.  Add  to  this  their  small  numbers,  their 
intestine  wars,  the  hatred  of  the  populations  toward  their 
savage  and  political  masters;  finally,  the  sudden  contact 
with  civilization  which  is  so  often  fatal  to  barbarians,  and  it 
will  be  readily  seen  that  at  the  end  of  two  or  three  genera- 
tions nothing  remained  of  a  power  which  at  first  had  seemed 
irresistible.  In  after  years  the  crusaders  established  in 
Palestine  had  the  same  experience.  Seeing  this  quick 
decline,  it  seemed  to  Justinian  natural  to  profit  by  it,  and 
he  began  with  the  Vandals. 

It  was  after  the  first  Persian  war  that  the  expedition 
against  the  Vandals  took  place.  Gelimer  had  just  assassin- 
ated Prince  Hilderic — a  relation  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius 
I.  by  his  mother.  Under  the  pretext  of  avenging  him 
Justinian  decided  to  attack  that  enervated  nation,  which 
was  still  torn  by  religious  conflicts.  Belisarius  set  out  for 
Africa  with  a  fleet  of  500  ships  manned  by  20,000  sailors 
and  15,000  soldiers.  The  departure  was  an  occasion  of 
great  solemnity  at  Constantinople  ;  and  the  success  of 
Belisarius  fully  repaid  the  importance  of  the  preparations. 
Three  months  after  he  landed  he  gained  the  decisive  vic- 
tory of  Tricamaron  and  took  possession  of  Africa,  Sardinia, 
and  the  Balearic  Islands  (534).  Gelimer,  closely  besieged, 
sent  to  Belisarius  for  bread,  which  he  had  not  tasted  for 
three  months,  a  sponge  with  which  to  bathe  his  aching  eyes, 
and  a  lute  wherewith  to  sing  his  woes.  When  led  before 
him  he  burst  out  laughing  ;  and  when  he  was  presented  to 
the  Emperor  he  cried  with  Ecclesiastes,  "  Vanity  of  vani- 
ties— all  is  vanity."  He  vvas  given  estates  in  Galatia,  where 
he  quietly  spent  the  rest  of  his  life. 

Belisarius  hardly  had  enjoyed  his  triumph  at  Constan- 
tinople, for  the  conquest  of  Africa,  when  he  was  sent  to 


48  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

Italy.  In  Italy  the  Ostrogoths  retained  more  vigor,  from 
the  fact  that  they  had  come  there  in  greater  numbers  and 

more  recently.  Theodoric  had  kept  them 
Italy  "from  Vh°e  Separated  from  the  Italians.  His  daughter 
Ostrogoths  (533-  Amalasuntha,  reigning  in  the  place  of  Atha- 
^^^''  laric,  wished  to  refine  them,  but  the  Goths, 

who  clung  to  their  barbaric  rudeness,  forced  her  to  name 
her  cousin  Theodahad  king,  and  soon  after  Theodahad 
assassinated  her.  Justinian  appeared  as  the  avenger  of 
Amalasuntha  in  Italy,  as  he  had  of  Hilderic  in  Africa. 
Belisarius  conquered  Sicily  (535),  and  took  Naples  and 
Rome  (536).  Invain  did  Witiges,  the  new  king  of  the  Goths, 
assemble  all  the  forces  of  the  nation,  newly  inspired  by  his 
courage,  take  for  an  instant  the  offensive,  and  shut  up 
Belisarius  in  Rome  ;  he  could  not  capture  him  there  and 
was  obliged  to  fly  to  Ravenna,  where  he  suffered  the  same 
fate  as  Gelimer  (540).  But  envy  and  the  Persian  war  called 
Belisarius  back  ;  the  Goths,  under  Totila,  took  advantage 
of  that  and  gained  a  great  victory  at  Faenza  which  gave 
them  Rome  (546).  Belisarius  came  back,  but  with  insuffi- 
cient forces,  and  only  succeeded  in  reentering  the  old  capi- 
tal of  the  world.  What  the  court  refused  him,  it  gave  to 
the  eunuch  Narses.  He  had  an  army  in  which  barbarians 
predominated — Huns,  Persians,  Herulians,  Lombards  and 
Slavs — and  fought  at  Lentagio  *  in  the  Apennines  against 
King  Totila,  who  died  of  his  wounds  (552).  Teias,  suc- 
ceeding Totila,  had  a  like  fate  ;  and  the  Ostrogothic  mon- 
archy ended  with  him.  The  bands  of  Franks,  though 
called  upon  at  the  same  time  by  the  Goths  and  the  Greeks, 
did  not  assist  either  of  the  two  parties.  Those  of  the 
Ostrogothic  warriors  who  still  remained  in  Italy  were 
allowed  to  retire  with  their  possessions,  after  promising  on 
oath  never  to  return. 

Thus  the  Greek    Empire   seemed  to    have  avenged    the 
Empire  of  the  West.     When  it  had  seized  Valencia  in  Spain 

and  the  Eastern  Baetica,  which  Athanagild 
^spa'hl\5°52^ '"     yielded  to  Justinian  in    order    to  obtain  his 

help  against  a  rival,  Agila,  it  seemed  to  have 
regained  its  sovereignty  over  the  two  basins  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. But  the  increase  of  power  was  too  much  for  its 
weak  condition,  and  lasted  but  a  short  time. 

*  The  exact  place  where  this  battle  was  fought  is  unknown. — Ed. 


EL  HOPE 

AT  THE  DEATH  OF 
JUSTINIAN 

565. 


Komnti  En  1 1  li  If 


Teutonic  Kint'tliinis 


E.  F.  FISK,  ENGR..  N.Y. 


Chap.  IV.]  THE   GREEK  EMPIRE.  49 

A  new  invasion,  in  the  north,  was  repelled  at  the  same 
time.  The  Bulgarians  who  are  believed  to  be  of  Tartar 
blood,  came  from  the  region  of  the  Volga  about  this  time. 
They  settled  in  Dacia,  and  while  the  imperial  armies  were 
fighting  in  Asia,  Italy,  and  Spain,  they  crossed  the  Danube 
on  the  ice  and  appeared  under  the  very  walls  of  Constan- 
tinople. The  capital  of  the  Empire  was  saved  by  Belisarius, 
who  expelled  them  with  the  aid  of  the  guards  of  the  palace 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  and  drove  them  back 
beyond  the  Danube*  (559).  Another  Tartar  people,  the 
Avars,  the  remains  of  a  great  nation  destroyed  in  Asia  by 
the  Turks  and  the  Chinese,  approached  the  Danube  in  558. 
Justinian  persuaded  them  to  stop  in  Dacia.  He  hoped  to 
make  them  defenders  of  the  Empire;  but  they  became  its 
most  terrible  enemies.  ._ 

Justinian's  greatest  claim  to  the  memory  of  posterity  is, 
however,  less  in  his  transient  victories  than  in  the  works  of 

lustinian's  legislation  which  are  connected  with  his  name. 
Administration,  They  wcre  cxccuted  under  the  direction  of 
o  e  igest.  Tribonian,  a  lawyer  and  a  man  of  universal 
knowledge,  but  mercenary  and  without  conscience,  acco^d- 
ing  to  Procopius,  who  said :  "He  trafficked  in  laws — mak- 
ing and  unmaking  them  according  as  it  was  asked  of  him." 
With  nine  other  lawyers  for  associates,  Tribonian  made  in 
fourteen  months  (528-529)  a  collection  of  the  constitutions 
and  imperial  edicts,  divided  into  twelve  books;  this  is  the 
Code.  Justinian  brought  out,  some  time  after,  a  new  edi- 
tion of  it,  in  which  were  two  hundred  laws  and  fifty  decis- 
ions delivered  by  himself.  In  the  year  533  the  Institutes 
appeared,  a  summary  of  the  principles  of  Roman  juris- 
prudence, which  was  intended  for  the  schools  of  Constan- 
tinople, Berytus  and  Rome,  and  the  Digest,  called,  as  in 
Greek,  Pandects  (general  collection).  This  is  an  immense 
compilation,  made  in  three  years  time  by  seventeen  law- 
yers, though  Justinian  had  allowed  them  twelve  years  for 
the  task.  All  the  previous  codes  and  two  thousand  books 
on  jurisprudence  were  summarized,  and  three  million  lines 
were  reduced  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  To  avoid 
further  confusion,  it  was  forbidden  to  make  commentaries 


*  This  invasion  was  by  a  branch  of  the  Huns,  not  by  the  Bulgarians. 
It  may  have  been  in  558.  The  home  offered  by  Justinian  to  the  Avars 
was  in  Pannonia. — Ed. 


5©  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

on  them,  and  even  to  interpret  or  cite  the  old  laws;  in  a 
doubtful  case  the  Emperor  himself  could  be  appealed  to  for 
an  interpretation. 

Finally,  the  fourth  great  work  includes,  under  the  name  of 
Novelise,  the  laws  made  by  Justinian  after  the  publication  of 
the  Code  (534-565).  All  this  legislation  was  the  last  will  and 
testament,  as  it  were,  of  Roman  jurisprudence,  but  animated 
by  new  principles  of  humanity  in  the  civil  law  and  of  des- 
potism in  the  government. 

For  the  defense  of  the  Empire,  Justinian  built  or  restored 
eighty  fortresses  along  the  Danube  and  six  hundred  m  Dacia, 
Epirus,  Thessaly,  Macedonia  and  Thrace;  he  rebuilt  the 
wall  of  Anastasius,  which  had  been  thrown  down  by  an  earth- 
quake and  had  let  the  Bulgarians  through;  he  even  fortified 
all  the  isthmuses  of  the  Empire,  and  covered  the  frontier  of 
the  Euphrates  with  forts  as  he  had  the  Danube.  Other 
structures  were  for  the  adornment  of  the  capital — as,  for 
instance,  the  magnificent  basilica  of  St.  Sophia,  which  is 
now  a  mosque.  The  importation,  in  his  reign,  of  silk- 
worms, by  two  Nestorian  monks  coming  from  China,  must 
also  be  mentioned. 

From  every  point  of  view  that  we  have  taken,  the  reign 
of  Justinian  is  worthy  of  praise.  It  is  contemptible,  if  we 
consider  the  inner  factions,  the  bloodthirsty  quarrels  of  the 
greens  and  the  blues  (the  colors  of  the  circus  charioteers), 
the  Nika  sedition,  which  for  five  days  gave  Constantinople 
over  to  devastation — murder  and  conflagration.  The  dan- 
ger was  so  great  for  the  Emperor  himself  that  he  was  on 
the  point  of  departing  on  a  ship  held  in  readiness  for  him, 
when  his  wife  Theodora  stopped  him,  saying  :  "  I  shall  re- 
main, and  I  shall  console  myself  with  that  thought  of  the 
ancients,  that  the  throne  is  a  glorious  tomb  !  " 

Belisarius,  with  3000  veterans,  surrounded  the  rebels  in 
tlie  circus  and  killed,  it  is  said,  30,000  of  them.  This  brave 
Theodora  had  been  only  a  comic  actress,  daughter  of  the 
keeper  of  the  bears  in  the  amphitheater,  and  ncjtorious  for 
every  kind  of  licentiousness  before  Justinian  married  her. 
Virtue  was  nowhere  seen,  and  without  this  strength  is 
weakness,  for  it  alone  can  give  to  states  as  well  as  to  indi- 
vidu'ds  a  wliolesome  confidence  in  themselves.  The  innu- 
i.''eral)lj  fortresses  proved  only  that  the  Romansof  the  lower 
empire  felt  their  own  powerlessness,  and  had  a  lively  fear 
of  the  ruin  which  they  knew  themselves  unable  to  avert. 


Chap.  IV.]  THE   GREEK  EMPIRE.  51 

Justinian  died  in  565,  after  withdrawing  his  favor  from 

Belisarius.  *     He   was   succeeded   by   three  emperors,  the 

.    „    ^.      two  last  of  fine  character  who  form  an   ex- 

Justin  II.    Ti-  .  ,  ,      ,  ,      .  -  ,  . 

beriusii.  Mau-  ception  to  the  general  degradation  ;  first  his 
'^l-Lyn^r^  nephew,  Justin  II.  (565),  then  Tiberius  II. 
ciius    (610-741).     (1578),    and    Maurice    (S82).       The    two    last 

Steady  decline.       ^-^ '■    '    ,    .1        .1  \       \\  •     \^^       c       a       ^■ 

gained  the  throne  by  the  right  of  adoption, 
which  proved  almost  as  successful  in  their  case  as  when  it 
gave  the  Empire  to  the  Antonines.  The  splendor  of  Jus- 
tinian's reign  was  continued  under  these  three  Emperors. 
If  Italy  was  conquered  by  the  Lombards  (568),  the  Avars, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  turned  back  from  the  East  by 
Justin's  courageous  attitude.  The  Persian  war  was  waged 
with  success  by  Tiberius  II.,  and  under  Maurice  the  Greek 
Empire  became  the  protector  of  Chosroes  II.,  who  was 
driven  from  his  states  by  the  revolt  of  Varahan  (591). 
Unfortunately  at  the  end  of  this  reign,  the  Avars,  led  by 
their  Khan,  the  terrible  Baiam,  raised  the  annual  tribute  to 
100,000  pieces  of  gold,  took  Sirmium  f  and  Singidunum, 
and  ravaged  everything  from  Belgrade  to  the  Black  Sea. 
Maurice  had  nothing  to  oppose  to  these  formidable  troops 
but  a  degenerate  army  attracted  only  by  the  hope  of  gold, 
and  generals  who  had  no  more  force  of  character  than 
Commentiolus,  who  always  fell  sick  when  the  barbarians 
arrived,  and  who  never  lost  blood  but  by  the  surgeon's  lan- 
cet. Maurice  wished  to  make  a  reform  in  the  discipline, 
but  the  attempt  cost  him  his  life.  A  revolt  broke  out  in 
the  European  and  Asiatic  camps,  and  Phocas,  who  was  pro- 
claimed Emperor,  had  him  strangled  with  all  his  children 
(602).  Fortunately  the  terrible  tyranny  of  Phocas  defeated 
itself  by  its  own  excesses.  Heraclius,  the  son  of  the  ex- 
arch of  Africa  (610),  was  called  upon  to  overthrow  him. 

The  reign  of  Heraclius  was  a  struggle  against  the  Persians 
and  the  Avars,  admirable  for  its  courage  and  spirit.  For  a 
long  time  war  had  not  been  waged  on  so  grand  a  scale  as  it 

*The  tradition  that  Belisarius  had  his  eyes  put  out  by  the  order  of 
Justinian  and  was  obliged  to  beg  his  bread,  a  story  popularized  by  Mar- 
montel's  romance  and  David's  picture,  does  not  go  farther  back  than 
Tzetzes,  an  author  of  the  twelfth  century,  in  whom  little  faith  can  be 
placed.  The  portraits  of  Justinian  and  Theodora  are  still  to  be  seen  in 
the  mosaic  of  the  apse  of  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  which  contains  so  many 
memorials  of  the  Lower  Empire. 

f  Sirmium  was  captured  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius. — Ed. 


52  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

was  now  in  Asia.  The  extremities  of  distress  to  which  the 
Emperor  was  first  reduced  only  made  his  success  there- 
after the  more  remarkable.  The  Avars  invaded  the  North, 
and  pursued  the  Emperor  as  far  as  the  outskirts  of  Constan- 
tinople (6ig).  The  Persians,  led  by  the  Satrap  Shahen, 
invaded  Syria  (613),  Palestine,  Egypt,  and  even  Cyrenaica, 
where  they  destroyed  all  the  Greek  towns,  and  returning 
to  Asia  Minor,  suddenly  pushed  as  far  as  Chalcedon.  Here 
they  settled  for  ten  years  in  sight  of  Constantinople,  which 
the  loss  of  Egypt  had  reduced  to  starvation.  The  limits  of 
the  Empire  at  that  time  hardly  reached  beyond  the  walls  of 
Constantinople  and  Heraclius  was  already  thinking  of  trans- 
ferring the  capital  from  there  to  Carthage,  when  the  patri- 
arch Sergius  restrained  him  and  placed  the  possessions  of  the 
Church  at  Constantinople  at  his  disposal.  The  war  which 
was  going  on  had  assumed  almost  a  religious  character; 
Chosroes  had  strangled  the  Christian  priests  in  Jerusalem, 
and  had  sworn  that  he  would  not  make  peace  with  Heraclius 
until  he  should  "renounce  his  crucified  Lord,  and  take  up 
the  worship  of  the  Sun."  Heraclius  carried  the  war  into 
the  enemy's  country.  He  attacked  Asia  Minor  first  from 
the  south  (622),  landed  in  Cilicia,  and  gained  a  victory  at 
Issus.  He  then  attacked  it  from  the  north,  landing  at 
Trebizond,  and  enlarged  his  army  with  many  auxiliaries  col- 
lected from  the  tribes  of  the  Caucasus — dragged  Armenia 
into  an  alliance  with  him,  and  penetrated  into  Azerbiyan, 
destroying  the  town  of  Thebarmis,  which  ri'  regarded  as  the 
birthplace  of  Zoroaster,  the  religious  legislator  of  the  Per- 
sians. This  bold  enterprise  saved  Asia  Minor  and  Egypt,  as 
formerly  that  of  Scipio  in  Africa  had  saved  Italy.  The  Per- 
sian armies  were  withdrawn  across  the  Euphrates.  The 
Persians  allied  themselves  with  the  Avars,  Heraclius  with 
the  Turkish  Khazars  from  the  Volga,  who  stood  to  Persia 
in  the  same  position  as  did  the  barbarians  from  the  Danube 
to  the  Greek  Empire.  While  the  Avars  were  suffering 
defeat  in  an  attack  on  Constantinople  (626),  Heraclius, 
strengthened  by  40,000  Khazars,  went  so  far  that  the  king 
of  Persia  himself  trembled  for  his  capital  (627).  The  Em- 
peror, victor  in  a  battle  near  the  ruins  of  Nineveh,  pillaged 
the  towns  and  palaces  of  Persia,  and  penetrating  as  far  as 
Ctesephon,  which,  however,  he  did  not  besiege,  he  regained 
300  Roman  flags.  Chosroes  was  dethroned  and  put  to  death 
by  his  own  son  Siroes,  and  the  treaty  then  concluded  (628) 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   GREEK  EMPIRE.  53 

gave  back  to  the  two  empires  their  old  boundary  lines,  and 
to  the  Christians  the  wood  of  the  True  Cross,  which  He- 
raclius  bore  back  in  triumph  to  Jerusalem  (629). 

Here  the  successful  period  of  the  reign  of  Heraclius  ends, 
as  well  as  the  transient  prosperity  of  the  Greek  Empire, 
which  was  exhausted  by  the  attacks  of  the  Persians  and 
even  by  its  own  victories,  overwhelmed  by  taxes  and  ruined 
in  its  commerce  and  industries.  The  Empire  was  in  great 
need  of  repose  after  such  disasters  and  exertions,  but  it  was 
now  overwhelmed  by  the  sudden  rush  of  a  nation  from  the 
depths  of  Arabia,  much  more  formidable  than  the  Per- 
sians— a  veritable  torrent — destroying  everything  in  its  path. 
Ten  years  had  hardly  passed  when  Heraclius,  after  new  and 
useless  efforts,  released  his  Syrian  subjects  from  their  oath 
of  allegiance,  and  set  sail  crying:  "Farewell,  Syria,  fare- 
well forever!"  (638).  *  Before  he  died  he  saw  Egypt  lost, 
Alexandria  captured  (641).  His  dynasty  continued  on  the 
throne  for  seventy  years,  unfortunately  for  the  Empire. 
Blood  and  madness  and  unprecedented  refinements  of  cruelty 
give  an  awful  character  to  this  period:  Constans  II.  (641) 
had  his  brother  killed,  and  thought  he  saw  him  in  his  dreams 
offering  a  cup  of  blood  and  saying:  "Drink,  brother,  drink." 
Constantine  IV.  Pogonatos  (668)  had  the  noses  of  his  two 
brothers  cut  off,  whom  the  troops  of  the  Anatolic  district 
in  Asia  Minor  wished  to  force  upon  him  as  associates  in  the 
Empire,  'because,"  said  they,  "_'ust  as  there  are  three  per- 
sons of  equal  power  in  heaven,  so  ought  there  to  be — in 
all  reason — three  persons  of  equal  power  on  the  earth." 
Justinian  II.  (685)  had  two  favorites,  a  eunuch  and  a 
monk  ;  the  first  of  whom  is  said  to  have  had  the  Emperor's 
mother  scourged,  and  the  second  of  whom  caused  insolvent 
debtors  to  be  hanged  head  downwards  and  roasted  over  a 
slow  fire.  Tiberius  III,  f  stained  with  blood,  was  fortu- 
nately the  last  of  this  terrible  lineage:  he  was  first  mutilated, 
and  then  decapitated  (705). 

Then  it  was  that  the  Greeks  of  the  Lower  Empire  J  sank 
into  such  extremes  of  vice,  of  folly,  and  low  bloodthirstiness 
that  they  are  quoted  as  one  of  the  most  deplorable  types  of 
human  nature  that  history  can  show. 

*  This  date  is  a  matter  of  dispute.     It  should  probably  be  636. — Ed. 
f  Tiberius  was  not  of  the  lineage  of  Heraclius. — Ed. 
X  The  strong  defense  which  the  Empire  makes  against  the  Saracens 
shows  that  it  was  not  as  degenerate  as  it  has  been  often  represented. — Ed. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   RENEWAL   OF  THE    GERMAN    INVASION   BY   THE 
FRANKS.       GREATNESS    OF    THE    MEROVIN- 
GIANS.    THEIR  DECADENCE  (561-687). 


Power  of  the  Merovingian  Franks.  New  Character  of  their  History. — 
Lothaire  I.,  Fredegonda,  Brunhilda. — Lothaire  II.  Sole  King  (613- 
628). — Dagobert  I.  (628-638). — Preponderance  of  Franks  in  West- 
ern Europe. — Customs  and  Institutions  introduced  by  the  Germans 
among  the  Conquered  Peoples. — Laws  of  the  Barbarians. — Decline 
of  the  Royal  Authority  :  The  "  Rois  Faineants." — Mayors  of  the 
Palace. — The  Mayor  Ebroin  (660)  and  Saint  Leger  :  Battle  of 
Testry  (687). — Heredity  of  Benefices. 


The  reaction  of  the  Greek  Empire  against  the  barbarians 

did  not  go  farther  than  Italy  and  Africa,  in  which  countries 

Power  of  the     't  meted   out  justice  to  a  people   who  had 

Merovingian     already  yielded   to  the  enervating  effects  of 

Franks.       New         ....•'.•'  _       ,.  ,  ,  °        ,        , 

Character  of  civuization.  It  did  not  extend  to  Gaul,  where 
their  history.  j|-  ^ould  havc  cncountered  a  people  which 
had  better  retained  its  Germanic  vigor.  We  have  seen  the 
Franks  under  the  sons  of  Clovis  dividing  their  warlike 
energy  among  a  crowd  of  difi"erent  enterprises,  but  none  the 
less  strengthening  and  extending  their  dominion.  Again 
we  have  seen  them  gathering  around  their  chiefs  accord- 
ing to  the  German  custom  and  demanding  adventures  and 
booty,  though  already  less  submissive  and  devoted  to  these 
chiefs,  less  worthy  of  the  name  of  "•  fideles,"  yN\\\Q\-\  had  been 
given  them.  At  one  time  they  threatened  to  leave  Theo- 
doric  if  he  would  not  lead  them  into  Burgundy,  at  another 
they  brutally  ill-treated  Lothaire  I.,  who  refused  to  lead  them 
against  the  Saxons.  Their  devotion  changed  to  antagonism. 
The  leudes  *  became  an  aristocracy  hostile  to  the  king,  a 
class  of  powerful  men  who  were  united  by  common  inter- 
ests, and  whose  power  came  at  once  from  the  sword,  always 

*  See  below,  p.  63. — Ed. 

54 


Chap,  v.]     RE.YEIVAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        55 

terrible  in  their  vigorous  hands,  and  from  the  possession  of 
the  soil  which  they  held  either  through  conquest  or  through 
the  generosity  of  the  king. 

This  aristocracy  of  the  leudes  throve  especially  in  Aus- 
trasia,  which  remained  less  civilized  than  Neustria,  and 
where  there  was  less  of  the  Roman  element  to  lend  its  sup- 
port to  the  king  and  temper  the  violent  customs  of  the 
leudes.  This  distinct  difference  in  their  characters  sepa- 
rated the  two  portions  of  the  Frankish  kingdom  more  and 
more,  and,  as  we  have  already  seen,  they  rarely  acted  in 
concert  under  the  sons  of  Clovis.  They  soon  became  ene- 
mies, each  one  representing  an  opposing  principle.  This 
struggle  between  royalty  and  aristocracy,  between  Neustria 
and  Austrasia,  lasted  for  a  century  and  a  half,  and  absorbed 
all  the  activity  of  the  Franks  within  their  own  territory  and 
in  civil  war. 

After  three  years  of  unity  under  Lothaire  I.  (558-561), 

the  kingdom    of  the    Franks    became    again    a   tetrarchy, 

,     ^  .        ,      and  the  four  sons  of  Lothaire  divided  it  be- 

Lothaire       I.  ,  ^i        -i  t^  •  r    -n       • 

Fredegonda.  twccu  them.  Chanbcrt  was  Kmg  of  raris  ; 
Brunhiida.  Guuthramn,  King  of  Orleans  and  Burgundy  ; 

Sigibert,  King  of  Austrasia  ;  and  Chilperic,  King  of  Sois- 
sons  ;  and  each  had  also  a  portion  of  the  southern  part  of 
the  territory  as  in  the  division  of  511.  At  the  death  of 
Charibert  in  567,  who  left  no  sons,  his  states  were  all 
divided  excepting  Paris,  into  which  no  one  of  the  Frankish 
kings  might  enter  without  the  consent  of  the  two  others. 

While  Chilperic,  the  Neustrian  king,  was  making  Latin 
verses  and  receiving  a  smattering  of  Roman  education, 
which  merely  refined  the  cruelty  of  his  character  without 
softening  it,  Sigibert,  the  Austrasian  king,  unacquainted 
with  this  superficial  culture,  which  is  more  pernicious  than 
useful,  was  repelling  with  his  warriors  the  last  waves  of  bar- 
barian invasion,  which  were  again  dashing  against  the  Aus- 
trasian barriers,  and  was  thus  keeping  alive  the  vigor  of  his 
people.  He  defeated  the  Avars  in  562.  Three  or  four 
years  later  he  fell  into  their  hands,  but  paid  a  ransom,  and 
these  barbarians  withdrew  toward  the  south. 

Chilperic  took  a  mean  advantage  of  his  absence  and 
seized  his  city  of  Rheims.  Sigibert  as  soon  as  he  was  free 
again  conquered  and  pardoned  him.  Reasons  for  a  more 
bitter  hatred  were  soon  added  to  this  first  act  of  rivalry. 
Sigibert   had   married   Brunhiida,  daughter  of  Athanagild, 


56  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

king  of  the  Visigoths,  a  beautiful,  learned,  and  ambitious 
woman  and  a  friend  of  civilization.  Chilperic  wished  also 
to  have  a  wife  of  royal  blood,  and  gained  the  hand  of 
Gaileswintha,  the  sister  of  Brunhilda.  This  passing  caprice 
yielded  soon  to  the  influence  of  his  beautiful  and  imperious 
mistress  Fredegonda,  who  completely  ruled  the  king.  One 
day  Gaileswintha  was  found  smothered  in  her  bed,  and 
Fredegonda  took  her  place  as  queen  (567).  Brunhilda 
vowed  to  avenge  her  sister,  and  a  war  broke  out  between 
Neustria  and  Austrasia.  Gunthramn  then  assumed  the 
office  of  mediator,  which  he  kept  throughout  his  reign.  He 
brought  this  first  quarrel  to  an  end  by  causing  the  cities 
which  Gaileswintha  had  received  as  dowry  to  be  restored 
to  Brunhilda. 

A  second  war,  which  was  kindled  by  the  perfidy  of  Chil- 
peric, was  ended  through  the  same  mediation.*  Finally,  when 
a  third  war  broke  out,  Sigibert,  less  disposed  to  clemency 
toward  his  treacherous  brother,  seized  all  his  states  and  had 
himself  proclaimed  king  by  the  Neustrians.  But  at  the  very 
moment  when  he  was  being  raised  on  their  shields,  adher- 
ents of  Fredegonda,  "  bewitched  by  her,"  stabbed  him  on 
either  side  with  poisoned  knives  (575).  Brunhilda  found 
herself  a  prisoner  in  Paris  with  her  only  son  Childebert  II., 
but  an  Austrasian  noble  succeeded  in  rescuing  the  young 
prince.  As  Childebert  was  a  minor,  the  Austrasians  were 
governed  by  a  mayor  of  the  palace.  This  was  the  first  im- 
portant appearance  of  this  office,  which  increased  in  power 
during  the  civil  wars  and  played  so  great  a  part  in  the  next 
century.  Its  origin  is  uncertain,  but  it  either  grew  out  of 
the  office  of  steward  of  the  king's  house  {major  do/iius),  whose 
influence  increased,  as  is  often  the  case,}  or  of  a  criminal 
judge  {/iiord,  murder  ;  doiii,  judgment),  whose  powers  be- 
came greatly  extended.  In  either  case  the  mayor  of  the 
palace  became  a  personage  of  the  first  importance,  chosen 
Ijy  the  nobles  among  themselves,  and  in  consequence  de- 
voted to  their  interests  and  powerful  through  their  support. 
He  ruled  the  royalty,  especially  the  weaker  kings,  or  "  Rois 
faineants,"  and  his  authority  grew  so  that  he  finally  sup- 
planted the  king  himself. 

*  There  was  no  real  peace  between  the  wars  here  called  the  second  and 
third.— El). 

f  This  is  now  the  accepted  opinion. — Ed, 


I 


Chap,  v.]    RENEWAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        57 

We  shall  merely  indicate  here  the  confused  events  of  this 
epoch,  the  alliances  first  formed  and  then  broken,  and  in  the 
midst  of  all  the  death  of  Chilperic,  which  was  possibly  due 
to  Fredegonda  (584). 

The  incursions  into  Provence  by  the  Lombards,  who  were 
at  first  unsuccessful  and  were  repulsed  by  the  Patrician 
Mummolus,  are  more  worthy  of  our  attention  (572-576). 
We  have  seen  the  Franks  victorious  both  in  the  South  and 
the  East  over  the  invaders  who  were  trying  to  wrest  from 
them  the  prizes  of  their  victory,  and  becoming  more 
and  more  secure  in  the  possession  of  the  soil  of  their  con- 
quests. AVe  shall  particularly  notice  the  usurpation  of  Gun- 
dovald  in  the  South,  because  it  is  one  of  the  first  symptoms 
of  the  hostility  of  this  country,  which  remained  Roman, 
toward  the  North,  which  became  German,  and  toward  the 
Franks.  This  illegitimate  son  of  Lothaire  I.,  who  had  with- 
drawn to  Constantinople,  was  recalled  by  several  nobles  of 
the  South,  by  the  Duke  Gunthramn-Bozo,  by  Mummolus, 
the  victor  of  the  Lombards,  and  by  Desiderius,  Duke  of 
Toulouse,  who  proclaimed  him  king.  He  fell  through  the 
treachery  of  the  nobles,  who  returned  to  their  allegiance  to 
Gunthramn  the  king  of  Burgundy  (585).  But  he  had 
hardly  been  defeated  when  the  royal  power  had  to  contend 
against  a  much  more  formidable  coalition,  for  just  as  the 
nobles  of  the  South  had  united  against  it,  now  also  the  great 
nobles  and  the  bishops  of  the  North  were  conspiring  to 
arrest  its  growth. 

The  royal  authority  was  indeed  gaining  strength  and  gath- 
ering up  the  traditions  of  the  imperial  government,  which 
still  lingered  among  the  Gallo-Romans,  and  striving  to 
model  itself  upon  this  type  of  despotism.  For  example 
Chilperic  *  had  established  imposts  in  spite  of  the  murmurs 
of  the  Franks ;  and  being  displeased  with  their  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence, he  persecuted  the  bishops,  who  had  become  pow- 
erful through  the  profound  faith  of  the  people  and  the  rich 
endowment  of  their  churches,  and  who,  often  chosen  from 
the  barbarians,  were  united  by  their  interests  with  the  great 
nobles.  Brunhilda,  the  daughter  of  a  Visigoth  king,  en- 
deavored to  make  the  Roman  principles  which  had  ruled  at 
the  court  of  her  father  prevail  even  among  the  Austrasians, 

*  The  despotism  of  Chilperic  was  rather  a  purposeless  tyranny  than 
any  clearly  formed  plan. — Ed. 


58  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

a  much  more  difficult  task.  The  leudes  and  the  bishops 
in  Austrasia  and  in  Neustria  formed  a  plot  to  seize  the 
power  of  these  two  kingdoms  and  of  Burgundy  as  well. 
This  plot  was  frustrated  at  the  moment  of  consummation. 
The  principal  conspirators  were  put  to  death,  and  yEgidius, 
the  bishop  of  Rheims,  was  judged  and  exiled  by  a  council  of 
bishops. 

Gunthramn  and  Childebert  were  alarmed  and  hastened 
to  put  an  end  to  their  difference  and  renew  their  alliance, 
by  the  treaty  of  Andelot  (in  the  Haute-Marne,  20  kilo- 
metres northeast  of  Chaumont).  Childebert  was  made  heir 
to  his  uncle,  who  had  no  children,  but  so  great  was  the  power 
of  the  nobles  that  at  the  very  moment  when  the  royal 
power,  after  a  signal  victory,  was  trying  to  gain  strength  by 
this  alliance,  they  obtained  the  possession  and  the  heredi- 
tary transmission  of  the  lands  which  had  been  granted  to 
them.*  In  return  they  promised  not  to  change  their  alle- 
giance from  one  king  to  the  other  according  to  their  ca- 
price (587). 

Gunthramn  died  in  593.  His  states  were  united  with 
those  of  Childebert,  but  only  for  a  short  time,  as  the  latter 
prince  died  in  596.  His  oldest  son  Theodebert  II.  received 
Austrasia;  his  second  son  Theodoric  II.,  Burgundy. 

Brunhilda  ruled  her  two  grandsons.  She  urged  them 
against  the  son  of  Fredegonda,  the  king  of  Neustria,  who, 
though  at  first  victorious  at  Latofao  between  Soissons  and 
Laon  (596),  was  afterwards  defeated  at  Dormelles  Seine-et- 
Marne  (600),  and  again  near  Etampes  in  604.  This  would 
have  been  the  end  of  Lothaire  II.,  if  the  king  of  Austrasia 
had  not  saved  him  by  making  a  treaty  with  him.  Brunhilda 
was  furious  at  seeing  a  vengeance  which  she  had  pursued  for 
thirty  years  escape  her,  and  incited  Theodoric  to  attack  his 
brother.  In  a  second  war  Theodebert  was  defeated  and 
put  to  death  with  all  his  children  (612).  She  then  governed 
two-thirds  of  Gaul,  encouraged  the  arts,  had  roads  con- 
structed, and  built  monasteries  and  destroyed  what  remained 
of  the  worship  of  idols.  She  gave  aid  to  the  missionaries 
who  went  to  preach  Christianity  to  the  Anglo-Saxons,  and 


*  The  treaty  provides  simply  that  the  kings  will  respect  the  terms  of 
any  grants  which  they  have  made  and  not  arbitrarily  violate  them.  It 
relates  to  no  special  class  and  has  no  bearing  on  the  development  of  the 
feudal  system. — Ed. 


Chap,  v.]     RENEWAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        59 

Pope  Gregory  the  Great  wrote  to  congratulate  her  on  this 
step.  But  all  these  works  of  civilization  did  not  please  the 
nobles,  whom  she  treated  with  a  growing  rigor.  The  clergy 
also  was  exasperated  at  the  persecutions  suffered  by  Saint 
Columban,  whom  she  drove  from  the  monastery  of  Luxeuil, 
when  this  bold  apostle  of  Christianity  reproached  her  with- 
out reserve  with  plunging  her  grandson  into  licentiousness 
that  she  might  have  the  more  power  over  him.  When 
Theodoric  died  in  613,  the  nobles  of  Austrasia  and  Bur- 
gundy approached  Lothaire  II.  secretly,  and  offered  to 
recognize  him  as  king  if  he  would  relieve  them  of  Brun- 
hilda.  He  marched  against  her,  and,  abandoned  by  her 
armies  on  the  banks  of  the  Aisne,  she  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  son  of  her  rival,  together  with  the  four  sons  of  Theo- 
doric. Lothaire  had  the  four  princes  killed,  and  Brunhilda 
was  bound  to  the  tail  of  a  furious  horse,  who  dashed  her 
body  to  pieces  in  his  course  (613). 

We  find  in  614,  under  the  name  of  the  Council  of  Paris,  an 
assembly  in   which  79  bishops   and  a  great  number  of  the 

laity  took  part.  This  assembly  seems  to  mark 
^^ng^(643-6'28)°^^   ^^  '^^'^^  when  the  ecclesiastical  aristocracy, 

mixing  more  and  more  with  the  lay  aristoc- 
racy, was  admitted  with  it  to  the  great  political  assemblies.* 
The  "perpetual  constitution,"  carried  by  this  assembly, 
commemorates  the  victory  of  this  double  aristocracy,  of 
which  Lothaire  II.  had  been  but  the  tool.  This  consti- 
tution enacted  the  abolition  of  any  unusual  imposts 
established  by  the  four  sons  of  Lothaire  I. ;  the  restitution 
to  the  nobles  and  the  churches  of  the  property  which  had 
been  taken  from  them  ;  the  giving  of  the  election  of  the 
bishops  to  the  clergy  and  to  the  people  of  the  cities,  the 
simple  right  of  confirming  them  being  left  to  the  king; 
the  extension  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  to  which 
alone  the  clergy  were  to  be  subject ;  the  regulation  that  the 
judges  of  the  counties  [the  Grafen]  were  to  be  chosen  from 
among  the  great  proprietors  of  the  county ;  and  finally  the 
penalty  of  death  for  any  one  who  should  disturb  the  public 


*  This  statement  is  certainly  incorrect.  This  assembly  and  others 
like  it  seem  to  have  been  primarily  church  councils,  but  what  was  the 
exact  relation  to  them  of  the  laymen,  who  assembled  at  the  same  time, 
whether  they  were  admitted  as  members  of  the  council  or  held  a  separ- 
ate assembly,  is  a  matter  of  dispute. ^Ed. 


6o  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

peace.  When  they  gave  up  Brunhilda,  the  mayor  of  the 
palace  had  made  Lothaire  II.  swear  that  he  would  not  take 
away  their  powers,  and  that  he  would  not  interfere  in  the 
election  to  this  office  which  was  made  by  the  great  nobles. 
This  perpetual  constitution  which  completed  and  established 
the  results  of  the  treaty  of  Andelot,  which  had  been  partly 
overthrown  by  Brunhilda,  is  almost  the  only  important  event 
in  the  reign  of  Lothaire  II.  In  622  the  Austrasians,  tired  of 
having  the  same  king  as  the  Neustrians,  asked  him  for  a  king 
of  their  own.  He  sent  them  his  son  Dagobert,  who  united 
the  whole  monarchy  again  in  628. 

The  reign  of  Dagobert  I.  was  the  highest  point  of  the 
Merovingian  dynasty,  and  gave  to  the  Franks 
^^f628^638)*.  ^'     ^  marked  preponderance  in  western  Europe. 

Dagobert  put  a  stop  to  the  incursions  of 
the  Wends,  a  Slavic  people  over  whom  Sama,  a  Prankish 
merchant  who  traded  among  them,  had  become  king  after 
delivering  them  from  the  Avars.*  To  resist  the  incursions 
of  the  Slavs,  who  were  ravaging  Thuringia,  he  made  use  of 
the  Saxon  tribes,  remitting  the  tax  of  500  oxen  which  they 
had  been  paying.  He  delivered  Bavaria  from  a  band  of 
Bulgarians  who  had  demanded  his  protection,  and  whom  he 
caused  to  be  put  to  death,  not  knowing  what  else  to  do  with 
them  ;  it  was  the  policy  of  the  age. 

At  home  he  was  practically  the  master  of  all  Gaul.  At 
the  death  of  his  brother  Charibert,  to  whom  he  had  ceded 
Aquitaine,  he  left  his  nephews  in  possession  of  the  duchy  of 
Toulouse,  but  received  the  submission  of  the  Gascons.  The 
Bretons  had  again  become  entirely  independent,  and  fre- 
quently ravaged  the  frontier.  Their  Duke,  Judicael,  had 
assumed  the  title  of  king.  Dagobert  sent  Saint  Eloi 
[EligiusJ  as  ambassador  to  him,  and  invited  him  to  come  to 
his  court,  where  the  Duke  of  the  Bretons  was  received  with 
honor  and  loaded  with  gifts  (635). 

The  administration  of  affairs  was  confided  by  Dagobert  to 
able  ministers  :  Pippin  of  Landen,  mayor  of  the  palace  of 
Austrasia  ;  Cunibert,  bishop  of  Cologne,  and  Arnulf,  bishop 
of  Metz.  He  himself  went  through  Austrasia  and  Bur- 
gundy giving  audience  alike  to  great  and  small,  restrain- 
ing the  nobles,  and  trying  to  put  a  stop  to  abuses  and  to  vio- 

*  The  Franks  were  really  defeated,  and  the  incursions  of  the  Wends 
continued. — Ed. 


Chap,  v.]     RENEWAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        6i 

lence.  He  busied  himself  in  improving  the  laws,  and  made 
corrections  in  those  of  the  Salians,  the  Ripuarians,  the 
Alamannians,  and  the  Bavarians.  Commerce  prospered, 
favored  by  these  extended  foreign  connections.  Dagobert 
formed  an  alliance  with  the  Lombards  of  Italy  and  the  Visi- 
goths of  Spain  ;  he  sent  two  ambassadors  to  Heraclius. 
The  industrial  acts  had  illustrious  representatives  in  the 
goldsmith,  Saint  Eloi,  who  became  bishop  of  Noyon,  and 
in  his  pupils.  Dagobert  built  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Denis,  to 
which  he  presented  27  estates  or  villages  at  once.  He 
himself  lived  near  by,  at  Clichy,  where  he  displayed  the 
luxury  of  his  court,  and  but  partially  concealed  his  de- 
bauchery. His  renown  was  spread  abroad  through  all 
Europe.* 

He  died  in  638,  and  with  him  departed  the  greatness  of 
the  Merovingians,  who  abandoned  themselves  to  a  degree 
of  ease  and  inertia  which  proved  fatal  to  their  dynasty. 

It  is  by  the  study  of  the  laws  of  the  barbarians  that  we 

learn  to  understand  the  new  state  of  society  which  resulted 

from  the  introduction  of  their  customs  and 

Manners  and     institutions     among     the      conquered    peo- 

institutions     of  =»  \  hi 

the  Germans,  plcs.  f  We  posscss  the  laws  of  auiiost  all  the 
Barbarians. ^''^  peoplcs  who  invaded  the  Empire,  and  who 
promptly  felt  the  necessity  of  putting  into 
writing  their  old  customs  and  at  the  same  time  of  adapt- 
ing them  to  their  new  needs.  All  were  at  once  drawn  up 
in  Latin,  except  the  Salic  law,  or  that  of  the  Salian  Franks, 
which  was  first  written  out  in  the  German  language  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Rhine  ;  later  it  was  put  into  Latin, 
and  amended  successively  by  Clovis,  Theodoric  I.,  Childe- 
bert  I.,  Lothaire  I.,  Dagobert  I.,  and  Charlemagne.  These 
two  last  editions  are  the  only  ones  which  we  possess.  The 
law  of  the  Ripuarians,  closely  resembling  that  of  the  Salians, 
was  published  by    Theodoric   I.,  as  well   as  those  of  the 

*As  Dagobert  was  the  last  of  the  strong  Merovingian  kings,  later 
legend  naturally  exaggerated  somewhat  the  good  results  of  his  reign. — Ed. 

f  Many  points  concerning  these  early  laws  are  still  in  dispute,  but 
these  seem  fairly  certain  :  that  the  Lex  Salica  was  not  originally  com- 
posed in  German;  that  the  supposed  share  of  any  given  Merovingian 
kings  in  its  formation  and  revision  rests,  so  far  as  proof  goes,  upon 
later  and  doubtful  tradition,  and  that  the  work  of  Charlemagne  went  no 
further  than  to  provide  more  accurate  texts.  It  exists  in  hve  more  or 
less  widely  differing  groups  of  texts. — Ed. 


62  THE   GERMAAr/C  INVASION:  [Book  1. 

Alemannians  and  the  Bavarians.  The  law  of  the  Burgun- 
dians,  published  by  Gundobad  (474-516)  and  completed  by 
his  son  Sigismund,  is  known  by  the  name  of  the  Lex  Gun- 
dobada  or  Gombata.  That  of  the  Visigoths,  begun  by 
Euric  and  continued  by  most  of  his  successors,  was  only 
finished  in  the  7th  century  and  the  final  revision  published 
in  the  Council  of  Toledo,  in  693,  under  the  name  of  Forum 
/udicu??i,  the  Fuero  Ji/zgo  of  the  Spaniards. 

These  laws  are  more  barbarous  in  proportion  as  the 
people  who  formed  them  were  more  distant  from  the  coun- 
tries of  the  South  and  the  center  of  Roman  civilization. 
Thus  Theodoric  the  Great,  by  his  edict,  made  his  people 
subject  to  the  almost  unaltered  Roman  law.  Next  to  this, 
the  law  of  the  Visigoths  is  that  which  borrows  the  most  from 
Roman  legislation,  traces  of  which  are  to  be  found  on  every 
page  ;  then  come  those  of  the  Burgundians,  etc.  The  least 
Roman  is  that  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  who  were  also  the 
people  most  cruel  to  the  conquered. 

These  laws  are  in  no  sense  political  constitutions,  for  of 
these  the  barbarians  had  no  idea,  but  civil  and  above  all 
criminal  codes,  especially  aimed  at  punishing  personal  vio- 
lence, thefts  of  domestic  animals,  etc.,  and  which  well  show 
the  state  of  society  of  the  times.  Far  the  larger  part  of  the 
Salic  law  is  concerned  with  penalties. 

The  barbarians  who  occupied  Italy  (the  Heruli  and  the 
Ostrogoths)  took  but  a  third  part  of  the  lands.  The  Bur- 
gundians who  occupied  the  eastern  part  of  Gaul,  and  the 
Visigoths  who  held  the  middle,  took  two-thirds  of  the  land. 
The  Anglo-Saxons  took  the  whole.  It  is  not  known  what 
course  the  Franks,  the  Vandals,  and  the  Suevi  took  in  this 
respect.  It  is  probable  that  they  took  possession  of  vacant 
domains  and  of  those  which  pleased  their  fancy,  without 
any  fixed  rule,  feeling  that  they  had  not  conquered  the 
country  in  order  to  be  restrained  by  conscientious  scruples 
from  taking  any  fine  domain  which  suited  them.*  It  is 
probable  that  among  themselves  they  drew  lots  for  these 
domains. 

All  the  grants  made  by  the  Merovingian  kings  up  to  the 
eighth  century  seem  to  have  been  grants  of  land  in  full 
ownership  and  to  have  constituted  what  was  called  allodial 

*  It  is  now  the  accepted  opinion  that  the  Franks  took  only  the  Roman 
state  domains  and  other  unoccupied  lands. — Ed. 


Chap,  v.]     REMEWAL  OF  THE  GEliMAN  INVASIOM.        63 

land  (all-od.,  freehold  land).*  The  king  did  not  till  the 
eighth  century  give  temporary  grants,  which  were  limited 
either  to  a  certain  number  of  years  or  more  frequently  to 
the  life  of  the  donee  or  donor.  These  grants,  which  were 
made  in  imitation  of  the  ecclesiastical  precaria  (usufructs 
for  five  years),  to  which  certain  conditions  and  pecuniary 
dues  were  sometimes  attached,  came  gradually  to  be  called 
benefices,  and  this  custom  extended  from  the  kings  to  pri- 
vate individuals  as  well  as  to  the  churches. f  Lands  which 
were  called  tributary,  subject  to  a  tribute  in  money  or  in 
kind,  had  generally  been  granted  to  men  of  an  inferior 
rank,  bordering  on  servitude.  The  class  distinctions  were 
as  follows  : 

1.  The  free  men,  who  owed  nothing  to  any  one,  but  were 
under  obligation  to  the  king,  to  make  him  certain  gifts  and 
to  perform  military  service  in  the  national  wars.  All  classes 
of  freemen  were  called  leudes,  but  this  name  was  soon  used 
with  special  reference  to  the  men  who  were  richest  and  of 
the  highest  rank  among  the  free  men.  The  king  chose 
from  them  the  dukes  and  the  counts  whom  he  sent  to  com- 
mand the  armies  or  to  govern  the  provinces  and  cities. 
These  royal  leudes,  who,  living  in  intimacy  with  the  king, 
had  obtained  great  domains  from  him,  and  the  chiefs  who 
had  had  enough  lands  to  allow  them  to  distribute  some 
among  their  own  followers,  formed  an  aristocracy  whose 
pretensions  were  continually  increasing. 

2.  The  litus,  who,  like  the  Roman  colonus,  could  not  be 
torn  capriciously  from  the  land  that  he  cultivated  as  farmer, 
and  for  which  he  paid  a  fixed  rent  to  the  proprietor. 

3.  The  slave,  who  no  longer  possessed  the  personal  lib- 
erty which  the  litus  and  the  colonus  still  retained. 

The  fine  or  wergeld  for  murder,  if  not  taken  too  literally, 
gives  an  approximate  idea  of  the  value  placed  by  the  bar- 
barian law  on  the  different  classes.  In  most  cases  the  mur- 
der of  a  barbarian  was  taxed  double  the  amount  of  the 
murder  of  a  Roman  ;  the  murder  of  a  noble  double  that  of 


*  This  has  long  been  a  subject  of  dispute.  The  weight  of  authority 
seems  at  present  inclining  to  the  view  that  the  grants  of  the  Merovingian 
Kings  were  in  some  cases  of  a  temporary  character. — Ed. 

t  It  seems  almost  certain  that  the  practice  was  first  developed  by  the 
churches  and  private  individuals  and  was  afterwards  borrowed  by  the 
Kings. — Ed. 


64  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

a  simple  free  man  ;  the  murder  of  a  Roman  proprietor, 
double  that  of  a  Roman  colonus,  etc. 

The  political  status,  like  the  social  status  of  the  Ger- 
mans, remained  after  the  conquest  for  the  most  part  as  it 
had  been  before,  but  was  modified  to  suit  the  new  circum- 
stances. The  monarchy  still  existed,  and  the  king  con- 
tinued to  be  chosen  from  a  family  which  was  higher  in  rank 
than  all  the  others  ;  reges  ex  nobilitate  sumunt,  says  Tacitus. 
But  there  was  still  attached  to  this  hereditary  principle  a 
sort  of  popular  confirmation  in  the  ceremony  of  the  shield, 
the  King  being  lifted  on  a  buckler  and  proclaimed  in  the 
great  assembly  of  the  free  men. 

This  assembly  always  met  to  decide  the  great  state  ques- 
tions. It  was  called  in  France  the  Champ  de  ma?'s  or  de 
mai  [Maifeld]  in  England  the  Witenagemot  (meeting  of  the 
wise  men)  ;  in  Spain,  the  council  of  Toledo.  Little  by 
little  it  ceased  to  include  all  the  free  men,  who  being  dis- 
persed over  the  country  often  feared  the  expense  and  diffi- 
culty of  a  long  journey  ;  then  the  great  nobles  and  the 
bishops  assembled  alone.  In  the  local  administration  the 
barbarians  still  kept  the  provinces  and  the  cities,  and  also 
established  divisions  into  counties,  and  hundreds,  perhaps 
a  hundred  families,  from  which  comes  canton.  The  counts 
[Grafen]  held  in  their  counties  inferior  courts  where  all  the 
freemen  were  supposed  to  meet  to  judge  offenses  ;  later 
they  were  assisted  by  a  committee  of  free  men. 

We  have  said  that  the  barbarian  laws  were  personal  and 
not  territorial, — that  is,  that  each  barbarian  carried  his  law 
about  with  him,  and  that,  for  example,  the  Salian  Frank  who 
found  himself  among  the  Visigoths  was  judged  by  the  Salic 
law  and  not  by  the  Visigothic.  This  was  important,  for 
there  were  grave  differences  between  the  procedure  and 
penalties  of  the  different  laws  :  for  instance,  among  the 
more  civilized  barbarians,  we  find  written  evidence  from  the 
beginning  regarded  as  important,  while  among  the  less 
civilized  such  proofs  were  less  sought  for  than  other  kinds 
of  evidence. 

These  other  kinds  of  evidence  were  the  witnesses  who 
had  some  notion  of  the  facts,  and  the  conjurators,  who 
affirmed  by  oath  not  the  innocence  of  the  accused,  but  the 
confidence  they  had  in  his  words,  and  finally  the  judicial 
tests  or  ordeals,  and  among  the  latter  the  trials  by  fire,  by 
water,  and  by  the  cro.ss,  and  the  judicial  combat,  which,  by 


Chap,  v.]     RENEWAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        65 

the  way,  was  not  in  the  Salic  law,  but  which  was  gener- 
ally used.  The  penalties  were  death,  which  is  also  not 
mentioned  in  the  Salic  law,  the  compositio  or  tvergeld, 
paid  to  the  injured  party  or  his  family,*  and  the  fredum 
[Friedensgeld]  a  fine  paid  for  having  disturbed  the  public 
peace. 

The  army  remained  on  nearly  the  same  footing  as  the 
earliest  times.  When  the  country  was  attacked,  when  the 
landivehr  was  needed,  the  king  published  his  ban  or  procla- 
mation, and  all  the  freemen  were  obliged  to  come,  under  the 
leadership  of  their  respective  counts,  to  render  him  gratui- 
tous military  service. 

This  kind  of  organization  spared  the  treasury  of  the  king 
the  only  possible  expense  at  a  time  when  the  civil  adminis- 
tration cost  little  or  nothing  to  the  central  power,  and.  in 
this  way  the  revenues  of  the  royal  domains  and  the  presents 
from  the  free  men,  together  with  the  imposts  of  the  Roman 
cities,  which  were  the  only  resources  of  the  king,  were  suf- 
ficient for  its  needs.  Nevertheless,  when  the  needs  of  a 
rather  more  complicated  government  and  the  luxury  of  a 
less  primitive  court  increased  the  expenses,  we  find  the 
kings,  as  Chilperic  and  Dagobert,  trying  to  establish  a  sys- 
tem of  taxation,  f 

These  taxes  were  perhaps  what  most  wounded  the  pride 
of  the  barbarians.  These  leudes,  accustomed  to  lead  a  free 
and  irresponsible  life  in  the  forests  near  which  they  "loved 
to  dwell,  and  to  bind  themselves  only  by  the  ties  of  an 
entirely  voluntary  devotion,  and  to  consider  their  chief  as  a 
man,  not  as  a  power,  could  not  understand  why  this  man, 
who  possessed  the  largest,  the  most  beautiful,  and  the  most 
numerous  domains,  should  still  demand  something  from 
them  ;   they  could  not  make   up  their  minds  to  submit  to 


*  A  few  examples  of  the  wergeld  are  g^ven  from  the  Salic  law  : 
The  free  Frank,  200  solidi  ;  the  Graf,  600  solidi  ;  one  of  the  King's 
comitatus,  600  solidi  ;  one  of  the  King's  comitatus  in  time  of  war,  1800 
solidi,  the  highest  wergeld  of  the  Salic  law  ;  the  free  Roman,  100  solidi  ; 
the  litus,  100  solidi  ;  the  slave,  30  solidi.  Other  barbarian  codes  made 
similar  distinctions  between  the  classes  but  with  different  amounts  of  com- 
pensation. Reference  should  be  made  to  the  valuable  chapter  in 
Emerton's  Middle  Ages,  entitled  Germanic  Ideas  of  Law. — Ed. 

\  This  can  relate  at  most  only  to  certain  kinds  of  ta.xes  or  to  certain 
parts  of  the  country.  The  Roman  taxes  were  continued  and  were  in 
general  paid  by  the  Franks. — Ed. 


66  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

demands  made  without  their  consent  to  pay  imposts  which 
seemed  to  them  strangely  to  resemble  the  tributes  which 
were  exacted  from  conquered  peoples  ;  in  a  word,  they  had 
no  conception  of  the  state,  that  abstraction  of  which  they 
made  so  little  and  of  which  modern  societies  have  made  so 
great  a  thing.  Much  time  must  elapse  before  the  first 
notions  of  political  metaphysics  could  find  a  way  into  these 
stubborn  minds,  that  is  to  say,  before  society  could  be 
changed  from  its  foundations,  a  work  which  meant  nothing 
less  than  the  initiation  of  the  barbarians  into  the  Roman 
ideas. 

After  Dagobert  the  Merovingian  race  fell  into  decay. 
We  no  longer  distinguish  the  periods  of  the  confused  his- 
tory of  the  Franks  by  the  names  of  their 
th^i'^MonarThy!^  kings,  but  by  those  of  the  Mayors  of  the  Pal- 
Mayors  of  the  ace,  who  were  formerly  the  judges  of  the 
disputes  which  arose  in  the  royal  dwelling, 
but  who  now  directed  public  affairs.  In  their  hands  the 
long-haired  princes  became  only  tools  whom  they  used  to 
give  authority  to  their  acts.  The  Mayors  kept  the  young 
kings  strangers  to  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  and  relegated 
them  to  the  country,  to  the  depths  of  some  estate  whence 
they  brought  them  once  a  year  to  show  them,  poor  phan- 
toms of  authority  that  they  were,  to  the  public  assemblies. 
Nevertheless  they  hesitated  to  despoil  entirely  this  Merovin- 
gian family,  which  was  protected  at  the  same  time  by  popu- 
lar prestige  and  by  jealous  rivalries.  Woe  to  the  Mayor 
of  the  Palace  who  should  touch  this  crown,  protected  by  an 
ancient  nimbus  of  respect  ! 

The  two  sons  of  Dagobert,  Sigibert  and  Clovis  II.,  reigned, 
the  first  over  Austrasia  and  the  second  over  Neustria  and 
Burgundy,  each  of  the  kingdoms  having  a  Mayor  of  the 
Palace.  When  in  656  Sigibert  died,  Grimoald  the  Mayor 
of  Austrasia  tried  to  place  his  own  son  upon  the  throne. 
The  nobles  of  Austrasia,  not  wishing  to  give  themselves  new 
kings  more  powerful  than  the  old,  united  with  those  of 
Neustria  and  put  to  death  the  usurper  and  his  father.  This 
lesson  was  understood  by  the  mayors  who  succeeded  Grim- 
oald, and  before  his  attempt  was  renewed  a  century  elapsed, 
during  which  they  rendered  great  services,  gained  brilliant 
victories,  and  produced  a  series  of  eminent  men  whom  the 
Franks  became  accustomed  to  see  standing  from  father  to  son 
at  the  head  of  affairs.     Meanwhile  they  remained  the  chiefs 


Chap,  v.]     RENEWAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        67 

of  the  Austrasian  aristocracy  in   its  struggle  with  the  Neu- 
strian  monarchy. 

This  monarchy  found  an   able  and  energetic  defender  in 

Ebroin,  who  succeeded  Erchinoald  (660)  in  the  mayoralty  of 

Neustria  and  Burgundy.*     In  these  two  coun- 

(66oi?^and  Sa^nt   trics,  Ebroin  ruled  the  nobility  with  a  rod  of 

Leger ;  battle  of  iron,  and  when  Lothaire  III.  died  he  did  not 

Testry  (687;.  '  .  .  ^    i   ■ 

consult  them  m  the  choice  of  his  successor: 
by  his  own  authority  he  placed  upon  the  throne  Theodoric 
III.,  a  son  of  Clovis  II.  As  it  had  always  been  the  part 
of  the  nation  to  confirm  the  hereditary  succession  of  the 
sovereign  by  a  show  of  election,  the  nobles  saw  in  the  action 
of  Ebroin  a  blow  aimed  against  their  traditional  rights. 
They  combined  in  the  three  kingdoms  under  the  leadership 
of  Wulfoald,  Mayor  of  Austrasia,  and  of  Saint  Leger,  bish- 
op of  Autun,  overthrew  the  audacious  Mayor,  and  impris- 
oned him  in  the  abbey  of  Luxeuil. 

Childeric  II.,  King  of  Austrasia,  was  recognized  in  the 
three  kingdoms,  with  Wulfoald  and  Saint  Leger  as  his  may- 
ors of  the  palace.  He  was  not  so  easily  resigned  to  the 
diminution  of  his  authority  as  the  other  kings,  and,  not  con- 
tent with  the  way  in  which  Saint  Leger  favored  the  nobles, 
he  sent  him  to  join  Ebroin  in  the  prison  at  Luxeuil.  He 
even  dared  to  have  the  noble  Bodilo  whipped  with  rods  like 
a  common  slave.  This  outrage  cost  him  his  life.  He  was 
assassinated  by  Bodilo  in  the  forest  of  Chelles  (673). 

Ebroin  and  Saint  Leger  at  once  came  out  of  the  common 
captivity  which  had  brought  them  together,  and  again  took 
their  places  as  the  heads  of  two  opposite  parties.  Ebroin 
had  lost  his  king,  Theodoric  III.,  to  whose  assistance  the 
Neustrian  nobles  had  rallied ;  he  set  up  another,  an  alleged 
son  of  Lothaire  III.  He  had  an  army  of  mercenaries,  with 
which  he  overcame  Theodoric,  who  in  his  flight  lost  the 
royal  treasure,  which  was  of  great  assistance  to  the  con- 
queror. This  army,  entirely  foreign  to  the  military  system 
of  the  Franks,  and  dependent  upon  the  man  who  paid  it, 
made  the  triumph  of  Ebroin  over  the  nobles  certain  ;  he 
became  absolute  master  of  the  kingdom  under  Theodoric 
III.,  whom  he  had  again  taken  up  for  king.  Under  the  pre- 
text of  punishing  the  murderers  of  Childeric  II.  he  had 
a  great  number  of  his  adversaries  put  to  death,  and  among 

*  The  details  of  this  period  are  all  more  or  less  uncertain. — Ed, 


6S  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

them  Saint  Leger.  He  gave  their  lands,  as  well  as  much 
property,  which  he  took  from  the  church,  to  his  soldiers. 
Never,  even  under  Brunhilda,  had  the  nobles  been  pursued 
with  such  virulence.  Many  left  Neustria  and  took  refuge 
among  the  Austrasians;  some  went  as  far  as  to  the  Gascons. 

The  Austrasian  nobles,  persecuted  in  the  name  of  the 
royal  authority,  which  acted  sometimes  by  itself,  as  under 
Childeric  11.  and  sometimes  by  its  defender  Ebroin,  boldly 
protested  by  abolishing  this  dignity  in  their  country.  They 
murdered  their  king  Dagobert  II.,  and  did  not  replace  him 
(678).  They  entrusted  the  government  to  Martin*  and  Pip- 
pin of  Heristal,  whom  they  called  princes  or  dukes  of  the 
Franks.  These  two  men  were  descendants  of  Pippin  the 
Elder  of  Landen  and  of  Arnulf,  Bishop  of  Metz,  and 
were  thus  connected  with  all  the  great  Austrasian  families. 
Enormous  domams  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  added 
to  the  influence  which  they  owed  to  their  inherited  position. 

The  skill  of  Ebroin  triumphed  once  more  near  Laon ;  but 
when  he  perished  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin  in  681,  the 
triumph  of  Austrasia  and  of  its  chief  was  assured.  The 
battle  of  Testry,  won  in  687  by  Pippin  of  Heristal,  pro- 
claimed this  triumph. 

The  principal  cause  of  this  stubborn  contest  with  the 
nobles  was  the  question  of  the  right  of  inheritance  in  land, 
a  fundamental  question,  on  which  depended 
n^ghunllnds^  the  political  and  social  status  of  the  Franks 
in  the  future. f  According  as  the  right  of 
inheritance  lost  or  gained,  the  present  status  would  be 
maintained  or  changed.  For  we  find  here  already  the 
principle  of  appropriating  the  royal  grants,  and  encroach- 
ing on  monarchical  power,  which,  after  spreading  later  to 
other  objects,  gave  birth  to  the  feudal  regime.  This  solu- 
tion was  far  off  and  did  not  come  till  the  end  of  two  cen- 
turies, after  internal  conflicts  which  were  long  in  proportion 
to  the  importance  of  the  question  which  was  under  dispute. 

When  before  a  conquest  a  barbarian  chief  distributed  to 

*  The  descent  of  Martin  is  entirely  unknown,  and  the  exact  position 

which  these  two  held  after  the  murder  of  Dagobert  is  not  clear. — Ed. 

f  The  struggle  during  the  later  Merovingian  period  was  unquestion- 
ably one  between  the  aristocracy  and  the  royal  power.  That  this  struggle 
involved,  however,  the  question  of  hereditary  right  to  royal  land  grants, 
as  clearly  and  consciously  as  is  here  asserted,  is  a  statement  of  which 
there  is  no  proof. — Ed, 


Chap,  v.]     RENEWAL  OF  THE  GERMAN  INVASION.        69 

his  companions  in  arms,  the  horses,  or  the  "bloody  and  vic- 
torious javelin,"  as  Tacitus  says,  the  gift  of  these  as  well  as 
of  every  personal  object  of  this  kind  was  certainly  made  with- 
out any  reservation,  and  whoever  re€eived  it  kept  it  as  long 
as  it  lasted,  even  if  he  left  his  chief,  and  bequeathed  it  at 
his  death  to  whomsoever  he  pleased.*  But  when  after 
the  conquest  the  chief  gave  lands,  unforeseen  difficulties 
arose  from  the  entirely  different  nature  of  the  gift.  If  a 
supply  of  horses  and  javelins  gave  out,  others  could  be 
found  on  a  new  expedition,  but  when  the  lands  at  the  dis- 
posal of  a  chief  were  once  given  away,  it  was  not  so  easy 
to  obtain  others.  The  kings  soon  recognized  the  neces- 
sity of  limiting  their  gifts  of  lands,  if  they  wished  to  pre- 
serve means  of  rewarding  their  subjects  and  of  keeping 
them  with  them.  They  then  attached  as  a  condition  to  their 
grants  the  loyalty  of  the  grantee,  and  generally  limited  them 
to  the  length  of  his  life.f  The  holder  quite  naturally 
tended  to  break  away  from  this  condition  and  this  limit. 
When  unfaithful  they  tried  to  retain  their  lands,  and  when 
dying  to  transmit  them  to  their  heirs.  In  the  disorder  of 
the  times  which  followed  the  invasion  they  often  succeeded, 
but  as  often  the  kings  opposed  it.  They  established  imposts 
to  supply  the  insufficiency  of  the  resources  from  their  dimin- 
ished domains.  But  though  the  Franks  accepted  the  obli- 
gation of  military  service,  which  conformed  to  the  barbarian 
customs,  they  entirely  rejected  that  of  the  imposts,  which 
were  totally  foreign  to  these  customs.  J  Thus  on  both  sides 
there  were  motives  which  explain  the  violence  of  the  strug- 
gle ;  on  the  one  cupidity  and  the  desire  of  assuring  a  durable 
position  for  themselves  and  their  families,  on  the  other  the 
needs  which  grew  with  the  progress  of  the  government  and 
forced  the  royalty  to  resist,  at  the  risk  of  seeing  its  whole 
power  destroyed.  In  the  treaty  of  Andelot  the  tenants  pre- 
vailed, §  but  Brunhilda  soon  regained  all  the  ground  that 
Gunthramn  and  Chilperic  had  abandoned.  In  the  per- 
petual constitution  the  tenants  gained  a  second  and  more 
important  victory,  but    Dagobert  and   Ebroin   drove  them 

*  This  is  by  no  means  as  certain  as  indicated.     The  opposite  was  prob- 
ably more  often  the  case. — Ed. 
f  See  above,  p.  63. — Ed. 
\  See  above,  p.  65. — Ed. 
§  See  above,  p.  58.— Ed. 


7©  THE   GERMANIC  INVASION.  [Book  I. 

back  with  violence,  contested  their  encroachments,  and 
strove  to  reestablish  the  ancient  principles  of  territorial 
rule.  We  read  in  a  diploma  of  a  grant  made  by  Theodoric 
III.  (676),  that  is,  under  the  rule  of  Ebroin:  "All  who  are 
convicted  of  unfaithfulness  toward  those  from  whom  they 
hold  their  lands,  appear  justly  {inerito)  to  lose  such  lands." 
This  struggle  was  going  on  at  the  epoch  which  we  are  con- 
sidering. The  right  of  inheritance  was  contested  with  vigor 
and  sometimes  gained  and  sometimes  lost  ground,  but  finally 
was  introduced  imperceptibly,  though  its  victory  was  not 
complete  for  two  centuries  longer. 


BOOK  II. 
THE  ARAB  INVASION  (622-1058). 


CHAPTER  VI.* 

MOHAMMED  AND  THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  ARABS  (622-732). 

Arabia  and  the  Arabs. — Mohammed. — The  Hegira  (622)  ;  Struggle 
with  the  Koreishites  (624)  ;  Conversion  of  Arabia.  —The  Koran. — 
The  first  Caliphs  of  Persia  and  of  Egypt  ;  Conquest  of  Syria 
(623-640).  —  Revolution  in  the  Caliphate,  Hereditary  Dynasty  of  the 
Ommiads  (661-750). — Conquest  of  Upper  Asia  (707)  and  of  Spain 
(711). 


We  now  pass  from  the  forests  and  rivers  of  the  north  of 
Europe  to  the  sands  and  deserts  in  the  south  of  Asia;   from 

the  country  of  clouds,  of  rains,  and  of  moist 
^"^Arlbs.^^^     vegetation  to    one  of  a  burning  sun,  to   the 

consuming  and  suffocating  simoom,  and  to 
dry  and  aromatic  plants.  The  men  dwelling  in  these  two 
countries  are  as  different  as  their  climates.  A  people  sober 
in  body  and  mind,  of  a  quick  and  ardent  temperament, 
seeing  nothing  but  their  desired  goal  and  going  directly  to- 
ward it,  and  accustomed  to  dash  through  the  desert  with 
the  swiftness  of  an  arrow,  because  of  the  impossibility  of 
stopping  there  with  impunity,  and  because  there  was  noth- 
ing to  attract  them  between  the  place  of  departure  and 
that  of  arrival ;  a  people  made  either  for  prompt  action 
or  absolute  repose — such  is  the  Arab  people,  and  these 
traits  of  character  are  seen  in  its  history. 

The  Roman  Empire  was  bounded  by  the  Germans  on  the 
north  and  the  Arabs  on  the  south.  The  former  had  directed 
their  attacks  for  the  most  part  toward  the  Empire  of  the 

*  The  stories  connected  with  the  origin  and  spread  of  Mohammedanism 
are  more  or  less  mythical  in  character,  and  some  of  them  exist  in  more 
than  one  form.     The  chronology  is  also,  in  many  cases,  uncertain  —Ed. 

71 


72  THE  ARAB   INVASION.  [Book  II. 

West,  and  had  overthrown  it  by  an  invasion  prepared  and  in- 
deed begun  long  before:  the  latter,  emerging  suddenly  from 
their  deserts,  had  made  the  Empire  of  the  East  their  special 
point  of  attack,  and  without  overthrowing  it  entirely,  had,  as 
it  were,  with  a  single  blow  of  their  cimeter  cut  off  a  large 
portion.  It  was  by  astonishing  good  fortune  that  the  Em- 
pire at  Constantinople  survived  these  two  attacks  coming 
from  opposite  directions,  like  an  island  in  the  midst  of  an 
inundation. 

Arabia,  which  then  appeared  for  the  first  time  on  the  stage 
of  history,  is  a  vast  peninsula  of  which  some  portions  are 
still  little  known.  It  is  bordered  on  the  north  toward  Asia 
by  great  deserts,  and  on  the  northwest  is  connected  with 
Africa  by  the  isthmus  of  Suez,  where  the  small  peninsula  of 
Sinai  projects  between  the  gulfs  of  Suez  and  of  Akaba. 
The  peninsula  of  Arabia  forms  an  imperfect  square,  with 
the  longest  side  facing  Egypt  and  Abyssinia  across  the  Red 
Sea  and  the  strait  of  El  Mandeb — the  shortest  side  facing 
Persia,  from  which  it  is  separated  only  by  the  Persian  Gulf, 
The  width  is  very  great,  especially  at  the  southern  end.  A 
chain  of  mountains,  the  continuation  of  the  Lebanon  range, 
extends  along  the  Red  Sea  to  Bab-el-Mandeb,  the  Gate  of 
Tears.  Another  range  borders  the  Persian  Gulf  as  far  as 
the  Strait  of  Ormuz.  These  two  mountain  systems  are  con- 
nected by  a  line  of  hills  which  run  from  one  strait  to  the 
other.  The  inner  slopes  of  these  mountains  surround  a  low 
and  arid  valley  which  forms  the  center  of  Arabia,  and  their 
outward  slopes  face  the  sea  and  form  a  girdle  of  lands, 
parts  of  which  are  rich  and  fertile,  and  here  the  heat  of  the 
climate  is  mitigated  by  the  sea-breezes,  the  rains,  the  water- 
courses, and  the  numberless  irregularities  of  the  land. 

While  the  impossibility  of  permanently  settling  or  of 
founding  anything  durable  in  the  interior  has  always  kept  up 
the  nomad  life,  the  advantages  offered  by  the  coast  lands 
have  given  birth  to  fixed  institutions  and  to  a  civilization 
which  at  times  is  brilliant  enough. 

The  only  knowledge  the  ancients  had  of  Arabia  came 
through  a  few  scattered  Roman  expeditions.  They  divided 
it  into  three  parts, — Arabia  Petrsea  (the  peninsula  of 
Sinai);  Arabia  Deserta  (the  deserts  which  extend  from  the 
Red  Sea  to  the  Euphrates);  and  Arabia  Felix  (Southern 
Arabia). 

The  Arabian  geographers,  on  the  other  hand,do  not  include 


Chap.  VI.]       MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  73 

either  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  or  the  deserts  of  Suez  or  of 
the  Euphrates  in  their  country,  but  consider-  them  as  lying 
outside  of  Arabia.  They  divided  the  rest  of  the  peninsula 
into  eight  countries:  i,  Hedjaz,  which  borders  the  Red 
Sea,  southeast  of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai;  2,  Yemen,  which 
lies  south  of  Hedjaz  ;  3,  Hadramaut,  on  the  Indian  Sea,  at 
the  east  of  Yemen  ;  4,  Mahrah,  at  the  east  of  Hadramaut; 
5,  Oman,  between  Mahrah  and  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the 
Indian  Sea;  6,  Haga  or  Bahrein,  on  the  Persian  Gulf, 
between  Oman  and  the  Euphrates;  7,  Nedjed,  south  of 
the  Syrian  deserts  beween  Hedjaz  and  Bahrein ;  and  8, 
Ahkaf,  south  of  Nedjed.  The  two  latter  provinces  com- 
prise the  great  valley  in  the  interior  of  the  peninsula. 

The  most  fertile  of  these  provinces  is  Yemen,  which  is 
also  well  situated  for  commerce,  at  the  southwestern  corner 
of  Arabia  between  the  Red  Sea  and  the  Indian  Ocean. 
This  is  the  country  of  Aden,  of  Sana,  of  the  ancient  and 
wonderful  Saba,  and  of  Mocha,  famous  for  its  coffee.  The 
best  known  though  not  the  most  fertile  of  these  provinces 
is  Hedjaz,  the  country  of  Mecca  and  of  Medina,  two  cities 
which  ruled  all  the  rest  of  Arabia  through  their  religious 
influence,  though  their  situation  in  the  sandy  zone,  far  from 
the  sea,  obliged  them  to  have  two  ports  on  the  Arabian  Gulf 
(Yanbo  for  Medina,  and  Djidda  for  Mecca),  in  order  to 
derive  their  means  of  subsistence  from  abroad. 

The  Arabs  attribute  a  double  origin  to  their  population : 
to  the  Ariba,  a  primitive  race  descended  from  Shem  ac- 
cording to  some,  from  Ham  according  to  others,  and  to  the 
descendants  of  Abraham,  who,  according  to  their  tradi- 
tions, in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  God  came  to  Mecca 
to  found  the  temple  of  the  Kaaba.  They  say  that  Abraham 
lived  many  years  in  Hedjaz,  and  was  aided  in  his  divine 
mission  by  Ishmael,  who  was  the  founder  of  the  Ishmaelites 
or  the  Moutarriba ;  while  his  other  son  Kahtan  or  Jectan  was 
the  father  of  the  Jectanides  or  the  Moustarriba.  The  Ish- 
maelites remained  in  Hedjaz,  the  Jectanides  settled  mainly 
in  Yemen.  We  must  add  to  these  the  Nabatean  Arabs  who 
live  in  the  north  of  Arabia,  and  who  are  believed  to  be  of 
Syrian  or  Aramean  origin. 

The  Arab  populations  of  the  north  and  of  the  south 
founded  great  powers,  and  came  often  into  contact  both  in 
peace  and  war  with  foreign  powers  far  and  near.  The  Naba- 
tean kingdoms  of  Hira,  Anbar,  and  Ghassan  were  often  in- 


74  THE  ARAB  INVASION  [Book  II. 

volved  in  the  affairs  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  of  Persia. 
The  Arabs  of  Hira  under  the  dynasty  of  the  princes  Mound- 
hir  or  Mondar  in  the  sixth  century  were  formidable  adver- 
saries of  the  Greek  Empire,  while  those  of  Ghassan  under  the 
princes  of  Djafna  upheld  the  cause  of  Constantinople.  By 
the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  these  powers  were 
much  weakened  and  contracted  between  the  Greeks  and  the 
Persians.  The  Jectanides  brought  great  renown  to  Yemen, 
where  one  of  their  branches,  the  Homerites,  had  the  skill  to 
excite  the  fertility  of  the  soil  by  remarkable  works  of  irri- 
gation. The  dynasty  of  the  Tobbas  played  a  great  part  in 
this  province,  and  tradition,  though  evidently  falsely,  attri- 
buted to  them  the  conquest  of  India,  of  Asia,  and  of  Africa  as 
far  as  the  Atlantic.  Under  this  dynasty  of  idolaters,  Chris- 
tianity was  preached  by  an  envoy  sent  by  Constantine,  but 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  they  persecuted  the 
new  religion,  and  the  Greek  Emperor  Justin  I.  induced  the 
negusch  or  king  of  Abyssinia,  who  was  a  Christian,  to  avenge 
the  wrongs  of  the  Cross.  The  Abyssinians  then  invaded 
Yemen  (525),  and  under  the  viceroy  Abraha-el-Djadan, 
established  their  dominion  and  the  Christian  religion  in  this 
country.  They  had  a  code  of  laws  drawn  up  by  the  Bishop 
Gregentius,  and  built  at  Sana  a  church  with  which  they 
tried  to  oppose  the  Kaaba  of  Mecca.  A  rivalry  had  indeed 
always  existed  between  Yemen  and  Hedjaz,  between  the 
Moutarriba  and  the  Moustarriba.  In  575  the  Abyssinians 
were  driven  from  the  country,  but  only  with  the  assistance 
of  a  Persian  army  sent  by  Chosroes,  who  merely  substituted 
his  own  dominion  for  that  of  the  Africans. 

In  this  way  the  prosperity  and  the  independence  of  the 
two  outermost  regions  of  Arabia  had  succumbed  together. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  central  region,  which  had  never 
wielded  so  great  a  power,  had  at  least  preserved  that  liberty 
without  which  no  progress  could  be  made  in  Arabia.  This 
region  had  enjoyed  that  tranquillity  which  in  a  great  coun- 
try divided  into  several  states  is  always  assured  to  those  in 
the  center,  as  they  cannot  be  approached  before  the  outer 
states  which  form  a  natural  barrier  to  them  are  subdued. 
The  foreign  armies  which  had  appeared  in  the  north  and 
the  south  had  not  penetrated  to  Hedjaz.  More  traces  of 
patriarchal  government  were  found  there  ;  the  people  were 
divided  into  tribes  composed  of  a  certain  number  of 
families,  a   sheikh  (lord)  at   the    head    of   each  family  ;  a 


Chap.  VI.]      MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  75 

supreme  sheikh  or  emir  (commander)  at  the  head  of  each 
tribe,  which  he  governed  with  the  advice  of  the  sheikhs  of 
the  families.  In  ancient  times  when  a  chief  took  possession 
of  a  pasturage  he  set  his  pack  of  hounds  barking,  and  so 
far  as  the  hound  could  be  heard,  so  far  extended  his  right 
of  possession.  So  great  simplicity  was  there  in  the  primi- 
tive customs  of  this  people.  Nevertheless  the  population 
of  Hedjaz,  though  hardly  advanced  from  the  primitive  con- 
dition as  far  as  their  institutions  are  concerned,  held  a 
variety  and  mixture  of  religious  ideas  of  every  sort  which 
prepared  them  for  a  brilliant  destiny,  and  compensated  for 
their  past  obscurity.  For  another  advantage  possessed  by 
central  states  is  that  they  are  the  meeting-ground  of  all  the 
others,  the  point  where  all  i^itercourse,  trade,  and  ideas  con- 
verge. Three  of  the  great  religions  of  Asia  and  Europe, 
without  mentioning  idolatry  with  all  its  gods,  met  there  : 
Christianity,  which  had  been  carried  to  the  north  by  the 
Greeks  and  to  the  south  by  the  Abyssinians  ;  Sabianism, 
brought  by  the  Persians  to  the  north  and  south,  and  finally 
Judaism,  which  had  been  introduced  everywhere  with  that 
faculty  the  Jews  have  always  possessed  of  making  their  way 
into  every  country.  Three  hundred  and  sixty  idols  were 
gathered  together  in  the  Kaaba,  and  when  Mohammed 
turned  them  out,  there  was  found  among  the  number  a 
Byzantine  virgin,  painted  on  a  column,  holding  Christ  in 
her  arms.  Idolatry  was  the  dominant  religion, — not  the 
ingenious  idolatry  of  Greek  paganism,  which  personified 
the  abstractions  of  the  intellect  and  clothed  the  gods  in 
human  form,  but  the  Egyptian  idolatry,  the  worship  of 
animals,  oi  plants,  of  the  gazelle,  of  the  horse,  of  the  camel, 
of  palm-trees  and  of  rocks.  Some  worshiped  the  stars. 
All  indeed  recognized  a  supreme  god,  Allah,  and  this  idea 
of  a  deity  above  all  others  was  upheld  by  the  influence  of 
the  Jewish  and  the  Christian  religions,  which  also  diffused 
abroad  the  idea  of  revelation,  of  a  future  life,  of  paradise, 
of  the  infernal  regions,  etc.,  elements  which  are  found 
again  in  the  Koran. 

The  form  of  this  religion  had  not  changed  for  a  long 
time.  All  its  ceremonies  were  determmed,  processions  in 
the  Kaaba,  pilgrimages,  sacrifices  in  the  valley  of  Mina,  etc. 
As  with  the  Jews,  the  care  of  the  temple  had  been  given  to 
one  chosen  family  for  many  years ;  in  440  Cossai,  head  of 
the  Ishmaelite  family  of  the  Koreishites,  had   secured  this 


76  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

charge,  had  rebuilt  the  temple,  and,  in  away,  founded  Mecca 
and  established  the  principal  religious  and  civil  institutions 
of  the  Arabs.  This  showed  a  tendency  toward  organization 
and  unity. 

A  like  movement  was  going  on  in  the  language;  unity  of 
idiom,  so  necessary  in  effecting  a  great  revolution  of  thought 
in  a  vast  country,  was  gradually  produced  by  the  influence 
of  the  poets.  The  Arabs  were  poets  as  well  as  warriors  and 
merchants ;  at  least  they  had  their  bards,  like  the  men  of  the 
north,  and  their  feasts,  and  their  poetical  contests,  such  as 
were  held  at  the  Olympic  games  of  the  Greeks. 

These  poets,  who  were  not  merely  literary  men,  but  who 
knew  as  well  how  to  handle  the  sword  and  exchange  mer- 
chandise as  to  give  voice  to  the  tender  and  fierce  feelings  of 
the  human  soul,  hospitality,  revenge,  honor,  or  perhaps  the 
solemn  and  pleasing  scenes  of  nature,  the  immense  desert, 
fresh  oases,  the  light  gazelle, — these  poets  hastened  to  the 
poetical  contests  which,  with  the  religious  ceremonies,  were 
the  object  of  these  pilgrimages.  Then  what  were  called  con- 
tests of  glory  were  held,  and  whoever  was  most  successful  in 
moving  the  souls  of  the  listeners  and  in  awakening  within 
them  a  response,  saw  his  work  written  in  letters  of  gold  on 
costly  canvas  and  hung  in  the  Kaaba.  In  this  way  seven 
poems  have  come  down  to  us,  one  of  which  was  written  by 
the  famous  Antar,  who  died  in  615,  during  the  life  of 
Mohammed,  and  who  best  expressed  the  Arab  spirit  of  his 
times.  It  was  he  who  cried  one  day,  at  the  first  recitation  of 
his  poems:  "What  subject  is  there  that  the  poets  have  not 
sung?"  as  if  he  felt  that  Arabia  had  exhausted  one  phase  of 
its  existence  and  needed  to  begin  a  new  life. 

The  Arabs  are  generally  referred  to  as  a  young  people: 
but  they  were  rather  an  ancient  people  who  had  traversed 
the  whole  sphere  of  their  political  existence,  narrow  though 
it  was.  It  could  hardly  have  been  otherwise  in  the  midst  of 
this  strange  mixture  of  all  the  divinities  in  the  enclosure  of 
the  Kaaba,  and  it  was  but  natural  that  the  general  feeling 
should  be  an  indifference  and  scepticism  where  there  were 
so  many  altars  to  choose  from.  We  need  only  mention  as 
an  example  the  small  number  of  those  who  took  part  in  the 
religious  struggle  at  the  time  of  the  first  preaching  of  Mo- 
hammed; on  the  one  hand,  on  the  side  of  the  prophet  a 
few  devoted  disciples,  on  the  other  a  thousand  Koreishites 
who  by  their  title  of  guardians  of  the  temple   necessarily 


Chap.  VI.]      MOHAMMED  AND   THE  ARABS.  77 

constituted  the  defenders  of  the  ancient  creeds,  but  who 
were  themselves  very  incredulous,  men  of  witty,  brilliant, 
and  acute  minds,  scoffers,  and  without  sincere  attachment  to 
the  beliefs  which  they  defended  much  more  from  their 
interest  and  habit  than  from  conviction. 

Certain  men  were  greatly  struck  by  this  general  lukewarm- 
ness  and  lack  of  faith,  and  sought  for  means  of  escape.  Dur- 
ing a  feast  celebrated  by  the  Koreishites  in  honor  of  one  of 
their  idols,  a  few  years  before  the  preaching  of  Mohammed, 
four  men,  more  enlightened  than  the  rest  of  the  nation,  met 
by  themselves,  and,  after  agreeing  that  their  fellow-country- 
men were  led  astray  into  error,  resolved  to  seek  the  truth  and 
to  ask  after  it  in  foreign  lands.  One  of  them  went  to  Constan- 
tinople to  be  baptized,  a  second  being  persecuted  fled  into 
Syria,  the  third  became  a  Christian  like  the  first,  and  the 
fourth  just  saw  Mohammed  and  died  proclaiming  that  he 
was  the  true  prophet. 

Mohammed  was  born  about  the  year  570.  He  was  the 
son  of   the  Koreishite  Abdallah,   son  of   Abd-el-Muttalib, 

--  ,  .      who  had  defended  Mecca  against  the  Abys- 

Mohammed.         .     .  »  r  tt        u  • 

smians,  and  who  was  hmiself  son  of  Haschim, 
famous  for  his  distribution  of  soup  during  a  famine.  Hav- 
ing lost  his  father  at  two  months,  and  his  mother  at  six 
years  of  age,  he  was  taken  charge  of  by  his  grandfather  and 
put  under  the  guardianship  of  his  uncle  Abu-Talib.  Being 
without  fortune  he  became  a  camel  driver  and  traveled  a 
great  deal,  especially  in  Syria,  where  he  is  said  to  have 
become  intimate  with  a  monk  of  Bostra,  and  a  Jewish  rabbi, 
who  both  introduced  him  to  their  sacred  books,  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments.  He  fought  with  bravery  in  a  tribal  war, 
and  by  his  amiable  qualities  gained  the  affection  of  all,  and 
by  his  probity  the  name  of  Al-Almin  (the  trustworthy  man). 
A  rich  and  noble  widow,  Khadijah,  took  him  into  her  service 
as  director  of  her  commercial  affairs,  and  he  served  her  inter- 
ests so  well  that  she  married  him  out  of  gratitude.  From 
that  time  he  was  master  of  a  great  fortune,  and  was  able  to 
give  himself  up  to  his  meditations  and  to  exert  that  influ- 
ence which  is  given  by  the  possession  of  riches.  Until  his 
fortieth  year  he  did  nothing  really  worthy  of  note,  though 
every  year  he  retired  with  his  family  to  the  mountain  of 
Hira  and  passed  there  entire  nights  in  deep  meditation. 

In  611  he  disclosed  his  projects  to  Khadijah,  to  his  cousin 
Ali,  to  his  freedman  Seid,  and  to  his  friend  Abu  Bekr,  and 


78  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

declared  to  them  the  necessity  of  bringing  the  religion  of 
Abraham  back  to  its  original  purity.  He  told  them  that  he 
had  received  commands  from  God  through  Gabriel,  and  gave 
to  his  new  religion  the  name  of  Islam,  which  signifies  a 
complete  resignation  to  the  will  of  God.  They  believed  in 
him. 

When  the  growing  numbers  of  the  proselytes  had  spread 
abroad  the  report  of  his  undertaking,  he  assembled  them 
together  and  said  :  "Which  one  of  you  will  be  my  brother, 
my  lieutenant,  my  vicar?"  No  one  spoke.  Then  Ali  cried 
with  the  enthusiasm  of  an  ardent  disciple  and  the  fierceness 
of  an  Arab  of  the  desert  :  "  I  will  be  that  man  ;  apostle  of 
God,  I  will  support  you,  and  if  any  one  resists  you,  I  will 
break  his  teeth,  I  will  tear  out  his  eyes,  I  will  cleave  his 
belly  and  I  will  break  his  legs."  They  \yere  engaged  in  a 
very  dangerous  struggle,  and  Abu-Talib  trembled  for  his 
nephew  and  besought  him  to  abandon  his  plan.  "  If  some 
one  should  come  to  me  with  the  sun  in  one  hand  and  the 
moon  in  the  other,  I  should  not  draw  back,"  answered 
Mohammed.  The  Koreishites  persecuted  him,  and  he 
could  not  go  into  the  Kaaba  to  pray  without  being  over- 
whelmed with  insults.  One  day  he  returned  home  after 
preaching  all  day  in  the  midst  of  outrages  ;  and,  dispirited, 
he  wrapped  himself  in  his  cloak  and  threw  himself  down  on 
his  mat  ;  but  soon  courage  for  his  undertaking  returned  to 
him,  and  he  dictated  the  beautiful  surah,  where  the  Angel 
Gabriel  is  supposed  to  say  to  him  :  "  Arise  and  preach,  O 
man,  who  art  wrapped  up  in  a  cloak.  .  .  "  His  adherents 
were  alarmed  and  took  refuge  in  Abyssinia,  and  he  himself 
retired  to  the  mountains  near  Mecca,  from  616-619.  1'he 
surahs  or  chapters  of  the  Koran  (Al-Koran,  the  book), 
which  he  dictated  according  to  the  impressions  and  needs 
of  the  moment,  and  which  his  secretary  wrote  on  palm-leaves 
and  on  the  bones  of  sheep — were  certainly  impostures  as 
far  as  concerns  the  pretended  inspiration  by  the  Angel 
Gabriel.  But  full  of  elevated  thought  as  they  were,  and 
written  in  a  forcible,  pure  and  musical  language,  they  de- 
lighted the  Arabs,  who  were  trained  by  their  poetic  contests 
to  aj^preciate  such  merit,  and  who,  perhaps  tired  of  a  poetry 
which  had  touched  on  all  the  old  subjects,  found  a  power- 
ful charm  in  this  eloquence  so  keen,  penetrating,  practical, 
and  yet  rich  in  poetical  color,  although  it  had  thrown  off 
the  trammels  of  rhythm.     Omar  was  one  of  those  savage 


Chap.  VI. 1      MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  79 

warriors,  one  of  tho.se  men  of  the  sword  who  cannot  bear 
that  any  one  should  believe  differently  from  themselves. 
He  was  starting  to  kill  Mohammed  it  is  related  when  one 
of  his  relations  stopped  him  and  said  he  would  do  better 
first  to  cleanse  his  own  house,  for  his  sister  Fatima  read 
the  verses  of  the  false  prophet.  He  returned  home  and 
found  her  reading  with  his  brother-in-law.  "What  are  you 
hiding  under  your  clothing  ?  "  he  cried,  and  wounded  her 
with  his  dagger.  But  at  the  sight  of  the  blood  of  his  sister, 
he  stopped,  and  taking  the  verses  glanced  at  them,  and  ex- 
claiming, hastened  to  the  prophet  to  declare  himself  his 
disciple.  From  that  time  he  gave  to  the  councils  of  Islam- 
ism  the  benefit  of  his  decided  and  violent  spirit,  and  we 
may,  perhaps,  attribute  partly  to  his  influence  the  character 
of  warlike  propagandism  and  conquest  with  the  sword, 
which  the  religion  of  Mohammed,  at  first  more  peaceful  and 
mild,  now  assumes. 

Mohammed  had  lost  his  protector  Abu-Talib  in  619,  and 
had  also  lost  Khadijah,  whom  he  always  remembered  with 
loyalty  and  gratitude.  Deprived  of  these 
cJt!tls"^with^^he  supports  he  looked  about  for  others.  The 
Koreishites  (624).  inhabitants  of  Yatrib,  for  a  long  time  the 
Conversion  of  Ara-    ^j^^j^  ^f   ^^^^^  ^^    Mecca,    offered   him  a 

refuge  ;  and  he  went  to  that  city  in  622  to 
escape  the  persecutions  of  the  Koreishites.  This  year  is 
famous,  because  it  is  the  first  of  the  Mussulman  Era  ;  it  is 
called  the  year  of  the  Hegira,  or  of  the  flight.  From  that 
time  Yatrib  took  the  name  of  the  City  of  the  Prophet, 
Medinat-en-Nebi. 

Mohammed  had  gained  much  knowledge  of  men  in  his 
youth,  and  showed  great  skill  in  building  up  a  party  in  his 
new  city  and  in  preparing  himself  to  sustain  an  open  con- 
test. He  himself  made  the  first  attack,  probably  in  order 
to  prevent  the  faith  of  his  new  proselytes  from  wasting  in 
inactivity.  He  started  with  306  men  to  surprise  a  caravan 
returning  to  Mecca.  Nearly  1000  Koreishites  came  out 
against  him.  They  fought  at  Bedr  (624).  The  Mussul- 
mans were  giving  way,  when  Mohammed,  leaving  his  wooden 
throne,  whence  he  had  been  watching  the  combat,  threw 
himself  on  his  horse  and,  tossing  a  handful  of  sand  in  the 
air,  cried  :  "  May  our  enemies  be  covered  with  confusion  !  " 
The  courage  of  his  troops  revived,  and  they  gained  a  victory 
which  bore  great  results  for  his  cause. 


8o  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

He  was,  however,  defeated  somewhat  later  at  Mount 
Ohud  (625),  and  the  war  then  assumed  a  more  cruel  charac- 
ter. He  turned  his  attack  upon  the  neighboring  Jewish 
tribes,  in  order  to  force  them  to  take  his  part.  They  com- 
bined, and,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Koreishites,  laid  siege 
to  Medina  where  he  was.  This  is  called  the  War  of  the  Na- 
tions or  of  the  Trench  (627).  Mohammed  had  had  a  trench 
dug  before  the  city  ;  he  himself  seized  a  pickaxe  one  day 
and,  as  the  iron  drew  sparks  from  the  rock,  said  :  "  The 
first  spark  tells  me  of  the  subjection  of  Yemen,  the  second 
of  the  conquest  of  Syria,  and  the  third  of  the  conquest  of 
the  East."  He  succeeded  in  driving  away  the  besiegers  by 
sowing  discord  among  them,  and  the  advantage  thus  gained 
was  so  considerable  that  he  was  able  to  obtain  a  truce  of 
ten  years  from  the  Koreishites,  and  to  turn  his  arms  against 
the  Jews  of  Khaibar,  five  leagues  from  Medina,  whose  power 
he  completely  destroyed  (628), 

The  following  year  (629)  he  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
Mecca  and  made  many  converts  there  ;  and  when  in  630 
this  city  broke  the  truce,  he  entered  it  with  10,000  men, 
marched  against  the  temple  and  destroyed  all  the  idols,  say- 
ing :  "  Truth  has  come,  let  falsehood  disappear  !  "  From 
that  time  he  was  feared  as  the  great  religious  chief  of 
Arabia,  and  he  already  was  entering  into  relations  with 
foreign  states.  Chosroes  tore  his  letters  in  pieces  :  '*  Thus 
may  his  kingdom  be  torn  to  pieces  !  "  cried  the  Prophet. 
Heraclius  gave  a  better  reception  to  his  messages  ;  never- 
theless a  war  broke  out  with  the  Greeks  of  Syria,  who  had 
slain  the  messenger  of  the  Prophet.  This  war  did  not  last 
long,  but  we  already  see  in  it  the  fanatical  courage  of  the 
Mussulmans.  Djafar,  son  of  Abu-Talib,  after  losing  both 
hands,  still  held  the  banner  of  Islamism  between  his  arms 
and  received  fifty-two  wounds  in  front.  For  a  short  time 
Mohammed  thought  he  should  have  to  carry  on  a  general 
war  ;  and  clothed  in  a  robe  of  green,  the  color  still  worn  by 
his  descendants,  he  started  off  at  the  head  of  10,000  horse- 
men, 20,000  foot-soldiers  and  12,000  camels,  but  the  enemy 
did  not  appear. 

The  union  of  Arabia,  however,  was  brought  about  by  the 
adhesion  of  the  chiefs  of  Yemen  and  of  Mahrah,  the  princes 
of  Hadramaut,  of  Oman,  of  Barein,  etc.  The  character  of 
these  adhesions  was  undoubtedly  in  general  rather  political 
than  religious,  and  these  far-off  tribes  had  hardly  had  the 


Chap.  VI.]       MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  8l 

time  to  inquire  minutely  into  the  new  religion.  The  reli- 
gion of  Mohammed  did  not  have  preachers  who  carried  the 
teaching  of  its  dogma  and  its  morality  far  and  wide,  like 
the  Christian  religion.  But  buried  as  almost  the  whole  of 
Arabia  was  in  religious  indifference,  these  far-off  Arabs 
heard  of  a  powerful  chief  who  had  arisen  in  Hedjaz,  and 
who  seemed  to  promise  a  brilliant  future  to  Arabia,  and 
they  hastened  to  share  in  these  glories.  These  conversions 
were  made  almost  as  summarily  as  that  of  the  Franks  under 
Clovis,  and  it  is  certain  that  many  of  the  soldiers  in  the  first 
victorious  armies  which  started  from  Arabia  in  search  of 
conquest  hardly  knew  anything  of  the  Koran.  And  though 
there  were  these  adhesions,  there  were,  on  the  other  hand, 
oppositions,  antagonisms,  and  the  appearance  of  false  proph- 
ets, which  saddened  the  last  years  of  the  life  of  Mohammed. 
After  a  sickness  of  several  months  he  went,  followed  by 
114,000  Mussulmans,  to  the  holy  places  to  make  the  great 
pilgrimage  of  El-Haddj.  On  returning  from  Medina,  as  he 
felt  the  approach  of  death,  he  was  carried  to  the  mosque, 
where  he  recited  the  public  prayers,  and  then  asked  the 
assembly  in  a  loud  voice  if  he  had  ever  injured  any  one  or 
was  in  debt  to  any  one.  An  old  woman  claimed  three 
drachmas  ;  he  gave  them  to  her,  and  thanked  her  for  having 
reminded  him  of  her  debt  here  on  earth  rather  than  in 
heaven.     He  died  on  the  8th  of  June,  632. 

The  Koran  is  a  collection  of  all  the  verses  which  fell  as 
occasion  demanded  from  the  lips  of  the  Prophet,  and  which 

The  Koran  ^^"-^  gathered  together  in  a  first  edition  by 
the  orders  of  the  Caliph  Abu-Bekr,  and  in  a 
second  by  the  orders  of  the  Caliph  Othman.  The  method 
of  their  composition  is  shown  by  their  incoherence  and  by 
the  numberless  contradictions  which  they  contain.  It  is 
composed  of  114  chapters  or  surahs,  which  are  divided 
into  verses.  These  verses,  containing  all  the  precepts  of 
Islam  morality,  are  inscribed  by  the  Mohammedans  upon  the 
walls  of  their  mosques,  on  their  banners,  and  on  their  mon- 
uments. 

What  especially  characterizes  the  Koran  is  a  general 
simplicity  and  even  a  certain  dearth  of  imagination.  The 
fervid  exaggeration  and  the  forcible  images  of  the  East 
are  indeed  to  be  found  in  it,  but  only  in  rare  flashes,  with 
no  trace  of  the  Indian  exuberance  or  of  the  wealth  of 
imagination  of  the  European  races.     This  is  to  be  seen  in 


82  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

the  fundamental  principle  of  their  dogma,  which  is  simply 
this — "  God  alone  is  God,  and  Mohammed  is  his  prophet." 
The  Koran  does  not  acknowledge  any  lower  divinity  by 
the  side  of  Allah,  the  sole  God,  the  all-powerful  Creator  ;  it 
does  not  allow  of  a  plurality  of  persons  in  Allah,  and 
entirely  rejects  the  idea  of  God  become  man.  It  only 
teaches  that  God  has  been  revealed  to  man  by  a  series  of 
prophets,  the  last  and  the  most  perfect  of  whom  is  Mo- 
hammed ;  his  predecessors  are  Adam,  Noah,  Abraham, 
Moses,  and  Christ.  It  also  recognizes  the  existence  of 
angels,  messengers  of  God  to  the  prophets.  Mohammed 
acknowledged  that  Christ  had  the  power  of  performing 
miracles,  and  owned  that  he  had  not  received  it  himself. 
"  When  the  unbelievers  say  :  *  We  will  not  believe  you 
unless  you  make  a  spring  of  fresh  water  gush  from  the 
earth,  or  a  piece  of  sky  fall  on  us,  or  unless  you  produce 
God  and  his  angels  to  bear  witness  to  your  words.'  .... 
Reply  to  them  :  '  Praise  be  to  God — am  I  anything  but  a 
man  and  an  apostle  ? '  " 

The  Koran  admits  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  but  with- 
out  venturing  to  define  its  nature.  "The  knowledge  of 
the  Soul  is  a  thing  that  is  reserved  to  God.  Man  is  only 
permitted  to  possess  a  small  part  of  knowledge."  It  also 
acknowledges  the  resurrection  of  the  body  and  the  partici- 
pation of  this  part  of  our  being  in  the  joys  and  sufferings  of 
a  future  life.  Mounkir  and  Nebir,  black  angels  with  blue 
eyes,  question  the  dead  ;  Gabriel  weighs  their  deeds  in 
scales  large  enough  to  contain  the  heavens  and  the  earth. 
Those  risen  from  the  dead  are  led  to  the  bridge  Al-Sirat, 
which  is  more  slender  than  a  hair  and  sharper  than  a  dag- 
ger. Those  who  are  guilty  cannot  cross  it.  They  fall  into 
the  infernal  regions  which  lie  below  it,  and  where  the  least 
guilty  wear  shoes  of  fire,  which  make  their  brains  seethe  as 
in  a  caldron.  Those  who  truly  believe  cross  the  abyss  as 
quickly  as  a  flash  of  lightning,  and  go  to  dwell  in  the  gar- 
dens of  the  seventh  heaven,  or  paradise.  They  find  there 
groves  which  are  always  fresh  and  green,  pavilions  of 
mother  of  pearl,  of  ruby,  of  hyacinth,  limpid  streams  flow- 
ing in  yellow  amber,  diamonds  and  emeralds,  carpets  of 
rich  silk,  flowers,  perfumes,  exquisite  repasts  and  black-eyed 
immortal  nymphs.  Such  is  the  sensual  paradise  that  Mo- 
hammed promised  to  the  mass  of  faithful  Mussulmans,  but 
he  places  the  spiritual  joys  much  higher.     "  The  most  fav- 


Chap.  VI.]       MOHAMMED   AND    THE  ARABS.  83 

ored  of  God  is  he  who  shall  see  his  face  morning  and  even- 
ing, a  rapture  which  surpasses  all  the  pleasures  of  the  senses, 
as  the  ocean  surpasses  a  drop  of  dew." 

This  doctrine  of  rewards  and  punishments  in  the  future 
life  implies  the  moral  freedom  of  man,  since  God  can  only 
reward  or  punish  those  who  have  been  free  to  choose  be- 
tween good  and  evil.  Nevertheless  Mohammed  teaches  the 
opposite  dogma  of  predestination,  which  destroys  this  free- 
dom, by  declaring  that  a  man  is  predestined  to  good  or  to 
evil  from  all  Eternity.  But  this  belief  was  of  powerful  assis- 
tance to  him,  for  why  should  one  try  to  escape  from  dangers 
or  death  if  everything  is  decided  beforehand,  if  the  fate  of 
each  is  ruled  by  an  unchanging  will?  Thus  the  Mussulman, 
impelled  by  his  passions,  called  by  him  the  spirit  of  God, 
rushed  against  the  enemy,  to  victory  and  to  the  conquest 
of  the  world,  much  as  to-day,  since  he  has  lost  his  warlike 
enthusiasm,  he  sits  calm  and  resigned  in  the  face  of  the  fire 
which  burns  his  towns,  of  the  pestilence  which  decimates 
his  people,  and  of  the  Christian  civilization  which  shakes  the 
foundation  of  his  empire,  and  would  utterly  overthrow  it  if 
it  had  no  interest  in  its  preservation. 

The  religious  law  of  the  Arabs,  like  that  of  the  Jews,  is 
also  their  civil  law,  and  the  Koran  is  at  the  same  time  the 
sacred  book  and  the  code  of  the  Mussulman.  Mohammed 
reformed  Arabian  family  life.  He  raised  the  position  of 
women.  Daughters  had  before  inherited  nothing;  he  de- 
creed that  each  daughter  should  inherit  half  as  much  as  was 
received  by  each  of  her  brothers.  Though  maintaining  the 
authority  of  husbands,  he  commanded  them  to  be  consider- 
ate protectors  of  their  wives,  and  though  he  permitted  poly- 
gamy in  order  to  avoid  too  much  collision  with  the  customs 
of  the  East,  he  praised  and  encouraged  those  who  con- 
tented themselves  with  one  wife..  The  position  of  woman 
as  a  mother  also  was  raised.  "A  son  gains  paradise  at  his 
mother's  knees."  The  rights  of  the  children  are  protected, 
and  the  Koran  does  away  with  the  frightful  custom  which 
permitted  parents  to  bury  their  daughters  alive.  If  it  did 
not  require  the  abolition  of  slavery,  it  at  least  determined 
the  obligation  of  the  masters  toward  their  slaves,  and  recom- 
mended manumission  to  them  as  an  act  agreeable  to  God. 

The  Koran  provides  severe  punishments  for  theft,  usury, 
fraud,  and  false  testimony,  and  prescribes  the  giving  of  alms. 
It  regulates  the  religious  observances  with  severity :    the  fast 


84  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

of  Rhamadan ;  the  observance  of  the  four  holy  months,  an 
ancient  custom,  which,  by  a  kind  of  truce  of  God,  sus- 
pended all  hostilities  of  the  faithful  with  each  other;  the 
great  annual  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  which  city  Mohammed 
had  made  the  seat  of  the  new  religion  in  order  that,  instead 
of  disturbing  the  Arab  customs,  he  might  turn  them  to  the 
profit  of  Islamism ;  and  the  five  daily  prayers,  which  were 
so  irksome  an  obligation,  that  the  false  prophet  Moseilama 
was  able  to  draw  many  followers  to  himself  by  simply  dis- 
pensing with  one  of  these  prayers.  Ablutions  either  with 
water  or,  if  water  failed,  with  the  fine  sand  of  the  desert,  cir- 
cumcision, the  avoidance  of  wine  and  of  swine  flesh,  the 
latter  health  measures,  are  also  required  by  the  Koran. 

It  reiterates  the  doctrine  that  the  faithful  are  all  broth- 
ers, but  also  that  all  who  do  not  believe  are  enemies.  There 
is,  however,  a  great  distinction  made  between  Christians, 
Jews,  and  all  the  unfaithful  who  believe  in  one  God  and  in 
the  last  judgment,  and  idolaters,  apostates,  and  schismatics. 
With  the  former  it  is  enough  to  avoid  ties  of  blood,  and  it  is 
not  right  to  fight  with  them  unless  they  give  the  first  offense. 
But  as  to  the  latter,  it  is  the  duty  of  every  good  Mussulman 
to  attack  them,  pursue  them,  and  to  kill  them,  unless  they 
embrace  the  religion  of  the  Prophet.  "Ye  believers,  form 
no  connections  with  Christians  and  with  Jews."  Woe  to 
the  Mussulman  who  stays  by  his  fireside  instead  of  going  to 
war;  he  cannot  escape  death,  for  the  term  of  his  life  is 
fixed.  Does  he  fear  the  burning  heat  of  the  combat? 
"The  infernal  regions  are  hotter  than  the  heats  of  summer." 
Does  he  think  to  turn  and  flee?  "Paradise  is  before  you, 
behind  you  the  flames  of  the  infernal  regions." 

These  precepts,  hopes,  and  menaces  were  the  powerful 
motives  which  sent  the  Arabs  forth,  sword  in  hand,  in  every 
direction. 

Mohammed  did  not  regulate  either  the  form  of  the  gov- 
ernment or  the  order  of  succession.      The  caliph  was  at  the 

.j..^j.  ^  J  same  time  the  religious,  civil,  and  military 
tive  Caliphs;  chief.  Abu-Bekr,  whom  Mohammed  had  en- 
Sy?i\"  Persia*^  joined  to  say  the  prayers  in  his  stead,  was 
and  of'Egypt     recognized   as   caliph  (632),   and    afterwards 

^^~  chose  as  his  successor    Omar  (634),  who  in 

his  turn  intrusted  this  choice  to  a  commission  of  six  impor- 
tant persons.  This  commission  appointed  Othman  (644), 
whose   weakness  gave  rise  to  disturbances  in  the  midst  of 


Chap.  VI.]       MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  85 

which  Ali  mounted  the  throne  (656).  Ali,  the  husband  of 
Fathna,  the  daughter  of  Mohammed,  had,  ever  since  the 
death  of  his  father-in-law,  been  one  of  the  pretendants  to 
the  throne,  and  chief  of  the  party  of  the  Fatimites.  These 
rivalries  were  perpetuated  by  the  two  Mussulman  sects,  the 
Schiites  or  Separatists,  who  considered  Ali  and  his  posterity 
as  unjustly  deprived  of  their  rights,  and  the  Suunites  or  the 
conservative  party,  who  recognized  Abu-Bekr,  Omar,  and 
Othman  as  legitimate  sovereigns.  Long  and  bloody  wars 
resulted  from  this  division.  To-day  the  Persians  are  Schiites 
and  the  Turks  are  Sunnites.  After  Ali  (661)  hereditary  rule 
begins  with  the  Ommiades. 

This  is  the  period  (632-661)  of  the  most  rapid  and  most 
marvelous  conquests  of  the  Arabs. 

"Go,"  said  Abu-Bekr  to  the  Arab  warriors,  "and  fight 
bravely  and  loyally ;  do  not  mutilate  those  whom  you  have 
conquered,  or  kill  the  old  men,  the  women  and  children ;  do 
not  destroy  the  palm-trees  or  burn  the  crops,  or  cut  down 
the  fruit-trees."  Some  of  these  warriors  went  to  the  heart 
of  Arabia  to  put  down  the  false  prophets  and  the  tribes 
who  refused  to  recognize  Islamism,  others  marched  against 
Syria,  and  others  toward  the  Euphrates  and  Persia. 

The  first  subdued  the  interior  of  the  peninsula  and  thus 
gave  unity  to  the  whole  Arab  nation. 

The  second  succeeded  in  six  years  in  conquering  Syria 
from  the  Byzantine  Greeks.  They  first  took  Bostra,  which 
was  the  key  to  the  country  toward  the  desert,  and  then 
besieged  Damascus.  The  siege  was  interrupted  by  the  bat- 
tle of  Aimadin,  where  they  utterly  defeated  an  army  or 
70,000  men,  sent  by  the  Emperor  Heraclius.  Damascus 
capitulated  to  the  General  Abu-Obeidah;  but  the  fiery 
Khalid,  who  at  the  same  time  successfully  fought  his  way 
through  another  gate,  after  three  days  of  truce  pursued  the 
fugitives  with  all  the  speed  of  his  Arab  horses,  caught  up 
with  them,  and  utterly  destroyed  them,  returning  with  their 
spoils  (635).*  A  second  victory  gained  on  the  banks  of  the 
Yermuk  in  Palestine  completed  this  conquest  (636).  A 
Greek  army  of  considerable  size  had  come  out  against  the 
Mohammedans;   three  times  they  fell  back,  but  each  time 

*  The  accounts  of  the  fall  of  Damascus  are  conflicting — a  confusion 
which  the  text  indicates,  between  capitulation  and  storming.  It  was 
abandoned  by  the  Arabs  on  the  approach  of  the  Roman  army,  and  again 
occupied  after  the  battle  of  636. — Eu. 


86  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

their  wives,  who  were  on  horseback,  bow  in  hand,  at  the 
rear  of  the  army,  sent  them  back  to  the  combat.  The  Ara- 
bian historians  undoubtedly  exaggerate  when  they  speak  of 
150,000  enemies  slain  and  40,000  taken  prisoners.  Jerusa- 
lem opened  its  gates  to  the  Caliph  Omar,  who  came  in  per- 
son to  take  possession ;  he  was  plainly  mounted  on  a  rough- 
haired  camel,  and  carried  in  front  of  him,  on  his  saddle,  a 
bag  of  wheat,  a  bag  of  dates,  and  a  leathern  bottle  of  water, 
and  offered  to  share  his  frugal  repast  with  all  whom  he  met. 
He  stayed  ten  days  at  Jerusalem  in  order  to  regulate  the 
affairs  of  the  country,  and  to  build  a  mosque,  though  he 
allowed  the  Christians  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 
After  Jerusalem,  Aleppo,  and  finally  Antioch,  the  mighty 
capital  of  Syria,  surrendered,  and  Heraclius  abandoned  this 
country  forever  (638). 

The  army  which  had  been  sent  in  the  direction  of  the 
Euphrates  had  had  no  less  marvelous  a  success.*  Khalid, 
the  first  commander,  took  Hanbar  and  Hira.  His  passing 
into  Syria  did  not  diminish  his  success.  Persia,  whose  power 
was  already  declining,  tried  in  vain  with  150,000  soldiers 
to  resist  30,000  Arabs,  and  was  defeated  in  the  great  battle 
of  Kadesiah,  which  lasted  three  days  (637).  The  famous 
standard  of  the  Sassanides,  the  leather  apron,  which  re- 
called their  origin,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mussulmans. 
The  victors,  leaving  behind  them  the  colonies  of  Bussorah 
and  Kufah,  hastened  to  Ctesiphon,  which  they  captured. 
The  victory  of  Jalula,  and  that  of  Nehavend,  or  the  victory 
of  victories,  at  the  south  of  Ecbatana  (642),  made  Persia 
subject  to  them.  Ispahan  was  conquered,  Persepolis  sacked, 
and  Yezdegerd,  the  king  of  Persia,  just  escaped  being  taken 
l)risoner  in  the  midst  of  his  falling  ])alace.  He  went  in  search 
of  aid  as  far  as  China,  but  in  vain,  and  was  assassinated  on 
the  shore  of  the  Oxus(652),  and  Khorassan  became  subject 
to  the  Arabs. 

While  the  overthrow  of  the  great  King  was  being  effected, 
Egypt  was  subjugated.  There,  as  in  Syria,  it  was  the  East- 
ern Empire  that  suffered  the  attack.  Amru,  chief  of  the 
Arabs,  skillfully  took   advantage  of  the  hatred  which  the 


*  The  Parthian  kings,  or  the  Arsacides,  who  had  succeeded  the  Greek 
kinj;;s,  or  the  Seleucides,  hnd  been  succeeded  in  226  by  the  Sassanides, 
who  founded  the  second  Persian  Empire,  and  were  still  ruling  over  the 
country  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Indus  when  the  Arabs  appeared 
there. 


Chap.  VI.]       MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  87 

Copts  or  the  natives  felt  toward  the  Greeks,  whom  they 
considered  as  foreigners  and  heretics.  His  progress  was 
not  checked  till  he  reached  Alexandria,  which  held  out 
against  him  fourteen  months.*  It  has  not  been  proved 
that  Amru  gave  the  order  to  burn  the  precious  library  of 
this  rich  and  learned  city.f  On  the  contrary  we  see 
Amru  organizing  the  government  of  the  country  with  wis- 
dom, substituting  a  more  just  system  of  taxation  for  the 
capitation,  and  reserving  one-third  of  these  taxes  for  the 
preservation  of  the  canals  and  ditches,  and  also  reviving 
the  ancient  project  of  the  Pharaohs,  the  Ptolemys,  and  the 
Caesars,  of  connecting  the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea,  a  project 
which  was,  however,  abandoned  in  the  fear  of  opening  to 
the  infidels  a  way  to  the  sacred  cities. 

The  intestine  quarrels  that  filled  and  followed  the  Cali- 
phate of  Ali  brought  the  conquests  of  the  Arabs  to  a  halt, 
for  the  time  being.     Ali,  the   leading  repre- 

Revolution  in  .  ^      ,        _S'      ,   .      ■  ,       r    ^r    1 

the  Caliphate,  scntative  of  the  Hashmiites  and  of   Moham- 

naYty'^'cTf^t'he  "^cd,    saw   arisc    against    him    a    Koreishite 

Ommiades  (66i-  rcaction   which   had  already  shown  itself  in 

"f 'upper"Asfa  the  clcction  of  Othman.     Moawijah  was  the 

(707)  and  of  leader  of  the  movement :  he  governed  Syria, 

Spam  (711).  '  *,.,.,• 

where  this  party  was  strongest,  while  Ah  was 
established  at  Kufah,  in  Irak-Arabi  (Babylonia),  a  country 
devoted  to  his  cause.  After  several  bloody  contests  Moa- 
wijah had  the  caliph  assassinated  by  three  fanatics,  and 
the  hereditary  dynasty  of  the  Ommiades  began,  which 
lasted  90  years  (661-750).  Under  this  dynasty,  Damascus 
became  the  capital  of  the  Empire.  From  that  time  the 
character  of  the  government  changed  and  became  more 
despotic,  though  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  had  to  do 
with  a  very  different  people  from  the  Arabs  of  Hedjaz. 

The  institutions  and  the  faith  of  the  Mohammedans  un- 
derwent various  modifications  ;  while  some  on  the  one  hand 
gave  themselves  up  to  luxury  and  disobeyed  the  precepts 
of  their  religion,  others  by  a  natural  reaction  formed  the  fa- 
natical and  gloomy  sects  of  the  Kharegites,  the  Motazelites, 
the  Kadonians,  etc.,  the  puritans  of  Islamism,  who  strug- 

*  Alexandria  was  probably  occupied  by  the  Arabs  without  resistance. 
Later  (646).  it  revolted  and  was  retaken  by  force. — Ed. 

f  This  story,  now  disbelieved,  makes  its  first  appearance  in  the  thir- 
teenth century. — Ed, 


88  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

gled  against  the  Ommiades  with  indomitable  energy.  The 
dynasty  was  only  established  by  rivers  of  blood,  and  more 
especially  by  the  victories  of  the  valiant  Hojiaj  in  the  reign 
of  Abd-el-Melek.  A  second  and  last  period  of  conquests 
began  in  his  reign. 

In  the  east  the  conquest  of  Transoxiana,  of  the  ancient 
Sogdiana  and  the  shores  of  the  Indus  (707)  carried  the  do- 
minion of  the  Mussulman  to  the  limits  of  the  empire  of 
Alexander.  The  Arabs  found  at  this  extreme  end  of  their 
empire,  at  Bokhara  and  at  Samarcand  (707),  the  fruits  from 
the  seeds  of  civilization  left  there  by  the  Greek  conquerors, 
and  they  did  not  allow  this  growing  prosperity  to  perish. 

They  advanced  also  in  the  direction  of  Asia  Minor  and 
of  Constantinople.  So  far  they  had  only  fought  on  land, 
but  the  Syrian  dynasty  of  the  Ommiades  gave  them  a  mari- 
time power,  the  elements  of  which  they  found  in  the  con- 
quered provinces  of  Phoenicia  and  Cilicia.  In  672  they 
began  a  series  of  attacks  upon  Constantinople  itself,  and 
carried  them  on  for  seven  years,  but  were  driven  away  by 
the  Greek  fire,  an  invention  of  a  Syrian,  which  had  the  ter- 
rible property  of  burning  in  water.  This  bold  enterprise, 
which  threatened  to  destroy  all  that  was  left  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  was  renewed  in  717  under  the  Caliph  Soliman.  An 
army  of  120,000  men  crossed  Asia  Minor  and  the  Hellespont 
and  stationed  themselves  before  Constantinople,  which  a 
fleet  of  1800  sail  was  besieging  at  the  same  time.  Again 
the  Greek  fire  caused  the  attempt  to  fail,  and  the  Arab 
invasion  in  this  direction  was  given  up.  Their  retreat 
decided  that  the  Eastern  Empire  should  live  some  centuries 
longer. 

The  Arabs  were  summoned  to  Africa  by  the  natives,  who 
were  overwhelmed  by  the  tributes  imposed  by  the  Romans. 
Akbah  hastened  thither  and  advanced  as  far  as  the  Atlan- 
tic, where  he  urged  his  horse  into  the  waves.  He  founded 
Kairowan  at  the  south  of  Carthage,  twelve  miles  from  the 
coast  (670).  The  Arabs  feared  the  Roman  fleet,  but  the 
desert,  their  domain,  had  no  terror  for  them.  Akbah  yielded 
to  the  attacks  of  the  Moors.  But  Hassan,  under  the 
Caliph  Abd-el-Melek  (692-698),  established  the,  dominion 
of  the  Arabs  over  the  whole  length  of  the  African  sea-coast 
by  the  conquest  of  Carthage,  which  was  consigned  to  the 
flames  and  has  never  been  rebuilt.  A  last  insurrection  of 
the  Moors,  led  by  their  Queen  Kahina,  was  put  down  in  709, 


Chap.  VI.]      MOHAMMED  AND    THE  ARABS.  89 

and  the  Arabs  then  turned  their  attention  to  the  countries 
beyond  the  strait  of  Hercules. 

Tarik  crossed  this  strait  in  711  and  gave  it  the  name 
of  Gibraltar  (Djebel-Tarik,  Mountain  of  Tarik).  These 
Arabs  encountered  here  for  the  first  time  the  barbarians  of 
the  north.  They  found  in  Spain  the  Visigoth  monarchy  in 
an  enfeebled  condition,  torn  by  discord  and  allowing  the 
walls  of  its  fortifications  to  fall  to  pieces.*  They  were 
aided  by  the  powerful  Count  Julian,  Governor  of  Ceuta,f 
and  by  the  Archbishop  of  Seville,  who  wished  to  overthrow 
King  Roderic;  and  were  victorious  at  the  battle  of  Xeres  \ 
on  the  banks  of  the  Guad-al-Lete.  Roderic  is  said  to  have 
perished  in  the  waters  of  the  Guadalquivir,  when  trying  to 
make  his  escape  (711).  This  three  days'  §  battle  put  an 
end  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Visigoths,  but  it  was  eight  years 
before  the  Arabs  succeeded  in  subjugating  the  peninsula  as 
far  as  the  mountains  of  Asturia,  where  Pelayo,  a  Visigothic 
chief,  kept  his  independence.  In  720  they  occupied  Septi- 
mania  as  a  dependency  of  the  Gothic  kingdom.  Thus  they 
had  crossed  the  Pyrenees,  another  mighty  barrier,  and  Gaul 
lay  opened  before  them.  It  was  now  a  question  whether  or 
not  they  would  succeed  in  conquering  it  as  they  had  done 

*  Monarchy  of  the  Visigoths. — The  kingdom  of  the  Visigoths  had 
lasted  300  years,  from  410  to  711.  They  were  at  first  supreme  over  Gaul 
as  far  as  the  Loire  and  over  a  part  of  Spain.  By  the  battle  of  Voulon 
(507)  they  were  crowded  back  to  the  south  of  the  Pyrenees,  but  still  retained 
Septimania  at  the  north  of  these  mountains.  The  Spanish  peninsula  was 
not  entirely  subject  to  them  till  after  their  absorption  of  the  kingdom  of 
the  Suevi  (565)  and  the  e.xpulsion  of  the  Greeks  from  the  southern  coast 
(623),  The  most  brilliant  epoch  of  this  monarchy  was  that  of  Leovigild 
(569-586),  and  of  Reccared  (5S6-601),  in  which  the  Visigoths  were  con- 
verted from  Arianism  to  Christianity.  The  clergy  had  a  very  large  share 
in  the  government  of  the  Visigoths,  and  with  them  the  Council  of  Toledo 
took  the  place  of  the  national  assemblies  of  the  other  barbarian  peoples. 
Another  cause  of  weakness  was  the  application  of  the  system  of  an  elec- 
tive monarchy  in  an  aristocratic  state  ;  the  nobles  contrived  that  the 
throne  should  be  vacant  as  often  as  possible,  each  one  hoping  to  ascend  it 
himself.  There  is  no  country  where  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  kings 
have  been  assassinated. 

f  A  portion  of  the  Eastern  Empire  on  the  African  coast.  Julian  was 
not  an  officer  of  the  Visigoths,  but  it  is  not  clear  exactly  what  aid  was 
received  by  the  Arabs. — Ed. 

X  It  is  now  established  that  the  battle  was  not  fought  at  Xeres  de  la 
Frontera,  but  farther  south  near  the  little  stream  now  called  Salado  (Wadi 
Bekka).— Ed. 

§  Said  also  to  have  lasted  a  week. — Ed, 


90  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

Asia,  Africa,  and  Spain,  and  in  destroying  with  a  single 
blow  the  German  states  and  the  Christian  religion.  They 
had  already  pushed  their  cavalry  as  far  as  Sens,  and  the 
Berber  Munuza  had  already  settled  in  Septimania  and 
married  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Aquitaine.  This  was 
a  solemn  moment  in  the  history  of  the  world.  The  ques- 
tion was  decided  in  the  famous  plains  between  Tours  and 
Poitiers,  where  the  powerful  Austrasian  infantry  of  Charles 
Martel,  like  a  wall  of  iron,  resisted  the  fiery  horsemen  of  Ara- 
bia, of  Syria,  and  of  Magrib  (732). 

Thus  the  Arab  invasion  found  its  bounds  on  the  banks  of 
the  Indus,  at  the  entrance  to  Asia  Minor,  and  at  the  Pyre- 
nees. Like  the  German  invaders  the  Arabs  settled  in  their 
conquered  countries,  and  there  arose  in  the  face  of  the 
western  and  Christian  civilization,  a  civilization  which  was 
entirely  Eastern  and  Mussulmanic.  The  Byzantine  Empire, 
escaping  from  the  torrents  which  rushed  past  on  either  side, 
thanks  to  its  position  and  to  the  walls  of  its  capital,  existed 
between  the  two  new  worlds  like  a  pale  image  of  the  ancient 
Roman  world. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

DISMEMBERMENT,    DECLINE   AND   FALL   OF   THE 
ARABIAN    EMPIRE   (755-1058). 


Accession  of  the  Abbasides  (750},  and  foundation  of  the  Caliphate  of 
Cordova  (755). — Caliphate  of  Bagdad  (750-1058). — Almanssur,  Har- 
oun-al-Rashid,  AI-Mamun. — Creation  of  the  Turkish  Guards.  De- 
cHne  and  dismemberment  of  the  Caliphate  of  Bagdad. — Africa  ; 
Fatimite  Caliphate  (968). — Spain  ;  Caliphate  of  Cordova. — Arabian 
Civilization. 


It  was  just  a  century  after  Mohammed's  death  when 
Charles  Martel,  in  732,  forced  the  Arabian  invaders  to 
.  J.  retrace  their  steps ;  in  one  hundred  years  the 
the  Aobassides  Arabs  had  Spread  from  the  Indies  to  the  Pyr- 
d  a°t  i  o  n'^of°t'he  enees.  To  give  their  boundaries  more  exactly, 
Caliphate  of  their  empire  reached,  on  the  east,  as  far  as  the 
755  .  Indus  and  the  Vale  of  Cashmir;  on  the  north 
their  boundary  line  followed  the  steppes  of  Turkestan,  the 
Caspian  Sea  and  the  Caucasus,  which  Islamism  had  already 
crossed,  then  a  line  drawn  obliquely  from  the  eastern  point 
of  the  Black  Sea  to  Tarsus,  beyond  which  lay  their  tribu- 
taries, Pontus  and  Cappadocia ;  the  Mediterranean,  where 
they  occupied  Rhodes,  Cyprus,  and  the  Balearic  Islands; 
finally  the  southern  Cevennes  and  the  Pyrenees,  excepting 
the  little  kingdom  of  Ps-layo;  on  the  west  their  boundary  was 
the  Atlantic  Ocean ; — on  the  south,  the  deserts  of  Africa, 
Ethiopia,  and  the  Indian  Ocean  as  far  as  the  mouths  of  the 
Indus. 

This  empire  was  more  than  four  thousand  miles  in  length  ; 
no  empire  in  antiquity  had  attained  to  so  great  a  size.  But 
this  great  belt  was  soon  cut  into  three  parts  by  the  Abbas- 
sides  in  Asia,  the  Ommiades  in  Spain  and  the  Fatimites  in 
Africa.  Thus,  while  the  German  invasion,  carried  on  at 
different  times  and  by  different  methods,  without  plan  or 
unity  of  direction  reached  under  Charlemagne's  influence 
an   organized  result,  the   Arab   invasion,  the  outcome  of  a 

91 


92  THE   ARAB   INVASION.  [Book  IL 

single,  common  idea,  accomplished  at  one  blow  and  under 
one  impulse,  fell  into  a  state  of  utter  disorganization. 

The  extreme  weakness  of  the  Arabian  Empire  was  due  not 
only  to  the  extent  of  its  territory  but  also  to  its  institutions 
and  its  dynasties.  There  had  been  a  purely  Arabian  period 
under  the  first  four  successors  of  Mohammed,  and  a  Syrian 
period  under  the  Ommiades ;  now  came  a  Persian  period 
under  the  Abbassides,  and  after  that  a  Turkish  period,  each 
subject  people  claiming  in  turn  the  supreme  power,  as  is 
generally  the  case  in  great  empires  formed  by  conquest,  and 
as  was  the  case  in  the  jRoman  Empire. 

The  Ommiades  of  Damascus  had  begun  to  arouse  a  cer- 
tain civilization  in  Syria,  steeped  as  it  was  in  all  the  ancient 
civilizations,  as  is  shown  by  the  celebrated  mosque,  one  of 
the  wonders  of  the  world,  which  Valid  I.  had  built  at  Da- 
mascus and  which  Tamerlain  destroyed;  nevertheless,  con- 
quest was  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  that  period. 
On  the  other  hand,  peaceful  employments,  industry,  and  the 
cultivation  of  the  sciences  characterized  the  period  that  fol- 
lowed. 

The  Ommiades,  who  were  perverted,  wine-drinking  Mo- 
hammedans, belonged,  in  fact,  neither  to  the  Arabs  who  had 
remained  in  their  native  peninsula,  nor  to  those  who  had 
settled  in  large  numbers  in  Irak  (ancient  Babylonia).  This 
country  was  an  Arabia  on  a  small  scale,  where  the  worship 
of  Islam  and  the  attachment  to  the  Prophet's  family  were 
kept  up  in  all  their  purity.  The  descendants  of  Ali  pre- 
served together  with  their  pretensions  great  influence  over 
these  tribes.  But  though  they  were  men  of  virtue  and  fine 
character,  the  Alides  had  not  in  general  the  talents  neces- 
sary to  enforce  the  recognition  of  their  rights.  A  family  of 
their  ]jarty,  and  one  which  ])retended  to  be  connected  with 
them  by  l)lood,  undertook  this  on  their  own  account;  this 
was  the  Abbas  family.  The  Abbassides,  taking  advantage 
of  a  disturbance  during  which  Merwan  II.  ascended  the 
throne  (744),  stirred  up  a  revolt  in  Khorassan,  where  their 
influence  reigned  supreme,  and  in  Irak,  where  the  Alides, 
although  rivals,  welcomed  them  out  of  hatred  for  the  Om- 
miades. They  took  black  for  their  color,  because  white  was 
the  color  of  the  Ommiades, and  the  two  opposing  parties  were 
distinguished  by  their  colors.  Merwan  was  defeated  on  the 
banks  of  the  Zab,  a  tributary  of  the  Tigris,  and  his  head  was 
cut  off  (750).     The  triumph  of  the  Abbassides  was  signalized 


Chap.  VII.]     FALL  OF  THF  ARABLAN  EMPLRE.  93 

by  horrible  acts  of  vengeance.  The  Ommiades  and  their 
adherents  were  murdered  by  the  thousand.  Ninety  of  their 
chiefs  were  invited  to  a  banquet  on  the  pretext  of  a  recon- 
ciliation. In  the  midst  of  the  feast,  a  poet  appeared,  not  an 
Antar  singing  of  combats,  love,  hospitality  and  glory,  but  a 
gloomy  and  awe-inspiring  poet;  "Abdallah,"  said  he  to  the 
uncle  of  Abbas,  who  was  presiding  at  the  feast,  "remem- 
ber Al-Husein,  remember  Zaidi.  Husein  was  assassinated 
and  his  corpse,  dragged  through  the  squares  of  Damascus, 
was  trampled  beneath  the  feet  of  horses.  Zaidi,  the  son 
of  Husein,  conquered  by  Hescham  the  Ommiad,  was 
strangled  before  his  eyes,  and  his  body  was  exposed  like  a 
vile  criminal's.  Remember  your  friends,  remember  your 
brothers.  Hasten:  this  is  the  moment  for  your  just  ven- 
geance I"  He  finished  speaking;  an  executioner  appeared 
behind  each  of  the  Ommiades;  they  were  struck  down,  and 
their  still  palpitating  bodies  were  covered  with  planks  and 
carpets.  Then,  on  this  bloody  platform,  the  feast  went  on 
(750).  The  tombs  of  the  caliphs  of  Damascus  were  opened, 
the  bones  found  there  were  burned,  and  the  ashes  thrown  to 
the  winds.  Abul-Abbas  acquired  in  this  way  his  name  of 
El-Saffah — the  bloody. 

One  Ommiad,  however,  escaped;  the  young  Abder- 
rahman;  he  hid  himself  first  with  the  Bedouins  of  Barcah, 
in  Egypt,  and  then  with  the  Zenetes,  until  he  was  called  to 
rule  by  the  Arabs  of  Spain. 

The  armies  of  Islam  were  composed  of  very  varied  ele- 
ments; in  the  army  which  invaded  Spain,  there  were  doubt- 
less many  pure  Arabs,  but  there  were  also  Syrians,  Egyp- 
tians and  Berbers,  and  they  settled  separately,  in  distinct 
bands,  in  the  conquered  territory;  this  explains,  though  it 
is  anticipating  somewhat,  the  fall  of  the  caliphate  of  Cor- 
dova. At  Cordova  the  royal  legion  of  Damascus  had  estab- 
lished itself.  It  was  these  Syrian  Arabs,  faithful  to  the 
Syrian  family  of  the  Ommiades,  who  delivered  Spain  into  the 
hands  of  Abderrahman  (755).  He  assumed  the  title  of 
Emir-al-Moumenin  (chief  of  the  believers),  and  founded  the 
Caliphate  of  the  West. 

The  Abbassides,  though  deprived  by  this  dismemberment 
of  the  western  extremity  of  their  empire,  still  reigned  over 
Asia  and  over  Africa,  though  it,  too,  was  to  follow  the 
example  of  Spain,  fifty  years  later.  The  first  of  the  Ab- 
bassides,  the   sanguinary    Al)Lil-Abbas,    reigned    only    four 


94  THE  ARAB  INVASIOM.  [Book  II. 

years.  His  brother  Abu-Giaffar  Almanssur,  or  the  vic- 
Caiiphate  of  torious,  Succeeded  him  (754-775)-  He  had 
Bagdad  (750-  to  fight  agaiiist  his  uncle  Abdallah,  one  of 
s°ur!'  HaTounI  the  principal  promoters  of  the  fortunes  of 
ai-Rashid.  Ai-  their  house.  He  took  him  prisoner,  and,  as 
he  had  sworn  not  to  kill  him  by  the  sword 
or  by  poison,  he  crushed  him  under  a  falling  ceiling. 
After  this  act  of  cruel  perfidy,  which  gave  him  absolute 
control,  he  reigned  wisely.  It  was  he  who  gave  the 
Arabian  Empire  its  third  and  celebrated  capital  Bagdad 
(762),  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  near  the  old 
Seleucia  and'  built  around  a  hill  which  was  crowned  by 
the  pavilion  of  the  Caliphs;  it  was  defended  from  at- 
tacks without  by  a  brick  enclosure,  fortified  with  163 
towers.  Immense  sums  were  spent  on  its  decoration.  In 
that  stronghold  of  despotism,  which  the  ghosts  of  the  Per- 
sian kings,  the  great  kings,  still  seemed  to  haunt,  the  Caliphs 
of  the  East  acquired  a  more  and  more  absolute  authority 
and  began  to  claim  for  themselves  divine  attributes,  fol- 
lowing the  Oriental  custom  of  the  worship  of  the  sovereign. 
A  pompous  court,  officers  of  all  kinds,  and  a  prime  minister 
called  the  Vizier  (bearer  of  the  burden),  relieved  the  sove- 
reign from  all  the  cares  of  government  and  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice,  but  they  also  separated  him  from  his 
subjects.  His  primitive  simplicity  was  exchanged  for  the 
luxury  taught  by  the  magnificent  Persian  palaces.  He 
accumulated  vast  wealth,  still  following  in  the  steps  of  the 
Persian  kings.  Almanssur's  treasure  amounted,  it  was  said, 
to  150  millions  of  dollars.  His  son  Mahdi  spent  six  million 
dinars  (a  dinar  is  worth  about  two  dollars)  in  a  single  pil- 
grimage to  Mecca.  What  had  become  of  Omar  with  his  bag 
of  dates  and  his  leather  bottle  of  water? 

The  most  famous  of  the  Caliphs  of  Bagdad  was  Haroun- 
al-Rashid  (the  Just)  also  called  the  Victorious  (786-809). 
His  name  is  familiar  even  in  Europe,  as  well  as  that  of  his 
faithful  vizier,  Giaffar.  We  shall  see  farther  on  his  rela- 
tions with  Charlemagne.  He  made  eight  invasions  of  the 
Eastern  Empire,  conquered  successively  Irene  and  the  usur- 
per Nicephorus,  forbade  the  Greeks  ever  to  rebuild  the  town 
of  Heraclius  on  the  Pontus,  which  he  had  destroyed,  and 
laid  upon  them  a  tribute  which  they  were  obliged  to  pay  in 
money  stamped  with  his  image.  But  even  while  he  was  wag- 
ing war  on  them,  he  borrowed  from  them  their  science  and 


Chap.  VII.]     FALL  OF  THF  ARABIAN  EMPIRE.  95 

their  books,  and  made  them  popular  among  the  Arabs  by  the 
protection  he  accorded  to  scholars. 

His  son,  Al-A'Iamun,  was  still  more  eminent  in  this  respect 
(813-833).  He  founded  many  schools  and  an  academy,  and 
spent  enormous  sums  in  the  encouragement  of  science  and 
literature. 

Almanssur,    Haroun-al-Rashid    and    Al-Mamun  are   the 

three  great  names  of    the    Eastern  Caliphate.      Motassem, 

„       ,.        r    who   came    after    them    (8^^-842),    although 

Creation  of        .  .  .  />    ■^■^       ^    ■"  .  .  ° 

the  Turkish  victorious  m  the  wars  he  had  to  sustain  against 
ancf^faii^of 'the  ^^^  Greek  Empire,  prepared  the  way  for  the 
Caliphate  of  fall  of  the  Abbassides,  by  forming  a  guard 
^^  ^  ■  of  50,000  Turkish  slaves,  bought  in  Tartary.* 

They  proved  masters,  rather  than  slaves.  This  body  of  sol- 
diers disposed  at  their  will  of  the  throne  and  the  lives  of 
the  caliphs,  who,  surrounded  by  plots  and  menaces,  devel- 
oped a  marvelous  cruelty. 

Motawakkil  (847)  is  a  typical  representative  of  them;  he 
ordered  a  vizier  who  had  offended  him  to  be  roasted  alive 
in  a  furnace  lined  with  iron  spikes ;  he  invited  all  the  officers 
of  his  court  to  a  feast,  and  had  them  massacred,  to  prevent  a 
plot  against  him ;  he  allowed  wild  and  ferocious  beasts  to 
run  wild  in  his  palace,  and  the  courtiers  were  forbidden  to 
protect  themselves  from  them.  He  was  finally  assassinated 
by  his  son  Muntassir  (861).  His  successor  was  poisoned. 
Another  was  murdered.  The  palace  of  the  caliphs  became 
the  scene  of  bloody  tragedies,  unrelieved  by  any  generous 
sentiments.  It  is  the  old  story  of  despots  who  surround 
themselves  with  a  special  and  permanent  military  force  whose 
duty  it  is  to  guard  them:  the  soldiers  soon  take  the  law  into 
their  own  hands  and  enforce  it  with  the  sword;  witness  the 
Praetorians  at  Rome,  the  Isaurians  at  Constantinople,  and 
the  Strelitz  at  Moscow.  In  the  midst  of  this  anarchy  the 
caliphate  of  Bagdad  fell  to  pieces.  Africa  had  already 
broken  away  in  the  time  of  Haroun-al-Rashid.  Even  in 
Asia  independent  dynasties  were  springing  up  on  all  sides — 
founded  generally  by  the  Turks  who  had  been  made  gov- 
ernors of  provinces. 

In  this  way  the  Turks  were  introduced  little  by  little  into 

*  The  Turks  are  a  Tartar  race,  belonging  to  the  so-called  Turanian 
family  of  nations,  and  are  related  on  the  one  side  to  the  Mongolic  tribes 
and  on  the  other  to  the  Finnic,  of  which  the  modern  Finns  and  the  Hun- 
garians are  representatives. — Ed. 


96  THE  ARAB  INVASION,  [Book  II. 

Asia,  which  had  been  galvanized  rather  than  resuscitated  by 
the  electric  current  of  Arabian  invasion.  We  have  seen 
how,  at  the  end  of  the  Roman  Empire,  the  barbarians  were 
really  governing  it,  though  they  appeared  to  be  its  ser- 
vants, and  then  how,  throwing  aside  the  mask,  they  seized 
it  openly  by  means  of  invasion  and  declared  themselves  its 
masters;  in  the  same  way  the  Turks  first  gained  a  footing 
in  the  caliphate  as  soldiers  of  the  caliphs,  and,  when  they 
had  them  completely  in  their  power  even  to  the  point  of  dis- 
posing of  their  throne,  and  their  lives,  they  degraded  them 
and  established  themselves  openly  in  their  place. 

The  dynasty  of  the  Gaznevides  sprang  from  the  province 
of  Gazna  (997).  Mahmud,  the  son  of  the  founder,  took 
the  new  title  of  Sultan,  subjugated  Khorassan  and  Kowar- 
ism,  laid  a  tribute  upon  the  people  of  Georgia,  sent  twelve 
terrible  expeditions  into  the  country  between  the  Indus  and 
the  Ganges,  conquered  Delhi  and  Lahore,  and  by  his  victo- 
ries carried  the  religion  of  the  Koran  to  all  the  peoples  of 
Hindostan,  who  had  become  tributary  to  him.  After  him  all 
this  vast  dominion  came  into  the  possession  of  a  new  horde 
from  the  north.  He  had  established  the  Turkomans  in  the 
eastern  part  of  Persia,  and  they  revolted  after  his  death, 
led  by  Seldjuk,  who  defeated  Mahmud's  son  Masud  and 
established  the  Seldjuk  dynasty  in  the  midst  of  the  empire 
of  the  caliphs.  Togrul-Beg,  the  grandson  of  Seldjuk, 
completed  the  revolution  which  deprived  the  Arabian  race 
of  their  rule  over  the  East  (1058).  The  Caliph  Kaim, 
reigning  at  Bagdad,  when  threatened  by  him  sought  his  pro- 
tection, and  delegated  to  him  all  temporal  power  over  the 
States  of  Islam,  keeping  for  himself  only  the  spiritual  power. 
He  placed  on  his  head  two  crowns,  emblematic  of  the  power 
with  which  he  was  invested  over  Arabia  and  Persia,  and 
girded  him  with  a  magnificent  sword.  The  prince  was  then 
clothed  successively  with  seven  robes  of  honor,  and  the 
caliph  gave  him  seven  slaves  born  in  the  seven  countries  of 
the  Empire,  while  he  was  proclaimed  sovereign  over  the 
East  and  the  West. 

Africa,  as  has  been  said,  soon  broke  away  from  the 
Calij)hate  of  Bagdad.  The  Aglabides  of  Kairowan  (800- 
Africa  Fati-  9°9)  wcre  masters  of  the  Mediterranean  in 
mite  Caliphs  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  and  estab- 
^^  lished    themselves  in  Corsica,   Sardinia,   and 

Sicily,  besides  making  several  attacks  on  Italy.     To  guard 


Chap.  VII.]     FALL  OF  THE  ARABIAN  EMPIRE.  97 

against  them  Pope  Leo  IV.  enclosed  the  neighborhood  of 
the  Vatican  (Leonine  City)  with  a  rampart.  To  the  west 
of  the  Aglabides,  the  Edrissites  gained  their  independence 
at  Fez  (789-919). 

But  the  greatest  of  the  Mussuhnan  dynasties  in  Africa 
was  that  of  the  Fatimites,  which  absorbed  the  other  two. 
Ever  since  the  Alides  had  seen  the  caliphate  taken  away 
from  them  by  the  Abbassides,  in  spite  of  their  legitimate 
claims,  they  had  sought  to  enforce  those  claims  elsewhere 
than  in  Asia.  A  family,  pretending  to  descend  from  Ali 
and  Fatima,  superseded  the  Aglabides  at  Kairowan  in  909, 
and  established  themselves  in  Egypt  under  their  chief  Moez 
(968).  "Of  what  branch  of  the  family  of  Ali  are  you?"  he 
was  asked.  "These  are  my  ancestors,"  he  replied,  pointing 
to  his  scimitar,  "and  these  my  children,"  he  added,  as  he 
threw  some  gold  to  his  soldiers.  The  Fatimites  brought 
about  not  merely  a  political  but  a  religious  schism.  They 
assumed  the  title  of  caliph,  and  made  their  residence  at 
Cairo,  which  they  built,  and  whence  their  rule  extended  over 
all  northern  Africa,  Syria,  and  even  over  Bagdad  for  a  brief 
space,  about  the  time  of  Togrul-Beg's  invasion.  Fanati- 
cism prevailed  over  all  this  country;  the  names  of  Ali  and 
of  the  successors  of  Moez  were  the  only  ones  invoked  in  the 
mosques  of  Africa.  The  schism  was  pushed  to  such  a  point 
that  the  Fatimite  Caliph  Hakim,  a  cruel  tyrant,  perverting 
the  Mohammedan  religion,  insisted  on  being  adored  as  the 
incarnation  of  God.  Driven  from  Cairo,  he  carried  his 
divinity  into  Syria,  where  his  doctrine,  a  unitarian  religion, 
is  still  in  force  among  the  Druses.  The  Fatimites  brought 
prosperity  to  Egypt  and  Egypt  in  return  gave  them  great 
wealth;  they  built  superb  mosques  and  made  Cairo  a  center 
of  science  and  literature,  as  Bagdad  was  in  the  East,  and 
Cordova  in  the  West. 

The  Caliphate  of  Cordova  had  as  brilliant  and  as  tran- 
sient a  career  as  the  other  two.  The  Arabs  had  shown 
Spain.  Call-  g^cat  moderation  in  the  conquest  of  Spain, 
phate  of  Cor-  The  Christians  had  everywhere  not  only  lib- 
erty of  worship  but  also  their  laws  and  their 
judges.  Councils  were  held  by  them  with  the  consent  of  the 
caliphs  of  Cordova.  The  tribute  exacted  of  them  was  in  no 
way  oppressive.  Above  all,  the  Jews,  whom  the  Visigoths 
had  treated  with  extreme  severity,  were  now  unmolested  and 
were  even  treated  with  favor.     There  were  some  revolts — ■ 


98  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

the  most  formidable  of  which  took  place  in  Toledo,  which 
mourned  the  loss  of  its  title  of  capital  and  center  of  the  gov- 
ernment, but  except  for  these,  the  conquered  mingled  very 
generally  with  the  conquerors  and  formed  a  mixed  popula- 
tion, the  Mozarabes.  The  caliphs  of  Cordova  rarely  had  to 
fight  for  their  power  over  the  peoples  of  central  and  south- 
ern Spain,  and  they  were  soon  able  to  display  in  peace  the 
brilliant  qualities  which  most  of  them  possessed.  Abderrah- 
man  I.  (755),  Hescham  I.  (787),  Abderrahman  II.  (822), 
Al-Hakaai  II.  (961),  were  able  sovereigns  absorbed  in  caring 
for  the  happiness  of  their  people,  patrons  of  literature,  and 
rich  in  the  treasures  which  the  fertile  and  well-cultivated 
soil  of  Spain  yielded  in  profusion.  Abderrahman  I.  wept 
at  the  sight  of  a  Syrian  palm  he  had  had  brought  to  Spain, 
and  which  reminded  him  of  his  native  country  whence  he 
had  been  forced  to  fly.  Another  made  it  his  duty  to  per- 
form some  manual  labor  for  an  liour  every  day. 

Nevertheless,  during  these  reigns  the  Christians  were  en- 
croaching upon  the  Arabian  Empire  from  the  north.  Pippin 
the  Short  seized  Septimania  (759)  ;  Charlemagne  estab- 
lished his  power  south  of  the  Pyrenees  as  far  as  the  Ebro 
(812),  whence  afterwards  sprang  the  little  Christian  States 
of  Barcelona  and  Aragon  ;  while  the  Christians  of  Asturia 
held  their  ground  and  increased,  though  imperceptibly  ;  so 
that,  as  we  shall  see  farther  on,  there  stretched  across  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula  a  belt  of  independent  Chris- 
tian people,  who  were  later  to  drive  out  the  Mussulmans. 

The  Walls,  or  governors  of  provinces,  had  already  sought 
under  Mohammed  I.  (852)  to  make  themselves  independent, 
and  had  sometimes  succeeded  ;  while  under  the  lead  of 
Ibn-Hafson,  Jewish  and  Berber  bandits,  from  their  hiding- 
place  in  the  mountains  of  Aragon,  began  an  insurrection 
which  it  took  eighty  years  to  subdue. 

Abderralinian  III.  (912-961),  whose  reign  was  the  most 
brilliant  in  the  annals  of  the  Cordova  caliphate,  restored 
the  sway  of  the  Arabs  by  subduing  Ibn-Hafson  and  his  sons, 
and  by  his  signal  victories  over  the  Christians  of  Asturia. 
This  access  of  power  was  sustained  until  the  reign  of  Hes- 
diam  II.  by  the  genius  of  the  prime  minister,  Almanzor, 
who  drove  the  Christians  back  beyond  the  Douro  and  the 
Ebro,  which  they  had  crossed.  But  Almanzor  carried  with 
him  to  the  tomb  the  power  of  the  caliphs  of  Cordova  (1002). 

In  tlie  eleventh  century  the  Caliphate  of  the  West  fell  a 

\ 


Chap.  VII.]     FALL  OF  THE  ARABIAJV  EMPLRE.  99 

prey  to  anarchy  and  confusion,  in  which  the  African  guard 
of  the  caliphs,  like  the  Turkish  guard  at  Bagdad,  took  a 
prominent  part,  and  during  which  the  Walls  shook  off  their 
yoke.  In  loio  Murcia,  Badajoz,  Grenada,  Saragossa, 
Valencia,  Seville,  Toledo,  Carmona,  and  Algeziras  had  be- 
come so  many  independent  principalities.  In  1031,  Hes- 
cham,  the  last  of  the  Ommiades,  was  deposed  and  retired 
with  joy  into  obscurity  ;  in  1060,  even  the  title  of  Caliph 
had  disappeared. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  Arabian  Empire  in  the  three 
portions  of  the  world — Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe  :  first  a 
sudden  and  irresistible  expansion,  then  at  the  end  of  a  few 
centuries  division  and  general  decay.  The  Empire  had 
been  built  too  quickly  to  endure.  As  their  poets  improvised 
brilliant  poems,  so  they  improvised  a  gigantic  dominion. 
No  one  can  say  that  it  has  entirely  perished  who  has  seen  the 
religion,  the  language,  and  the  laws  of  the  Koran  still  reign- 
ing over  the  greater  part  of  the  country  formerly  included 
in  the  Arabian  Empire.  Moreover,  it  handed  down  to  the 
Europe  of  the  Middle  Ages  discoveries,  arts,  and  sciences, 
often  borrowed,  it  is  true,  from  other  peoples,  but  the  mere 
propagation  of  which  sheds  a  luster  over  the  Arabian  name. 

In  fact,  while  Europe  was  lost  in  the  darkness  of  barba- 
rian ignorance  scarce  pierced  by  a  single  ray,  the  capitals 
of  Iglamism  were  flooded  with  a  great  light 
^"^^za^ron!^'''   °^  literature,  philosophy,  arts,  and  industry. 
Bagdad,  Samarcand,  Damascus,  Cairo,  Kairo- 
wan,  Fez,  Grenada,  and  Cordova  were  so  many  great  intel- 
lectual centers. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Arabs,  before  they  left  their  penin- 
sula, already  possessed  a  poetical  literature  which  found 
expression  in  two  distinct  dialects,  the  Homerite  or  Him- 
yarite  in  Yemen,  the  Koreisch  in  Hedjaz.  The  latter 
was  used  by  Mohammed  and  gained  the  preponderance. 
It  has  come  down  to  us  in  all  its  purity,  as  the  lan- 
guage of  learning  and  religion,  or  literary  Arabian,  while, 
as  the  language  of  the  people,  it  has  undergone  numerous 
changes,  resulting  from  the  diversity  of  the  peoples  subju- 
gated to  Islamism,  and  from  the  lapse  of  ages.  This  lan- 
guage is  exceedingly  rich  in  certain  respects.  The  Arab 
poets  had  an  inexhaustible  supply  of  synonyms  at  their  com- 
mand to  express,  from  every  point  of  view  and  in  every 
varying  condition,  the  objects  which  their  life  in  the  desert 


lOO  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

brought  continually  before  their  eyes  and  offered  to  their 
use.  They  boasted  of  having  80  different  terms  to  express 
honey,  200  for  the  serpent,  500  for  the  lion,  1000  for  the 
camel,  as  many  for  the  sword,  and  about  4000  to  express 
the  idea  of  misfortune.  An  extraordinary  memory  was 
necessary  to  permit  of  their  making  use  of  such  a  multitude 
of  words,  and  the  rawia  or  Arabian  rhapsodists  possessed 
such  memories  ;  one  of  them,  Hammad,  offered  one  day 
to  recite  to  the  Caliph  Walid  consecutively  100  poems  of 
from  20  to  100  verses  each,  and  of  fanciful  construction, 
and  the  illustrious  auditor  was  more  quickly  tired  by  it 
than  the  indefatigable  reciter. 

Though  at  first  addicted  to  lyrical  literature,  after  their 
conquests  the  Arabs  enlarged  the  horizon  of  their  minds, 
when  they  mingled  with  a  people  more  advanced  in  civiliza- 
tion. In  their  contact  with  the  Persians,  the  Grecianized 
Egyptians,  and  even  the  Greeks  of  Constantinople,  they 
acquired  that  rich  intellectual  development  which  has  always 
been  rather  energetical  than  creative.  They  became  ac- 
quainted with  the  writings  of  Aristotle  through  the  later 
ramifications  of  the  Alexandrian  school,  which  had  be- 
come peripatetic  toward  its  end,  and,  with  a  wonderful 
fervor,  applied  themselves  to  commenting  on  his  great 
philosophical  works.  Al-Kindi,  who  is  regarded  as  the 
father  of  philosophy  among  the  Arabs,  and  who  taught  in 
Bagdad  in  the  ninth  century,  professed  the  theories  of  the 
Stagirite  philosopher.  Al-Farabi,  who  followed  him  and  who 
was  also  of  the  Bagdad  school,  wrote  sixty  separate  treatises 
on  the  works  of  Aristotle.  Unfortunately  they  did  not  read 
the  writings  of  the  Greek  philosopher  in  the  original,  but 
only  in  Syriac  versions  from  which  they  made  Arabic  trans- 
lations. Accordingly,  when  they  handed  these  writings  over 
to  the  Christian  Europe  of  the  Middle  Ages,  which  obtained 
a  knowledge  of  the  most  of  Aristotle's  works  through  them 
only,  many  new  variations  crept  in,  because  the  Europeans 
were  obliged,  in  their  turn,  to  translate  them  again. 

It  may  be  added  in  connection  with  Aristotle  that  the 
Arabs  carried  on  the  debates  on  great  j'jhilosophical  prob- 
lems which  have  always  agitated  the  human  mind.  Avi- 
cenna  (died  1037)  represented  God  as  a  motionless  being 
at  the  center  of  nature,  and  exerting  scarcely  any  influence 
upon  it ;  according  to  others,  Avicenna  was  a  pantheist. 
Gazali,  on  the  contrary,  after  going  through  all  the  systems 
appeared,  after  a  period  of  scepticism,  in  the  mystic  school 


Chap.  VII.]    FALL  OF  THE  ARABIAN  EMPIRE.  loi 

of  the  Soufis,  and  wrote  his  book  on  the  "  Destruction  of  the 
Philosophers."  The  excitement  stirred  up  by  these  dis- 
putes gave  rise  to  a  host  of  sects  in  Islamism.  The  one 
most  inspired  by  a  philosophic  spirit  was  the  sect  of  the 
Motazilites,  a  kind  of  Islamic  protestants,  who  laid  great 
stress  on  the  human  reason,  and  who  were  under  the  protec- 
tion of  some  of  the  Abbassid  caliphs.  Al-Mamun,  espec- 
ially, brought  up  as  he  was  by  the  Persian  family  of  the 
Barmecides,  encouraged  them  ;  while  others,  whose  ideas 
extended  in  the  same  direction  with  Gazali,  formed  numer- 
ous fanatical  sects.  While  this  confusion  of  ideas  and  be- 
liefs prevailed  in  the  midst  of  the  Eastern  Caliphate  the 
study  of  philosophy  was  revived  in  the  Western  Caliphate 
by  Ibn-Badja  and  by  Ibn-Tofail,  who  wrote  that  curious 
psychological  romance  of  the  "  Autodidactus,"  or  the 
Natural  Man,  in  which  he  supposes  a  child  thrown  upon  a 
desert  island  at  its  birth  and  there  growing  to  manhood,  who 
comes  by  himself  to  the  knowledge  of  nature,  not  only  in  its 
physical  but  also  in  its  metaphysical  aspect  and  even  of  God. 
Later,  in  the  twelfth  century,  the  study  of  philosophy  had  a 
fresh  impulse  given  it  under  the  Almohades  by  Averroes, 
who  was  so  famous  in  the  Middle  Ages  because  it  was  from 
him  that  the  Christian  peoples  received  their  direct  knowl- 
edge of  the  greater  part  of  Aristotle's  works. 

The  Arabs  had  better  success  in  the  exact  sciences,  owing 
to  the  scholars  who  were  attracted  from  Constantinople  by 
the  caliphs,  and  especially  by  the  second  of  the  Abassid 
caliphs,  Almanssur.  As  early  as  the  first  half  of  the  ninth 
century,  two  astronomers  of  Bagdad  measured,  in  the  plains 
near  the  Red  Sea,  a  degree  of  the  meridian.  Soon  a  com- 
mentary on  Euclid,  a  corrected  edition  of  the  tables  of 
Ptolemy,  a  more  exact  calculation  of  the  obliquity  of  the 
ecliptic  and  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes,  a  more  precise 
knowledge  of  the  difference  between  the  solar  year  and  the 
siderealyear,  and  the  invention  of  new  and  exact  instruments, 
bore  witness  to  the  aptitude  of  the  Arabs  for  the  exact 
sciences ;  and  Samarcand,  long  before  Europe,  had  a  very 
fine  observatory.  Yet  it  is  a  mistake  to  ascribe  to  them,  as 
is  often  done,  the  invention  of  algebra  and  of  the  so-called 
Arabic  numbers  which  w'e  use.  They  only  handed  down  to 
Europe  these  two  valuable  instruments  of  our  mathematics, 
as  they  did  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  borrowing  them 
from  the  work  of  other  nations.       It  is  possible  that  we  in- 


I02  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

herit  from  them,  under  a  like  title,  the  mariner's  compass  and 
gunpowder,  which  they  may  have  borrowed  from  the  Chi- 
nese. Europe  owes  to  them  also  the  use  of  linen  paper, 
which  first  lowered  the  price  of  manuscripts,  and  afterwards, 
when  printing-  had  been  discovered,  made  its  benefits  more 
accessible  and  more  quickly  felt. 

They  excelled  in  the  practice  of  medicine  ;  and  hi  that, 
too,  they  learned  much  from  the  Greeks,  as  can  be  seen 
from  the  treatises  on  Galen  by  Averroes.  Many  of  their 
great  philosophers  were  physicians  also, — Avicenna,  for 
instance,  and  Averroes,  whom  we  have  just  mentioned. 
The  Arabian  physicians  had  such  a  reputation  that  a  king 
of  Castile,  who  was  troubled  with  dropsy,  wished  to  be 
treated  for  it  at  Cordova,  and  through  the  courtesy  of 
the  caliph  obtained  permission  to  recover  his  health  among 
his  enemies.  They  taught  us  the  process  of  distillation 
and  the  uses  of  rhubarb  ;  they  discovered  alcohol  and  many 
new  remedies  and  medicaments,  the  use  of  manna,  of  senna, 
camphor,  mercury,  syrups,  etc. 

Geography  is  one  of  the  sciences  that  owes  most  to  the 
Arabs  ;  their  great  conquests,  their  taste  for  travel  and  ad- 
venture, their  enforced  pilgrimages  gave  them  an  exact 
knowledge  of  many  distant  lands  that  had  never  been  vis- 
ited by  Europeans  or  else  had  been  forgotten  by  them. 
Among  these  men  the  first  in  rank  were  Abulfeda,  Masudi, 
and  particularly  Edrisi,  who  was  called  to  the  court  of  Roger, 
King  of  Sicily,  and  there  composed  his  curious  work,  en- 
titled :  "  Diversions  of  a  man  desirous  of  becoming  thor- 
oughly acquainted  with  the  different  countries  of  the  world." 
In  the  line  of  history,  the  annals  of  Masudi,  Makusi,  and 
Abulfeda  may  be  mentioned.  But  the  Arabian  historians 
were  little  given  to  criticism  or  analysis,  and  rarely  stated 
anything  beyond  bare  facts. 

Of  the  fine  arts,  they  cultivated  architecture  alone,  as  the 
law  of  their  religion  forbade  the  representation  of  the  hu- 
man form,  and  so  cut  off  the  possibility  of  sculpture  and 
painting.  This  prohibition  itself  gave  a  peculiar  character 
to  their  architecture,  though  little  invention  was  shown  in 
it,  as  its  principal  element  was  borrowed  from  the  Byzantine 
architecture,  that  is,  the  more  than  semicircular  [or  horse- 
shoe] arch  borne  on  pillars — what  really  belongs  to  them  are 
the  arabesques  by  which  they  supplied  the  places  of  painted 
or  sculptured  figures   in  their  ornamentation.     They  were 


Chap.  VII. J    FALL  OF  TILE  ARABLAM  EMPIRE.  103 

originally  inscriptions  with  a  meaning  ;  later  the  sense  disap- 
peared and  they  were  merely  combinations  of  lines  borrowed 
from  the  Arabic  letters,  which  lend  themselves  readily  to  the 
formation  of  the  rich  designs  that  we  admire  in  the  carpets 
and  stuffs  of  the  East.  As  regards  the  pretended  Arabic 
origin  of  the  pointed  architecture,  it  is  now  known  that 
nothing  is  more  erroneous  than  this  supposition.  The 
characteristics  of  Arabic  architecture  are  the  magnificence 
and  luxury  of  the  interiors  of  their  buildings,  and  the  pro- 
fusion of  basins  and  fountains  of  gold  and  precious  stones, 
which  they  obtained  from  the  East  and  the  mines  of  south- 
ern Spain.  One  of  the  most  magnificent  monuments  of  this 
kind  was  the  famous  mosque  built  by  Abderrahman  I. 
at  Cordova,  with  its  1093  marble  columns  and  its  4700 
lamps  ;  another,  no  less  splendid,  was  the  palace  of  Al- 
Tehra  (Flowers),  which  Abderrahman  built  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Guadalquiver  for  one  of  his  favorites,  and  where  a 
jet  of  mercury  fell  sparkling  into  a  shell  of  porphyry.  The 
Alhambra,  at  once  a  palace  and  a  fortress,  can  still  be  seen 
and  admired  at  Grenada,  and  many  parts  of  it,  especially 
the  so-called  court  of  the  Lions,  are  models  of  architectural 
beauty  and  splendor. 

The  Arabs  have  always  been  merchants  by  nature,  and 
when  their  power  extended  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Him- 
alayas, they  easily  became  the  most  considerable  merchants 
of  the  world.  No  one  knew  so  well  as  those  inhabitants  of 
the  desert  how  to  make  the  best  use  of  water  in  the  work  of 
cultivation,  under  their  burning  sun.  The  system  of  irriga- 
tion instituted  by  them,  and  still  preserved  in  the  plain  of 
Valencia,  the  garden  of  Spain,  might  serve  as  a  model  to 
the  agriculturists  of  our  own  times.  When  they  went  to  the 
great  Roman  cities  and  became  acquainted  with  works  of 
industry,  they  developed  great  skill  as  artisans.  The  repu- 
tation of  Toledo  for  its  arms,  Granada  for  its  silks,  Cuenca 
for  its  blue  and  green  cloths,  and  Cordova  for  harnesses, 
saddles  and  leather  goods,  spread  throughout  Europe,  and 
these  products  of  infidel  industry  brought  the  highest  prices. 
Spain  especially  profited  by  this  time  of  splendor,  as  she 
was  more  peaceful  than  the  East  during  the  first  centuries 
of  the  Caliphate.  Her  population  was  large ;  Cordova 
alone  is  said  to  have  had  200,000  houses,  600  mosques,  50 
hospitals,  80  public  schools,  900  public  baths,  and  a  million 
inhabitants. 


I04  THE  ARAB  INVASION.  [Book  II. 

We  have  given  here  a  brief  sketch  of  the  civilization 
which  was  diffused  by  the  Arabs  from  the  Tagus  to  the 
Indus,  a  civilization  brilliant  but  unstable  ;  while  that  of 
Europe,  though  slower  in  its  development  and  suffering 
many  convulsions  and  eclipses,  has  had  the  long  continued 
existence  which  is  reserved  for  all  slow  and  labored  growth. 


BOOK  III. 

THE   CAROLINGIAN    EMPIRE,   OR   THE  AT- 
TEMPT  TO   ORGANIZE   GERMAN   AND 
CHRISTIAN   EUROPE  (687-814). 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  MAYORS  OF  AUSTRASIA  AND  THE  PAPACY.  OR  THE 

EFFORTS  TO  INFUSE   UNITY   INTO   THE  STATE 

AND  THE  CHURCH  (687-768). 


Pippin  of  Heristal  (687-714). — Charles  Martel  (714-741)  ;  The  Carolin- 
gian  Family  Reorganizes  the  State  and  its  Authority. — Formation  of 
Ecclesiastical  Society  ;  Elections  ;  Hierarchy  ;  The  Power  of  the 
Bishops. — Monks  ;  Monasteries  ;  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict. — The 
Pope  ;  St.  Leo  ;  Gregory  the  Great. — The  Papacy  breaks  away  from 
the  Supremacy  of  Constantinople  (726),  Invokes  the  aid  of  Charles 
Martel. — Pippin  the  Short  (741-768). 


We  left  the  history  of  the  Franks  at  the  year  681,  when 
Ebroin's  attempt  to  put  the  ruling  power  into  the  hands  of 

royalty  and  of  Neustria  had  been  frustrated 
ist&i'$87-7i^."'   ^y   h^^  death.     The  mayors  who  succeeded 

him  in  the  western  kingdom  were  not  strong 
enough  to  maintain  the  great  struggle  begun  by  him.  They 
continued  by  their  persecutions  to  enlarge  the  ranks  of  the 
Austrasian  army,  and  that  army  finally  reached  the  point 
when  it  was  able  to  conquer,  for  its  position  on  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  barbarians  had 
made  it  necessary  that  they  should  retain  the  courageous 
vigor  which  Neustria  had  lost,  and  which  would  have  given 
the  Austrasians  victory  much  sooner  had  it  not  been  for 
the  genius  of  Ebroin.  Pippin  of  Heristal  by  the  decisive 
battle  of  Testry  (6S7)  became  master  over  the  three  king- 

105 


lo6  THE   CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

doms,  though  he  allowed  Theodoric  III.  to  remain  on  the 
throne.  Just  as  Ebroin  had  taken  up  arms  against  the 
nobles  and  Austrasia,  for  the  sake  of  royal  authority  and 
"  Roman  France,"  as  Neustria  was  called,  so  Pippin  of 
Heristal  resisted  this  attempt,  and  menaced,  in  a  way,  the 
conquest  of  Clovis  in  behalf  of  the  ancient  Ripuarians,  and 
at  first,  as  will  readily  be  believed,  equally  in  behalf  of  the 
old  German  customs.  That  this  event  was  considered  a 
serious  revolution,  even  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence,  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  all  the  surrounding  nations  over 
which  the  Frankish  power  extended,  the  Britons,  Aqui- 
tanians,  Gascons,  Frisians,  and  Alemanni,  believed  that 
power  to  be  shattered  and  that  the  time  had  come  to  free 
themselves.  But  Pippin  let  them  see  that,  far  from  having 
lost,  it  had  gained  in  strength.  "  He  waged  many  wars," 
said  the  chronicles,  "against  Radbod,  duke  of  the  Frisians, 
and  other  princes,  against  the  Flemings  and  many  other 
nations.     In  these  wars  he  was  always  victorious." 

Pippin  did  not  set  up  the  throne  again  in  Austrasia,  but 
kept  it  in  Neustria,  which  he  wished  to  treat  with  considera- 
tion, and  three  kings  successively  reigned  there  who  were 
mere  puppets  in  his  hands.  At  his  death  (714),  the  heredi- 
tary right  of  his  family  to  the  mayoralty  of  the  palace  was 
evidently  already  regarded  as  a  matter  of  course,  for  he  left 
the  title  to  his  grandson,  a  child  of  six  years  of  age,  under 
the  guardianship  of  his  widow,  Plectrude. 

The  Neustrians  sought  to  profit  by  this  minority  to  free 

themselves   from    Austrasian    power.     They   defeated    the 

Austrasians,  and  made  Chilperic  II.  their  king 

tef^(TiT-74i).     ^"^   Raganfred   their    mayor.     The    Austra- 

The  CaroUn-     siaus,  who  wcrc  uot  coutcut  to  submit  to  a 

gian  family  re-         i   -i  i  i  •        i  .1 

organizes  the  child  and  to  a  womau,  recognized  another  son 
aithorfty'^  '^^  ^^  Pippin  as  their  chief,  Karl  or  Charles, 
who  was  called  a  bastard  by  those  who  strictly 
regarded  the  law.  The  Neustrians  had  allied  themselves 
with  the  Frisians,  in  order  to  place  Austrasia  between  two 
hostile  countries,  and  Charles  was  defeated  at  first  in  716, 
But  a  year  later  he  surprised  the  conquerors  and  defeated 
them  at  Vincy  near  Courtray  (717).  Instead  of  stopping  to 
celebrate  his  victory  according  to  the  barbarian  custom,  he 
pursued  the  Neustrians  to  the  very  walls  of  Paris  ;  their 
army  was  almost  annihilated.  As  their  alliance  with  the 
Frisians  had  not  succeeded,  the   Neustrians  turned  to  the 


Chap.  VIII.]    THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  107 

Aquitainians,  who  were  ruled  by  Duke  Eudes,  and  who, 
through  hatred  of  barbarian  authority,  joyfully  seized  the 
opportunity  of  repulsing  the  new  set  of  Frankish  invaders. 
But  the  second  league  failed  like  the  first.  Charles  defeated 
them  near  Soissons  (71S),  and  pursued  them  as  far  a 
Orleans.  Later  he  induced  Eudes  to  deliver  to  him  Chil- 
peric  II.    whom  he  recognized  as  king  (720). 

This  victory  completed  the  work  begun  at  Testry,  and 
marked  the  final  victory  of  Austrasia  and  the  beginning  of 
a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Franks.  Until  then,  all  the 
old  institutions  had  been  falling  to  pieces,  and  nothing  new 
had  taken  definite  shape.  The  territory  had  been  loosely 
held  together  and  badly  organized  ;  its  outlying  provinces 
were  wavering  between  submission  and  independence.  Sax- 
ons, Thuringians,  Bavarians,  Alemanni,  and  Aquitainians 
were  placed  in  an  uncertain  position,  and  no  one  could  give 
the  exact  limits  of  the  Frankish  Empire.  Within,  Neustria 
and  Austrasia  were  divided  by  what  was  really  the  antag- 
onism between  Roman  and  barbarian  ideas  ;  the  free  men 
were  more  and  more  degraded,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the 
other  the  aristocracy  of  the  leudes  became  more  and  more 
powerful.  Royalty  existed,  but  without  power  ;  the  Mayors 
of  the  Palace  had  the  power  but  not  the  rights  of  kings. 
All  the  elements  of  the  state  were  in  confusion. 

The  Carolingian  family,  w'ith  its  illustrious  origin  and 
victories,  with  its  power  and  riches,  was  the  only  one  in  a 
position  high  enough,  and  with  talents  great  enough,  to  in- 
fuse order  into  the  barbarian  world.  The  three  great  men 
belonging  to  it,  Charles  Martel,  Pippin  the  Short,  and  Char- 
lemagne, were  workers  in  the  same  cause  and  followed  the 
same  policy,  both  in  war  and  in  peace  ;  what  was  begun  by 
the  first  of  them  was  continued  by  the  second,  and  accom- 
plished by  the  third. 

The  quick  blows,  felt  at  the  extreme  limits  of  the  king- 
dom, the  expeditions  alternating  between  the  north  and 
south,  which,  later,  were  the  characteristic  features  of  Char- 
lemagne's wars,  were  already  seen  in  those  of  Charles  Mar- 
tel. First  there  was  a  series  of  campaigns  against  the 
Bavarians  ;  then  another  against  the  Frisians ;  then  still 
another  against  the  Saxons.  All  these  nations,  except  the 
last,  were  subdued  for  a  time,  at  least,  if  not  for  ever  (720- 
729).  The  wars  were  renewed  in  the  south  ;  all  along  the 
Rhone  the  Burgundian  lords  who  had   gained   their  inde- 


io8  THE   CAROLINGIAN-  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

pendence  returned  to  their  allegiance,  as  well  as  Provence 
and  Marseilles,  whose  governor  Maurontus  was  banished 
(739).  Eudes,  the  duke  of  Aquitania,  was  likewise  forced 
to  submit,  and  when  he  died  Charles  gave  the  duchy  to  his 
son  Hunold  only  on  the  condition  of  his  rendering  homage 
to  himself  and  his  sons  Pippin  and  Karlmann. 

But  the  most  famous  military  achievement  of  Charles,  and 
that  which  gave  him  in  after  times  his  popular  name  of 
"  Martel,"  was  his  great  victory  over  the  Saracens  in  732. 
Hardly  a  century  had  passed  since  Mohammedanism  came 
into  being  in  the  deserts  of  Arabia,  and  its  votaries  had 
already  reached  the  farthest  limits  of  the  West ;  by  the  year 
711  they  had  invaded  Spain,  by  720  they  had  crossed  the 
Pyrenees,  and  conquered  Narbonne.  In  732,  the  Emin 
Abderrahman  invaded  Aquitania,  captured  Bordeaux,  and 
marched  upon  Tours,  tempted  by  the  wealth  of  the  abbey  in 
that  town.  Charles,  summoned  by  Eudes,  went  to  meet  the 
infidels  and  gained  a  great  victory  between  Tours  and  Poi- 
tiers, which  stopped  the  movement  of  Mussulman  invasion. 

Thus  he  consolidated  his  territory  on  every  side,  prevent- 
ing a  division  and  protecting  the  frontiers  from  new  inva- 
sions. The  same  sword  that  accomplished  this  great  work 
had,  at  the  same  time,  the  glory  of  saving  Christianity. 

The  Middle  Ages  acknowledged  two  masters,  the  Pope 
and  the  Emperor,  and  these  two  powers  came,  the  one  from 
Rome,  and  the  other  from  Austrasian  France.  We  have 
seen  how  the  mayors  of  Austrasia,  Pippin  of  Heristal,  and 
Charles  Martel,  rebuilt  the  Frankish  monarchy  and  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  empire  of  Charlemagne  ;  we  now 
pass  to  the  Roman  pontiffs  and  see  how  they  gathered 
around  them  all  the  churches  of  the  West,  and  placed  them- 
selves at  the  head  of  the  great  Catholic  society,  over  which 
one  day  Gregory  VII.  and  Innocent  III.  should  claim  to 
have  sole  dominion. 

The  Roman  Empire  had  perished,  and  the  barbarians  had 
built  upon  its  ruins  many  slight  structures  that  were  soon 
overthrown.  Not  even  had  the  Franks,  who 
Erciesiast*i  c a [  wcrc  dcstincd  to  be  perpetuated  as  a  nation, 
Society;  Eiec-  as  yct  succcedcd  in  founding  a  social  state  of 
archVV  Power  any  Strength ;  their  lack  of  experience  led 
pate*^^  ^P'^'^"'  them  from  one  attempt  to  another,  all  equally 
vain  ;  even  the  atternpt  of  Charlemagne  met 
with  no    more  permanent    succecs.     In  the  midst  of  these 


Chap.  VIII.]     THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  109 

successive  failures  one  institution  alone,  developing  slowly, 
and  steadily  through  the  centuries  following  out  the  spirit 
of  its  principles,  continued  to  grow  and  gain  in  power,  in 
extent,  and  in  unity. 

The  preaching  of  the  apostles  and  their  disciples  had 
spread  the  Gospel  throughout  the  Roman  world,  and  as 
early  as  the  third  century  the  Christians  formed  a  kind  of 
vast  society  by  themselves  in  the  heart  of  the  Empire. 
From  Britain  to  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  a  Christian, 
traveling  with  a  letter  from  his  bishop,  found  aid  and  pro- 
tection all  along  his  route.  Everywhere  that  he  went  he 
met  with  brothers,  who  assisted  him  if  poor,  and  cared  for 
him  if  sick  ;  a  sign  served  in  the  place  of  words,  and  the 
Christians  all  understood  each  other  no  matter  of  what  lan- 
guage or  country  they  might  be — for  they  were  all  of  one 
family.  This  society  had  organized  itself  under  the  stress 
of  persecution  ;  it  had  a  rigid  discipline  and  a  strictly 
regulated  hierarchy.  The  cities  of  the  Roman  provinces 
had  grown  into  dioceses  governed  by  supervisors  or  bishops 
{episcopi) ;  below  them  in  authority  were  the  elders  or  priests 
{j)resbyteri).  The  bishop,  who  had  first  been  appointed  by 
the  apostles  and  consecrated  by  the  laying  on  of  hands, 
afterwards  when  the  number  of  conversions  necessitated  the 
formation  of  a  church  in  every  city,  was  chosen  by  the  faith- 
ful, installed  by  the  other  bishops  of  the  province,  and  con- 
firmed in  his  powers  by  the  metropolitan  (Canon  XIV.  of 
the  Nicene  Council).  The  letters  of  Sidonius  ApoUinaris 
show  that  at  Chalons  and  Bruges  in  the  fifth  century,  the 
elections  of  bishops  were  by  popular  vote.  Later  the  clergy 
took  a  larger  part  in  ecclesiastical  elections  and  inclined  to 
the  exclusion  of  the  laity ;  but  what  the  laymen  lost  in  this 
respect  they  gained  by  the  encroachment  of  the  royal  power 
upon  the  church,  which  power  often  gave  the  bishoprics  to 
nobles.  The  clergy  struggled  against  this  usurpation  and 
succeeded  in  establishing  the  principle  of  election  by  the 
clergy  and  the  people,  with  the  submission  of  the  election 
to  the  king  for  his  consent  ;  this  was  the  arrangement  made 
by  the  canons  of  the  councils  of  Orleans,  in  549,  and  by  the 
perpetual  constitution  of  615. 

The  election  system  was  only  used  for  one  degree  of 
the  ecclesiastical  dignitaries,  for  the  bishopric.  The  lower 
dignitaries  were  chosen  by  the  bishop.  They  were  di- 
vided   into  two  categories  of   orders — the  higher  and  the 


110  THE   CAKOLiNGIAM  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

lower  orders.  There  were  three  higher  orders,  namely,  the 
priests,  the  deacons,  and  the  sub-deacons,  and  four  lower 
orders,  the  acolytes,  the  doorkeepers,  the  exorcists,  and 
the  readers.  The  latter  orders  were  not  regarded  as  an 
integral  part  of  the  clergy,  as  their  members  were  the  ser- 
vants of  the  others. 

As  regards  the  territorial  divisions,  the  bishop  governed 
the  diocese,  which  at  a  much  later  date  was  divided  into 
parishes,  whose  spiritual  welfare  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
parish  priest  or  curate  {curio).  The  parishes,  taken  together, 
constituted  the  diocese  ;  the  united  dioceses,  or  suffragan 
bishoprics,  constituted  the  ecclesiastical  province,  at  whose 
head  stood  the  metropolitan  or  archbishop.  When  a  pro- 
vincial council  was  held,  it  met  in  the  metropolis  and  was 
presided  over  by  the  metropolitan.  Above  the  metropoli- 
tans were  the  Patriarchs,  in  the  East,  and  the  Primates,  in 
the  West,  bishops  who  held  the  great  capitals  or  the  apos- 
tolic sees,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  Rome, 
Jerusalem,  Cesarea  in  Cappadocia,  Carthage  in  Africa,  and 
Heraclius  in  Thrace  ;  among  them  Rome  ranked  higher  by 
one  degree,  and  from  this  supreme  position  exercised  a 
supreme  authority  acknowledged  by  all  the  Church. 

The  organization  of  the  hierarchy  did  not  reach  this 
point  at  once,  but  after  a  long  process  which  separated  and 
determined  the  originally  confused  elements  and  fixed  by 
more  exact  lines  and  greater  distances  the  different  degrees 
of  power.  The  authority  which  was  at  first  shared  by  the 
mass  of  the  faithful,  the  foundation  of  every  religious 
structure,  rose  step  by  step  as  it  was  withdrawn  from  the 
lower  orders,  and  was  finally  vested  almost  entirely  in  the 
supreme  point,  the  Pope.  This  gradual  ascent  of  authority 
from  point  to  point  sums  up  the  whole  of  Church  history 
till  the  time  of  Boniface  VIII.  ;  about  half  the  course  had 
been  run  at  the  time  to  which  we  have  now  come. 

In  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  under  the  barbarian  kings, 
the  bishops  kept  and  extended  the  influence  which  they 
had  possessed  under  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  cities  which 
they  often  preserved  from  ruin  during  invasion,  by  their 
intercessions  with  the  German  chiefs.  Chilperic  complained 
of  it  ;  "  The  bishops  alone,"  he  said,  "  reign  in  the  cities." 
They  ruled  as  sovereigns,  each  one  his  diocese,  and  all  to- 
gether they  managed  the  affairs  of  the  province  by  means 
of  the  councils.     The  king,  indeed,  called  the  council  to- 


Chap.  VIII.]     THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  m 

gether,  but  he  did  so  at  the  suggestion  of  the  bishops.  The 
kings  were  not  even  admitted  to  it  ;  *  priests  and  abbots 
were  allowed  to  be  present,  but  only  a  small  number  of  them. 
There  were  twenty-five  of  these  assemblies  held  in  Gaul  in 
the  fifth  century,  and  fifty-four  in  the  sixth.  It  was  then 
that  the  bishops  had  most  influence,  as  the  lay  authority  was 
still  very  weak  on  account  of  the  prevailing  confusion,  and 
as  the  education  of  the  bishops  gave  them  great  weight 
with  the  barbarian  sovereigns.  It  declined,  however,  in  the 
seventh  century,  and  we  hear  of  only  twenty  councils,  while 
in  the  eighth  century  there  were  no  more  than  seven  in  a 
period  of  fifty  years.  In  fact,  the  introduction  of  nobles, 
rough  barbarians,  into  the  bishoprics  had  spread  among  the 
clergy  ignorance  and  vices,  worldly  tastes  and  temporal 
ambitions,  which  ill  accorded  with  the  cares  of  ecclesiastical 
government. 

The  aim  of  the  monastic  system  had  originally  been  a 

purer  and  more  ascetic  life  than  that  led  not  only  by  the 

.-    ,      ,-         faithful  in  general,  but  even  by  ecclesiastics. 

Monks.    Mon-       ,,,,  ,    =  -      '  -'         ,  ^     , 

asteries.  Rule  1  he  monks,  at  first,  were  not  members  of  the 
of  St.  Benedict,  clergy,  nor  did  they  wish  to  be  ;  they  were 
common  laymen,  who  aspired  to  carry  virtue  to  its  ex- 
treme limits  ;  they  were  the  stoics  of  Christianity,  but 
they  carried  their  stoicism  to  excess.  In  the  deserts  of 
Syria  and  Egypt  they  gave  themselves  over  to  so  severe  a 
life  of  fasting  and  penitence  that  finally,  as  St.  Jerome  bears 
witness,  "  it  unsettled  their  minds,  so  that  they  no  longer 
knew  what  they  were  doing  or  what  they  were  saying." 
Simeon  of  Antioch  passed  his  life  standing  upon  a  column, 
whence  his  surname  Stylites.  In  this  state  of  absolute  iso- 
lation they  were  called  hermits  (inhabitants  of  the  desert), 
and  anchorites  (those  who  live  in  retreat);  those  who  held 
any  intercourse  with  each  other,  without,  indeed,  ceasing  to 
live  alone,  were  call  monks  (men  of  solitude),  and  this 
name  is  the  one  most  commonly  used.  The  name  of 
cenobites  (those  who  live  in  common)  marked  a  third  class, 
those  who  approved  of  union  and  a  common  life.  This 
form  of  monasticism  prevailed  in  the  West. 

It  is  true  that  instances  of  this  anchorite  fanaticism  were 


*  During  the  last  part  of  the  period,  certainly,  the  kings  were  admitted. 
The  question  of  the  existence  of  Concilia  mixta,  in  which  laymen  took  part, 
is  a  disputed  one.     See  above,  p.  59. — Ed. 


Hi  THE   CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE,  [Book  III. 

occasionally  seen  in  Europe,  a  result  of  the  impetuosity  of 
the  barbarian  character.  Even  in  the  Vosges  there  was  a 
stylite  who  had  taken  his  stand  on  a  column,  from  which  he 
had  thrown  down  a  statue  of  Diana,  and  who  stayed  there 
until  the  nails  froze  off  from,  his  hands  and  feet ;  but  in 
general  the  monks  of  the  West  did  something  better  than 
abandoning  themselves  to  useless  maceration.  In  the  midst 
of  the  confusion  caused  by  invasion,  they  opened  asylums 
where  they  would  gather  together  and  find  the  repose  that 
was  banished  from  every  other  place.  Such  were,  in  the 
fifth  century,  the  monasteries  of  Saint  Victor  at  Marseilles, 
and  of  Lerins  on  one  of  the  islands  near  Hyeres,  not  to 
mention  those  of  Milan,  Verona,  Aquileia,  and  Marmoutiers, 
near  Tours,  all  of  earlier  date,  where,  instead  of  the  ec- 
static idleness  of  the  anchorites,  great  intellectual  activity 
was  found,  and  where  most  of  the  controversies  on  the 
famous  subjects  of  free  will,  predestination,  grace,  and 
original  sin  were  started.  The  strictness  of  ascetic  rule 
was  moderated  there  to  the  nature  and  requirements  of  the 
climate,  according  to  the  wise  saying  of  Sulpicius  Severus, 
that  "  it  is  gluttony  for  the  Greeks  to  eat  heartily,  but  a 
necessity  for  the  Gauls." 

At  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  St.  Benedict  of 
Nursia,  whom  ardent  piety  had  early  drawn  into  retirement, 
and  who  had  seen  flocking  around  him  a  herd  of  monks 
attracted  by  his  virtues,  published  for  the  monastery  of 
Monte  Cassino,  which  he  had  founded,  his  famous  Rule  of 
the  monastic  life,  thereby  giving  definite  shape  to  the  insti- 
tution in  the  West.  These  wise  rules  portioned  off  the 
monks'  time,  hour  by  hour,  between  manual  and  intellectual 
labor  :  agriculture,  reading,  and  the  copying  of  manuscripts 
were  to  occupy  their  time.  The  last  mentioned  occupa- 
tion, so  useful  to  civilization,  was  regarded  as  a  work  of 
great  piety.  Cassiodorus,  who  retired  toward  the  year  540 
to  a  monastery  and  there  passed  the  rest  of  his  life,  was  in 
the  habit  of  copying  manuscripts  ;  he  often  repeated  the 
saying,  "  that  you  stab  the  devil  with  as  many  blows  as  you 
trace  letters  on  your  paper." 

St.  Benedict  of  Aniane,  in  Aquitania,  in  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  marks  a  new  era  of  reformation  in  monastic 
life.  A  question  that  had  early  aroused  a  great  deal  of  dis- 
cussion was,  what  place  should  be  assigned  to  monks  in  the 
religious  society.      They  had  wished  to  be  answerable  only 


Chap.  VIII.]     THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  113 

to  their  abbots,  but  the  tendency  toward  organization,  which 
showed  itself  everywhere,  obliged  them  to  submit  to  the 
bishops.  This  was  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  good 
order  and  for  the  repression  of  the  bad  or  false  monks  who 
overran  the  country.  As  early  as  451,  the  oecumenical 
council  of  Chalcedon  prescribed  the  subordination  of  the 
monks  to  the  bishops,  and  the  councils  of  Agde  (506),  and 
of  Orleans  (511  and  553)  confirmed  this  law.  In  787,  a 
canon  of  the  second  Nicene  Council  granted  to  the  abbots 
the  right  of  conferring  the  lesser  orders  on  the  monks  of 
their  houses,  and  soon  there  was  no  monk  who  was  not 
also  a  priest. 

Above  the  aristocracy  of  the  bishops  rose  the  pontifical 

monarchy  by  slow  degrees.     From  the  first,  the  word  of  the 

.....  T,        o*     successor  of  St.  Peter  and  of  the  bishop  of 

The  Pope:  St.        ,       ^  ,„.,,.  ,  .     *^ 

Leo ;  Gregory  the  Eternal  City  had  enjoyed  a  superior  au- 
the  Great.  thority  ;  he  was  often  consulted  on  doubtful 

questions,  and  he  was  early  regarded  as  the  representative 
of  Catholic  unity.  The  second  general  council,  convoked 
by  Theodosius  at  Constantinople  in  381,  solemnly  recog- 
nized this  supremacy  by  giving  to  the  bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople only  a  secondary  rank.  The  name  of  pope,  which 
originally  belonged  to  all  the  bishops,  was  finally  reserved 
for  him  alone  ;  a  change  which  was  already  perceptible  in 
the  time  of  Leo  the  Great,  though  it  was  not  completed 
until    a  much  later  time. 

The  bishop  of  Rome  had  possessed  a  great  deal  of  prop- 
erty as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Empire,  in  the  capital  and  in 
the  rest  of  Italy.  He  even  acquired  some  beyond  the  Alps, 
for  instance  in  the  province  of  Aries,  upon  whose  bishop  he 
laid  the  duty  of  administering  his  affairs.  He  occupied, 
moreover,  in  Rome  itself,  in  the  most  famous  city  of  the 
world,  the  influential  position  which  had  been  granted  to  bish- 
ops during  the  municipal  regime  at  the  end  of  the  Empire. 

The  part  that  St.  Leo  (440-461)  took  in  public  affairs, 
and  the  success  of  his  intercession  with  Attila,  did  much  to 
enhance  the  dignity  of  his  office.  He  obtained  an  edict 
from  Valentinian  III.,  in  which  the  Emperor  pledged  "the 
whole  Church  to  recognize  her  spiritual  director,  in  order  to 
preserve  peace  everywhere,"  and  at  the  same  time  he  is 
seen  reinstating  in  his  see  a  bishop  of  Gaul,  who  had  been 
banished  from  it,  and  transferring  the  metropolitan  dignity 
Crom  Aries  to  Vienne. 


114  THE  CAROLIXGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

Though  kindly  treated,  the  Church  of  Rome  did  not 
make  any  progress  under  the  Ostrogoths.  But  when  their 
power  had  been  broken  (553),  and  Rome  had  been  placed 
again  under  the  authority  of  the  Emperor  of  Constantino- 
ple, the  very  remoteness  of  her  new  master  insured  to  the 
Church  a  more  prosperous  future.  The  invasion  of  the 
Lombards  drove  a  great  many  refugees  into  her  territory, 
and  the  Roman  population  showed  a  slight  return  of  its 
old  energy  in  its  double  hatred  toward  them,  as  barbarians 
and  as  Arians.  As  to  the  exarch,  whom  the  Emperor  of 
the  East  had  entrusted  with  the  government  of  his  Italian 
provinces  and  invested  with  direct  power  over  the  military 
dukes  and  counts  of  Naples,  Rome,  Genoa,  etc.,  he  could 
no  longer  enforce  his  authority  on  the  western  shore  of 
Italy,  confined  as  he  was  to  Ravenna  and  separated  from 
Rome  by  the  Lombard  power  which  had  seized  Spoleto. 

It  was  at  this  favorable  point  in  the  state  of  affairs, 
though  critical  in  some  respects,  that  Gregory  the  Great 
made  his  appearance  (590-604).  He  was  a  descendant  of 
the  noble  Anicia  family,  and  added  to  his  advantages  of 
birth  and  position  the  advantages  of  a  well-endowed  body 
and  mind.  He  was  prefect  of  Rome  when  less  than  thirty 
years  old,  but  after  holding  this  office  a  few  months  he 
abandoned  the  honors  and  cares  of  worldly  things  for  the 
retirement  of  the  cloister.  His  reputation  did  not  allow 
him  to  remain  in  the  obscurity  of  that  life.  Toward  579  he 
was  sent  to  Constantinople  by  Pope  Pelagius  II.  as  secre- 
tary or  papal  nuncio,  and  he  rendered  distinguished  ser- 
vices to  the  Holy  See  in  its  relations  with  the  Empire  and 
in  its  struggles  against  the  Lombards.  In  590  the  clergy, 
the  senate,  and  the  people  raised  him  with  one  accord  to 
the  sovereign  pontificate,  to  succeed  Pelagius.  As  it  was 
still  necessary  for  every  election  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
Emperor  at  Constantinople,  Gregory  wrote  to  him  to  beg 
him  not  to  sanction  this  one  ;  but  the  letter  was  intercepted 
and  soon  orders  arrived  from  Maurice  ratifying  the  elec- 
tion. Gregory  hid  himself,  but  he  was  discovered  and  led 
back  to  Rome. 

When  once  Pope,  though  against  his  will,  he  used  his 
power  to  strengthen  the  papacy,  to  propagate  Christianity, 
and  to  improve  the  discipline  and  organization  of  the  Church. 
Although  he  complained  that  the  episcopates,  and  especially 
his  own,  were  less  "  the  office  of  a  shepherd  of  souls  than 


Chap.  VIII.]     THE  FRANKS  AND   THE  CHURCH.  115 

of  a  temporal  prince,"  yet  he  did  not  neglect  the  temporal 
powers  of  the  Holy  See.  And  it  is  well  that  he  did  assume 
these  powers,  for  the  Emperor  did  so  little  for  the  protection 
of  Italy,  that  the  soldiers  entrusted  with  the  defense  of  Rome 
against  the  Lombards  were  without  pay.  Gregory  gave 
them  their  pay,  took  part  himself  in  the  work  of  defense,  and 
armed  the  clergy.  When  Agilulf,  whose  advance  had 
called  for  these  preparations,  had  drawn  back,  Gregory  en- 
tered into  negotiations  with  him  in  the  name  of  Rome,  in 
spite  of  the  protests  of  the  exarch. 

Strengthened  thus  by  his  own  efforts,  he  undertook 
the  propagation  of  Christianity  and  orthodoxy  both  with-, 
in  and  without  the  limits  of  the  old  Roman  Empire.) 
Within  those  limits  there  were  some  who  still  clung  to 
paganism,  in  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  even  at  the  very  gates 
of  Rome,  at  Terracina,  and  doubtless  also  in  Gaul,  as 
there  is  a  constitution  of  Childebert  still  extant  dated  554, 
and  entitled  :  "  For  the  abolition  of  the  remains  of  idola- 
try." There  were  Arians  very  near  to  Rome — namely,  the 
Lombards  ;  but  through  the  intervention  of  Theudalinda, 
their  queen,  Gregory  succeeded  in  having  Adelwald,  the 
heir  to  the  throne,  brought  up  in  the  Catholic  faith  ;  as 
early  as  587  the  Visigoths  in  Spain,  under  Reccared,  were 
converted. 

England  was  still  pagan  throughout :  and  thither  Gregory 
sent  the  monk  Augustine  with  forty  Roman  missionaries 
(596).  They  landed  on  the  island  of  Thanet,  went  from 
there  to  the  king  of  Kent,  ^thelberht,  who  allowed  them  to 
preach  their  doctrines  at  Canterbury.  Christianity  spread 
rapidly  from  that  center  to  the  north  and  west,  and,  in  627, 
it  was  solemnly  recognized  in  Northumberland.  St.  Augus- 
tine, archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  been  appointed  primate 
of  Great  Britain  by  Gregory  the  Great,  with  whom  he  car- 
ried on  an  active  correspondence  which  has  come  down 
to  us. 

Ireland,  "  the  isle  of  Saints,"  was  already  converted,  and 
monks  were  going  out  from  her  to  join  in  the  conquest 
of  the  barbarians.  It  was  at  this  time  that  St.  Columban, 
the  monk  who  so  boldly  reproved  Brunhilda  for  her  crimes, 
went  to  preach  the  gospel  among  the  mountains  of  Helvetia, 
and  to  establish  abbeys  there  surrounded  by  cultivated 
lands.  St.  Rupert  afterwards  made  his  way  into  Bavaria 
and  founded  there  the  bishopric  of  Salzburg. 


Il6  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

Christianity  thus  renewed  its  ardor  for  proselytism,  and 
Gregory  contributed  to  its  success  most  wisely  by  enjoining 
precepts  of  moderation  upon  his  missionaries,  and  by  the  skill- 
ful manner  in  which  he  made  the  transition  to  Catholicism 
easy  to  the  pagans  ;  he  wrote  to  Augustine  :  "  Be  careful  not 
to  destroy  the  pagan  temples  ;  it  is  only  necessary  to  destroy 
the  idols,  then  to  sprinkle  the  edifice  with  holy  water,  and  to 
build  altars  and  place  relics  there.  If  the  temples  are  well 
built,  it  is  a  wise  and  useful  thing  for  them  to  pass  from 
the  worship  of  demons  to  the  worship  of  the  true  God  ;  for 
while  the  nation  sees  its  old  places  of  worship  still  standing, 
it  will  be  the  more  ready  to  go  there,  by  force  of  habit,  to 
worship  the  true  God." 

In  the  interior  Gregory  succeeded  in  arranging  the  dif- 
ferent degrees  of  power  in  the  Church,  and  in  forcing  the 
recognition  of  the  supreme  power  of  the  Holy  See.  We 
find  him  granting  the  title  of  Vicar  of  Gaul  to  the  bishop 
of  Aries,  and  corresponding  with  Augustine,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  in  regard  to  Great  Britain,  with  the  archbishop 
of  Seville  in  regard  to  Spain,  with  the  archbishop  of 
Thessalonica  in  regard  to  Greece,  and,  finally,  sending  le- 
gates a  latere  to  Constantinople.  In  his  Pastoral,  which 
he  wrote  on  the  occasion  of  his  election,  and  which  be- 
came an  established  precedent  in  the  West,  he  prescribed  to 
the  bishops  their  several  duties,  following  the  decisions  of 
many  councils.  He  strengthened  the  hierarchy  by  prevent- 
ing the  encroachments  of  the  bishops  upon  one  another : 
"  I  have  given  to  you  the  spiritual  direction  of  Britain,"  he 
wrote  to  the  ambitious  Augustine,  "  and  not  that  of  the 
Gauls."  He  rearranged  the  monasteries,  made  discipline 
the  object  of  his  vigilant  care,  reformed  church  music,  and 
substituted  the  chant  that  bears  his  name  for  the  Ambro- 
sian  chant,  "  which  resembled,"  according  to  a  contempo- 
rary, "  the  far-off  noise  of  a  chariot  rumbling  over  pebbles." 

Rome,  victorious  again  with  the  help  of  Gregory  the  Great, 
continued  to  push  her  conquests  to  distant  countries  after 
his  death.  Two  Anglo-Saxon  monks,  St.  Wilfrid,  bishop  of 
York,  and  St.  Willibrord  undertook  the  conversion  of  the 
savage  fishermen  of  Friesland  and  Holland  at  the  end  of 
the  seventh  and  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  ;  they  were 
followed  by  another  Englishman,  the  most  renowned  of  all 
these  missionaries,  Winfrith,  whose  name  was  changed  to 
Boniface,    perhaps    by  the  Pope,  in  recognition  of  his  active 


Chap.  VIII.]     THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  ii? 

and  beneficent  apostleship.  When  Gregory  II.  appointed 
him  bishop  of  Germany  (723),  he  went  through  Bavaria  and 
established  there  the  dioceses  of  Frisingen,  Passau,  and 
Ratisbon.  When  Pope  Zacharias  bestowed  the  rank  of 
metropolitan  upon  the  Church  of  Mainz  in  748,  he  entrusted 
its  direction  to  St.  Boniface,  who  from  that  time  was  pri- 
mate, as  it  were,  of  all  Germany,  under  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  See.  St.  Boniface  was  assassinated  by  the  Pagans 
of  Friesland  in  755. 

The  Pope  had  now  become,  in  truth,  the  ruler  of  Christ- 
endom.    He   was,  however,   still   a   subject   of  the   Greek 
Emperor  ;  but  a  rupture  was  inevitable,  as  his 

The     Papacy  '       .       '  ,  ,  ,  •  i 

frees  itself  from  authority,  ou  the  oue  hand,  was  growing  day 
of  Co°n'sta'nU^  by  day,  and  the  emperor's,  on  the  contrary, 
nopie  (726),  but   was  declining.     As  early  as  the   end  of  the 

invokes  the  aid  ^,  ^  ,  t-io  -ttj-  j 

of  Charles  Mar-  Seventh  ccutury,  when  Pope  Sergius  li.  refused 
*^'-  to   recognize   the  canons  of  the  council  in 

Trullo,  the  Emperor  Justinian  II.  wished  to  have  him  forc- 
ibly removed  from  Rome  ;  but  the  soldiers  refused  to  obey, 
Rome  rose  in  rebellion,  there  was  insurrection  through- 
out the  exarchate,  and  the  Venetians  formed  themselves 
into  an  independent  duchy.*  This  was  an  entering  wedge. 
In  726  the  Isaurian  Emperor  Leo  sided  with  the  Iconoclasts 
(image  breakers),  who  looked  upon  the  worship  of  images 
as  idolatry.  He  published  an  edict  in  their  favor  which  he 
wished  to  enforce  in  his  Italian  provinces.  But  the  images 
of  the  saints  were  already  very  dear  to  the  Italians  ;  and 
Rome  again  rebelled.  Gregory  II.  (713-731),  upheld  as  he 
was  by  public  opinion,  and  enjoying  great  popularity  by 
reason  of  his  wealth  and  good  deeds,  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Isaurian  Leo,  which  has  a  certain  flavor  of  Gregory  VII. 
about  it  :  "  The  civil  powers  and  the  ecclesiastical  powers 
are  things  distinct  ;  the  body  is  subject  to  the  former,  the 
soul  to  the  latter  ;  the  sword  of  justice  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  magistrate  ;  but  a  more  formidable  sword — that  of  ex- 
communication— belongs  to  the  clergy.  O  tyrant,  you  come 
in  arms  to  attack  us  ;  we,  all  unprotected  as  we  are,  can  but 
call  upon  Jesus  Christ,  the  prince  of  the  heavenly  army,  and 
beg  him  to  send  out  a  devil  against  you  who  shall  destroy 
your  body  and  the  salvation  of  your  soul.  The  barbarians 
have  bowed  beneath  the  Gospel's  yoke,  and  you,  alone,  are 

*Not  independent  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  but  of  the  Exarchate. — Ed. 


Ii8  THE   CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

deaf  to  the  voice  of  the  shepherd.  These  godly  barbarians 
are  filled  with  rage  ;  they  burn  to  avenge  the  persecution 
suffered  by  the  Church  in  the  East.  Give  up  your  audacious 
and  disastrous  enterprise,  reflect,  tremble,  and  repent." 

Gregory  II.  followed  up  these  letters  with  an  appeal  to 
the  Venetians,  to  the  Italians  of  the  exarchate,  and  even  to 
the  Lombards.  The  Romans  banished  their  imperial  pre- 
fect. At  the  same  time  Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards, 
invaded  the  exarchcite  and  put  an  end  for  the  moment  to 
the  dominion  of  the  eastern  Empire  in  the  northern  part  of 
Italy. 

But  the  Pope  did  not  intend  this  revolution  to  result  for 
the  Roman  Church  in  a  simple  exchange  of  masters. 
Gregory  II.  stopped  Luitprand  by  conciliating  the  court  of 
Byzantium,  and  succeeded  in  driving  him  away  when  he 
came  to  besiege  Rome.  The  same  danger  reappeared  un- 
der his  successor  Gregory  III.  (731-741),  who  appealed  to 
those  godly  barbarians  with  whom  Gregory  II.  had  threat- 
ened the  Greek  Empire — namely,  the  Franks. 

The  Carolingians  and  the  Popes  had  met  in  an  enemy's 
country,  in  a  field  of  battle,  where  the  one  party  were  seek- 
ing conquest  with  the  sword,  the  other  with  the  cross.  The 
missionaries  who  went  out  under  Roman  auspices  to  con- 
vert the  pagans  of  Germany  sought  the  protection  of 
Charles  Martel's  army,  and  they  in  turn  helped  him  to  vic- 
tory. It  was  then  that  the  alliance  between  the  two  supreme 
powers  of  the  West  was  first  formed.  Pope  Gregory  III. 
conveyed  to  Charles  the  keys  of  the  tc^mb  of  St.  Peter  with 
other  presents,  and  the  titles  of  Consul  and  Patrician.  Gre- 
gory conjured  him  to  come  and  deliver  him  from  Luitprand, 
the  king  of  the  Lombards,  who  was  fiercely  threatening 
Rome.  Charles  did  not  have  time  to  accomplish  this  dis- 
tant expedition  himself,  but  it  was  done  by  his  successor. 

Charles  Martel  was  succeeded  (741)  by  his  sons  Karlmann 
and  Pippin.  His  youngest  son,  Gripho,  he  first  excluded 
from  any  share  in  the  inheritance,  but  after- 
Pippinthe^short  ^^,-^3^  q,-,  ^jg  death-bed,  allotted  him  a  certain 
portion.  Gripho  was  despoiled  of  his  share 
by  his  brothers,  who  pursued  him  whithersoever  he  went  in 
search  of  an  armed  force  to  sustain  his  claims,  among  the 
Bavarians,  the  Saxons,  and  the  Aquitanians,  until  at  the  end 
of  ten  years  he  died  on  his  way  to  seek  help  among  the 
Lombards.      Karlmann    had    Austrasia,    Pippin    Neustria, 


Chap.  VIII.]     THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  119 

They  made  many  expeditions  to  the  north,  the  east,  and  the 
south,  as  their  father  had  done  before  them  ;  expeditions 
against  the  Bavarians,  the  Alemanni,  and  the  Saxons,  many 
of  whom  they  forced  to  submit  to  the  rite  of  baptism. 
They  also  marched  against  the  Aquitanians,  who  were  led 
by  Waifar,  as  Hunold,  his  father,  had  retired  to  a  monastery 
whence  we  shall  shortly  see  him  emerging. 

Both  Karlmann  and  Pippin  tried  to  reform  certain  abuses 
that  had  crept  into  the  Church.  Two  councils,  convoked  by 
Karlmann,  the  one  in  Germany  (742),  the  other  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  at  Lestines  (near  Charleroi,  in  Belgium),  drew 
up  decrees  which  abolished  superstitious  rites  and  certain 
Pagan  ceremonies,  still  remaining  in  force  ;  they  also  au- 
thorized grants  of  Church  lands  by  the  "  Prince  "  for  military 
purposes  on  condition  of  the  payment  of  an  annual  rent  to 
the  Church  ;  they  reformed  the  ecclesiastical  life,  forbade 
the  priests  to  hunt  or  to  ride  through  the  woods  with  dogs, 
falcons,  or  sparrow-hawks  ;  and,  finally,  made  all  priests 
subordinate  to  their  diocesan  bishops,  to  whom  they  were 
obliged  to  give  account  each  year  of  their  faith  and  their 
ministry — all  of  which  were  necessary  provisions  for  the 
organization  of  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy  and  for  the  regu- 
lation of  church  government.  Similar  measures  were  taken 
by  the  Council  of  Soissons,  convoked  by  Pippin  in  744.  In 
747,  Karlmann  renounced  the  world  and  retired  to  the  cele- 
iDrated  Italian  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino.  As  he  left  he 
intrusted  his  children  to  the  care  of  their  uncle.  Pippin,  who 
robbed  them  of  their  inheritance  and  ruled  alone  over  the 
whole  Prankish  Empire. 

It  was  then  that  Pippin  contemplated  assuming  the  crown. 
Charles  Martel  had  left  the  throne  vacant  on  the  death  of 
Theodoric  IV.  (737),  possibly  in  order  to  accustom  the 
Franks  to  do  without  their  Merovingian  kings.  In  742 
Pippin  had  crowned  Childeric  III.,  no  doubt  because  he  did 
not  feel  himself  so  strong  as  his  father  had  been.  Every- 
body must  have  been  impressed  by  the  contrast  between  the 
imbecility  of  the  throne  and  the  genius  of  the  Carolingians, 
and  it  naturally  gave  rise  to  the  question  laid  before  Pope 
Zacharias  by  Pippin  himself,  namely  :  "  Who  should  be  called 
king,  he  who  has  the  name  or  he  who  has  the  power?" 
When,  at  the  solicitation  of  his  envoys,  the  title  of  king  was 
offered  him  by  the  chiefs  of  the  nation,  he  seemed  inclined 
to  refuse  it,  and  pretended  that  he  wished  to  leave  the  ques- 


I20  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

tion  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  sovereign  pontiff.  Accord- 
ingly Burchard,  bishop  of  Wirzburg,  and  Fulrad,  abbot  of 
Saint  Denis,  were  sent  to  Rome  to  consult  the  oracle,  whose 
reply  was  such  as  Pippin  desired.  In  November  of  the 
year  75  a,  an  assembly  gathered  at  Soissons  proclaimed  him 
king.  Childeric  was  deposed  at  the  same  time,  and  his  head 
was  shaved  and  he  was  shut  up  in  the  monastery  of  Sithieu, 
where  he  died  in  the  year  755.  He  left  one  son  named 
Theodoric,  who  was  sent  to  the  monastery  of  Fontenelle  and 
brought  up  in  obscurity.  This  ending  of  the  first  Frank 
dynasty  did  not  excite  even  a  protest  or  a  murmur  of  regret. 

Pippin  was  at  first  consecrated  by  Boniface,  archbishop 
of  Mainz,  and  again,  two  years  later,  by  Pope  Stephen  II.  in 
person,  who  anointed  him  and  his  two  sons  with  holy  oil,  at 
the  same  time  pronouncing  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion against  any  who  should  thereafter  choose  a  king  from 
any  other  family  of  the  Franks. 

Pippin  reaped  the  fruits  of  the  Carolingian  alliance  with 
the  popes,  in  this  sanction  given  to  his  temporal  authority 
by  the  spiritual  authority.  He  soon  repaid  the  Pope,  who 
was  hard  pressed  by  Aistulf,  king  of  the  Lombards.  To 
induce  him  to  cross  the  Alps,  Stephen  II.  bestowed  upon 
him  the  title  of  Patrician  of  Rome— the  highest  possible  title 
of  the  Empire,  but  one  which  brought  no  power  with  it.  He 
made  two  expeditions  against  the  Lombards,  occupied  the 
Pentapolis  together  with  the  exarchate  of  Ravenna,  and 
presented  it,  in  spite  of  protestations  from  the  Emperor  of 
the  East,  to  St.  Peter,  thus  putting  temporal  power  into  the 
hands  of  the  Roman  pontiffs  (754-6). 

Pippin  was  the  first  sovereign  ruler  of  the  West.  Con- 
stantine  V.  (Copronymus)  the  emperor  at  Constantinople, 
sent  ambassadors  to  him,  who  brought  him  the  first  organ  with 
several  stops  that  had  been  seen  in  France,  and  asked  of  him 
the  hand  of  his  daughter  Giselaforthe  emperor's  son  :  they 
suggested  the  exarchate  of  Ravenna  as  her  dowry,  hoping 
by  this  means  to  recover  it  from  the  Pope  ;  and  that  was 
doubtless  the  real  cause  of  their  embassage.  Pippin  refused. 
In  the  mean  time  he  proceeded  with  his  military  measures  ; 
he  conquered  tiie  Saxons  again,  whose  complete  subjection 
required  a  half  century's  continued  struggle.  The  blows  he 
struck  at  Aquitania  were  so  fierce  as  to  be  decisive  for 
that  country.  He  first  recovered  Septimania  from  the 
Arabs,  and  then  kept  up  a  series  of  disastrous  invasions  into 


Chap.  VIII.]    THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  CHURCH.  121 

the  country  south  of  the  Loire  for  eight  consecutive  years. 
Waifar,  its  brave  chief,  defended  himself  with  indomitable 
courage,  but  he  was  at  last  assassinated  (768),  and  the  sub- 
jugation of  Aquitania  followed. 

Pippin  died  of  dropsy  in  the  same  year,  leaving  to  his  two 
sons,  Charles  and  Karlmann,  the  reorganized  kingdom  of 
the  Franks,  with  its  royal  power  revived  and  established, 
and  having  the  twofold  supports  of  material  strength  and 
spiritual  authority. 

The  life  of  the  growing  empire  was  threatened  by  the 
division  of  power  between  the  two  sons.  But  the  death  of 
Karlmann,  at  the  end  of  three  years,  restored  unity  and 
enabled  his  brother  Charles  to  become  Charles  the  Great 
(Charlemagne). 


CHAPTER  IX. 

CHARLEMAGNE  ;    UNITY   OF    THE   GERMANIC  WORLD— 
THE  CHURCH  IN  THE  STATE  (768-814). 


The  Union,  and  the  attempted  Organization  of  the  whole  Germanic 
World  under  Charlemagne. — Wars  with  the  Lombards  (771-776). — 
Wars  with  the  Saxons  (771-804). — Wars  with  the  Bavarians  (788),  the 
Avars  (788-796),  and  the  Arabs  of  Spain  (778-812)  ;  the  extent  of  the 
Empire. — Charlemagne  becomes  Emperor  (800). — Results  of  his 
Wars. — His  Government. — Literary  Revival  ;  Alcuin. 


Charlemagne  enlarged  and  completed  the  work  which 

had  only  been  begun  by  Charles  Martel  and  Pippin.     It  was 

The  union  of    "o^  alone  that  he  had  greater  genius  than  his 

the  whole  Ger-     father   and    grandfather,    but    circumstances 

manic  world  ,  ,  r  i  1      ,       i   ■  t-> 

under  charie-  Were  also  much  more  favorable  to  him.  Born 
•"^sne.  ^.Q  |.]^g   throne,  while  they   had  stood  at  first 

only  on  its  steps,  and  heir  to  an  authority  which  had  been 
accepted  by  the  nation  for  sixteen  years,  he  was  free  both 
from  the  cares  which  precede  and  the  dangers  which  follow 
an  act  of  usurpation,  and  reigning  for  almost  half  a  century, 
he  had  time  to  carry  his  plans  to  their  completion.  These 
plans  consisted,  in  the  first  place,  in  the  uniting,  either  by 
absorption  or  by  the  annihilation  of  the  nationalities  which 
still  retained  their  independence,  the  whole  Germanic  world 
into  a  simple  empire  ;  and  in  the  second  place  in  the  internal 
organization  of  this  Empire,  in  attempts  to  give  to  it  a  life  of 
order  and  general  intelligence  and  civilization,  an  effort  in 
which  Charlemagne  far  surpassed  all  the  barbarian  sovereigns 
who  had  preceded  him,  not  even  excepting  Theodoric. 

Charlemagne  made  war  successfully  upon  all  the  peoples 
with  whom  his  predecessors  had  fought.  He  proportioned 
the  obstinacy  of  his  attacks  to  the  obstinacy  of  the  resistance 
he  encountered.  His  eastern  frontier  was  in  great  danger 
from  the  Saxons,  the  Danes,  the  Slavs,  the  Bavarians  and 
the  Avars  ;  he  led  eighteen  expeditions  against  the  Saxons, 
three  against  the  Danes,  one  against  the  Bavarians,  four 
against  the  Slavs,  and  four  against  the  Avars.     He  made 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  123 

seven  against  the  Saracens  of  Spain,  five  against  the 
Saracens  of  the  Mediterranean  islands,  five  against  the 
Lombards,  and  two  against  the  Greeks.  If  vi^e  add  to 
these  those  which  he  directed  against  peoples  who  were 
already  in  the  Frankish  empire,  but  not  entirely  subju- 
gated, that  is,  one  against  the  Thuringians,  one  against 
the  Aquitanians,  and  two  against  the  Bretons,  we  shall 
have  a  total  of  fifty-three  expeditions,  which  were  led  for 
the  most  part  by  Charlemagne  himself,  and  which  give 
an  idea  of  his  remarkable  activity.  He  doubled  the  ex- 
tent of  the  territory  possessed  by  Pippin.  None  the  less 
Charlemagne  is  generally  represented  as  a  royal  sage,  a 
pacific  prince  who  only  waged  war  in  self-defense  ;  but  let 
us  restore  to  him  his  real  personality,  rugged  though  it  be. 
He  had  no  invasion  to  fear.  The  Arabs  were  divided,  the 
/Avars  weakened,  and  the  Saxons  powerless  to  carry  on  a 
serious  war  outside  of  their  forests  and  their  morasses.  And 
if  he  led  the  Franks  across  their  frontiers  it  was  because  he 
was  ambitious,  like  many  others,  to  reign  over  more  people, 
and  to  leave  a  name  behind  him  which  should  dwell  in  the 
memories  of  men.* 

The  kingdom  of  the  Lombards  was  always  the  refuge  of 

the  disinherited  Frankish  princes,  and  of  whoever  resisted 

\A/o.=  o„o;„.,t     the  Carolingians.     But  if  the  Franks  had  a 

Wars  against  .  ° 

the  Lombards  formidable  enemy  m  Italy,  they  had  also  a 
(771-77  )■  very  valuable  ally  there  :    the   Pope,  united 

with  them  by  common  interest,  learned,  either  personally  or 
through  his  many  subordinates  in  the  churches  of  Italy,  the 
slightest  movements  made  in  the  peninsula,  and  warned  the 
Frankish  king  as  soon  as  any  open  or  hidden  peril  threat- 
ened their  common  cause.  Having  become  sole  master  by 
the  death  of  his  brother  Karlmann,  in  771,  Charlemagne 
had  taken  possession  of  the  vacant  throne  of  Austrasia,  thus 
dispossessing  his  two  nephews,  who  had  taken  refuge  at  the 
court  of  Desiderius,  King  of  the  Lombards.  The  aged 
Hunold,  formerly  duke  of  Aquitaine,  who  had  left  his  con- 
vent in  order  to  avenge  the  assassination  of  Waifar,  had 
also  gone  thither.     While  Charles  was  defeating  the  Saxons 


*  It  must  be  noticed  that  this  characterization  of  Charlemagne  is  an 
inference,  an  opinion,  as  is  also  the  opposite  one  which  the  author  rejects. 
The  original  sources  give  us  almost  no  statement  whatever  as  to  his 
motives. — Eo. 


:(kr 


124  THE   CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

for  the  first  time,  letters  from  Hadrian  I.  and  from  the 
Archbishop  of  Ravenna  came  to  him  on  the  banks  of  the 
Weser,  saying  that  Desiderius,  on  the  refusal  of  the  Pope  to 
crown  the  sons  of  Karlmann  King  of  Austrasia,  had  just 
invaded  the  Exarchate.  Charlemagne,  after  vainly  sum- 
moning the  Lombard  king  to  give  back  the  domains  of  St. 
Peter  to  the  Holy  See,  crossed  the  Alps  (773),  defeated  the 
enemy,  and  occupied  the  whole  of  Lombardy.  Hunold 
was  killed,  and  Desiderius  became  a  monk  ;  the  sons  of 
Karlmann  were  confined  in  a  monastery,  and  the  conqueror 
triumphantly  entered  Rome,  where  he  confirmed  the  grant 
made  by  Pippin  to  the  Pope.  He  himself  took  the  title  of 
King  of  the  Lombards,  which  gave  him  the  whole  of  Upper 
Italy,  at  the  same  time  that  the  title  of  Patrician  assured  to 
him  the  sovereignty  over  Rome,  and  over  all  the  domains 
added  to  the  Holy  See  (774).  Two  years  later,  when 
Adelgis,  a  son  of  Desiderius,  encouraged  by  the  court  of 
Constantinople,  and  in  league  with  the  Dukes  of  Beneven- 
tum,  of  Friuli,  and  of  Spoleto,  tried  to  incite  Italy  to  revolt, 
Charlemagne,  victorious  again,  took  the  opportunity  to  sub- 
stitute Frankish  officers  for  the  Lombard  dukes  in  many 
places,  though  not  in  the  case  of  Beneventum,  whose  duke 
continued  independent,  on  the  condition  of  paying  a  tribute, 
which  he,  however,  never  paid  except  when  an  army  came 
to  collect  it.  Nevertheless,  Charlemagne  allowed  the  Lom- 
bards to  live  under  their  own  laws,  as  he  generally  did  in  the 
case  of  the  people  whom  he  conquered  (776). 

During  this  time,  Charles  was  also  at  war  with  the  Saxons. 
This  war,  which  began  in  771,  did  not  end  till  804  ;  that  is, 

it  lasted  thirty-three  years.     The  Lombards 
^he^Safons^*   were  already  a  broken   people  ;   the   Saxons 

were  a  young  and  vigorous  people.  The  rude 
barbarian  strength  which  the  Austrasians  had  retained  on 
the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  and  which  distinguished  them  from 
the  Neustrians,  existed  in  still  greater  vigor  among  the 
Saxons  on  the  banks  of  the  Weser  and  the  Elbe.  They  held 
by  tribes  the  lands  near  the  mouths  of  these  two  rivers,  the 
Westphalians  at  the  west,  the  Eastphalians  at  the  east,  the 
Engern  (Angrians)  at  the  south,  and  the  north  Elbe  people 
(the  Nordalbingicn)  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  Elbe. 
In  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  they  were  still  precisely 
like  the  Germans  of  Hermann,  and  indeed  Hermann  himself, 
the  hero  of  Teutonic  independence,  was  the  object  of  their 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  125 

adoration,  in  the  form  of  the  idol  they  called  Irmensaiile 
(Hermann  Saiile).* 

This  religion  of  independence  made  them  hard  to  convert. 
Saint  Lebuin,  who  was  preaching  the  gospel  to  them,  not 
having  sufficient  patience  to  win  them  over  gradually, 
thought  he  could  give  more  weight  to  his  words  by  threaten- 
ing them  with  the  sword  of  Charlemagne.  This  exasperated 
them,  and  they  destroyed  the  church  of  Deventer,  and  slew 
the  converts  there.  Charlemagne  at  once  entered  their 
country  to  avenge  this  deed,  and  took  the  Eresburg  and 
destroyed  the  Irmensiiule.  From  its  ruins  arose  Widukind, 
the  Hermann  of  a  new  age,  and  whenever  Charlemagne  left 
the  country  of  the  Saxons,  a  new  revolt  broke  out,  signalized 
by  the  destruction  of  the  churches. 

A  series  of  expeditions  against  the  Saxons  succeeded  the 
campaigns  of  774  and  of  776  in  Italy  ;  in  the  first,  he  de- 
feated them  on  the  Weser,  in  the  second  near  the  source 
of  the  Lippe,  and  this  second  time  he  neglected  no  means 
of  enforcing  obedience  to  his  rule.  The  establishment  of 
fortresses  and  garrisons  in  the  conquered  country,  enforced 
baptism,  and  the  exaction  of  an  oath  from  all  the  assembly 
at  Paderborn  (777)  to  recognize  Charlemagne  as  their  king, 
to  pay  him  tribute,  and  to  impose  no  obstacle  to  the  propa- 
gation of  Christianity,  were  so  many  moral  and  material 
guarantees  of  obedience,  but  they  proved  powerless.  Widu- 
kind had  not  taken  the  oath  ;  instead  of  going  to  Pader- 
born, he  had  taken  refuge  among  the  Danes,  and  at 
his  first  reappearance  raised  anew  the  call  to  war  (778). 
He  had  advanced  as  far  as  Coblentz  and  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine,  when  he  was  stopped  by  the  Alemanni  and 
the  Austrasians,  while  Charlemagne  hastened  toward  him, 
Charlemagne  was  victorious  at  Buckholz  (779),  received 
the  submission  of  the  tribes  settled  to  the  west  of  the  Elbe 
(780),  and  redoubled  the  severity  of  his  measures.  Ten 
thousand  Saxon  families  were  transported  to  Belgium  and 
Helvetia. 

The  Saxons  were  deprived  of  their  assemblies  and  their 
judges,  and  were  made  subjects  to  Frankish  counts.  Their 
territory  "  was  divided  between  bishops,  abbots,  and  priests, 
on  condition  of  their  preaching  and  baptizing  among  them." 

*  Only  a  fancied  resemblance  of  the  word.  No  real  connection  of  the 
Wol  with  Hermann  existed. — Ed. 


126  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III, 

Charlemagne  hoped,  by  establishing  what  might  be  called 
religious  garrisons  among  this  people,  to  strengthen  his 
power  much  more  than  by  the  presence  of  the  military 
garrisons.  The  bishoprics  of  Minden,  Halberstadt,  Verden, 
Bremen,  Munster,  Osnabriick,  and  Paderborn  were  estab- 
lished during  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  and  others,  like 
Hildesheim,  under  his  immediate  successors. 

However,  the  war  was  not  yet  at  an  end.  Widukind,  who 
had  taken  refuge  with  the  Danes,  rekindled  the  fires  of 
patriotism  and  vengeance,  and  again  defeated  the  Prankish 
generals.  This  time  Charlemagne  resolved  to  terrify  the 
Saxons  into  submission.  He  had  4500  of  the  warriors  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  battle  delivered  up  to  him,  and  out- 
doing all  his  former  severities,  had  them  slain  at  Verden. 
But  this  terrible  massacre  only  excited  another  desperate 
insurrection,  and  it  was  not  until  Charlemagne  had  gained 
two  victories,  at  Detmold  and  at  Osnabriick,  and  his  son 
Charles  had  gained  one,  and  until  the  army  had  passed  a 
winter  under  arms  in  the  snows  of  Saxony,  that  he  triumphed 
over  the  obstinacy  of  Widukind,  who,  sorely  pressed  and 
without  hope,  finally  consented  to  submit  and  be  baptized 
(785).  From  this  time  he  disappeared  from  the  stage  of 
history. 

His  countrymen,  however,  showed  more  perseverance. 
In  792  the  Saxons  revolted  again,  and  lying  in  ambush  took 
a  body  of  Prankish  soldiers  by  surprise.  Charlemagne  who 
had  allied  himself  with  the  Abodriti,  a  Slavic  tribe,  who 
were  settled  beyond  them  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Elbe, 
attacked  them  from  both  directions  at  once,  ravaged  their 
country,  and  passed  the  winter  among  them  on  the  Weser. 
In  798,  v/hen  his  commissioners  sent  to  levy  the  tribute 
were  killed,  he  returned  to  their  territory  and  deluged  it  with 
blood.     Their  submission  did  not  seem  assured  until  804. 

Even  then,  in  spite  of  their  comparative  weakness,  Charle- 
magne did  not  dare  impose  a  heavy  tribute  upon  them  ;  he 
only  kept  up  the  tithe,  and  allowed  them  to  retain  their 
national  institutions,  though  giving  them  Prankish  judges. 
But  he  maintained  the  laws  which  he  had  given  them  in  780, 
and  which  punished  with  death  all  infractions  of  religious 
duties,  even  the  neglect  of  a  fast.  Therefore  the  most  stub- 
born of  the  people  preferred  to  take  refuge  with  the  Slavs 
and  the  Danes  rather  than  to  make  up  their  minds  to  such 
hypocrisy  ;  and  the  incursions  of  tlie  Bohemians  and  Slavs 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  127 

from  806-812  and  of  the  Danes  under  their  King  Godfried 
(808-811)  on  the  territory  of  the  Empire  may  be  considered 
as  a  continuation  of  the  Saxon  war.  The  lieutenants  of 
Charlemagne  repelled  these  incursions,  but  were  obliged  to 
march  as  far  as  the  Oder  before  they  could  check  the  Slavs, 
and  to  the  Eider  in  order  to  close  the  entrance  of  Germany 
to  the  Danes,  which,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  men  of 
the  North,  the  Norsemen,  from  waging  a  more  terrible  war 
with  his  successor. 

The  Bavarians  had  been  subjugated  before  the  Saxons. 
They  were  the  most  powerful  and  most  restless  of  all  the 
.,.  tributary  peoples,  and  in  consequence  of  their 
the  Bavarians  position  formed  a  conncctmg  Imk  m  coali- 
Al^ils'^fysaVger,  ^^^'^^  between  the  peoples  of  the  North  and 
and  with  the  of  the  South.  Their  Duke  Tassilo  belonged 
(77V8  °2);  ^h'e  to  the  Agilolfings,  one  of  those  old  and  illus- 
extent  of  the     trious  reigning  families  which  are  found  among 

Empire.  o         o  _  o 

most  of  the  German  peoples,  and  which  looked 
with  disfavor  on  the  recent  elevation  of  the  Carolingians.  In 
787,  when  Charlemagne  was  forced  to  fight  not  only  with 
each  people  separately,  but  with  a  league  which  embraced 
almost  the  whole  of  Europe,  the  Lombard  Duke  of  Bene- 
ventum  and  the  court  of  Byzantium  drew  Tassilo  into  the 
contest.  He  brought  with  him  the  Avars  and  stirred  up 
the  Saxons,  while  at  the  same  time  the  Arabs  had  taken  up 
arms  against  Charlemagne  in  the  South.  After  forcing  the 
Lombards  back  to  their  allegiance,  Charlemagne  marched 
upon  the  Bavarians,  who  dared  not  resist  him,  advanced 
as  far  as  the  Lech,  and  sent  the  descendant  of  the  Agilol- 
fings to  the  monastery  of  Jumieges.  Tassilo  had  before 
this  time  been  guilty  of  "  herisliz,"  that  is,  of  abandoning 
the  army  of  the  Franks  in  an  expedition  against  the  Aqui- 
tanians  (788).  Bavaria  was  now  divided  by  Charlemagne 
into  counties. 

The  Avars  as  allies  of  Tassillo  were  now  to  undergo 
the  same  punishment  that  he  had  suffered.  This  nation, 
intimately  related  to  the  Huns,  had  appeared  in  Europe  on 
the  banks  of  the  Don  toward  the  middle  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, and  soon  after  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  They 
took  possession  of  Dacia  and  of  Pannonia,  and  under  their 
Chief  Baian  had  menaced  Constantinople,  whicli  was,  how- 
ever, saved  by  Heraclius  (626).  Their  capital,  the  Ring 
fortress,  which  was  simply  an  immense   intrenched   camp. 


128  THE  CAROLINGIA IV  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

filled  with  the  spoils  of  the  world,  was  situated  in  the 
marshes  between  the  Danube  and  the  Theiss,  not  far  from 
the  place  where  Attila's  royal  town  had  stood.  Charle- 
magne wished  to  remove  from  the  frontiers  of  his  empire 
this  perpetual  menace  of  Hunnish  invasion.  He  attacked 
the  Avars  with  three  armies,  but  without  permanent  success 
(791).  It  was  not  till  796  that  combats  which  devastated 
Pannonia,  and  internal  discords  among  the  Avars,  gave  the 
victory  to  the  Franks,  and  that  Pippin,  the  son  of  Charle- 
magne, took  possession  of  the  Ring.  The  remnants  of  this 
people  continued  to  live  in  the  same  place  under  native 
princes,  who  promised  to  pay  tribute  and  to  be  baptized. 
Eginhard  says  "  the  Franks  brought  back  from  there  such 
great  wealth  that  though  until  then  they  might  have  been  con- 
sidered poor,  from  this  time  they  could  call  themselves  rich." 
Charlemagne  did  the  same  work  at  the  south  as  at  the 
east ;  he  advanced  even  farther  than  was  prudent.  Charles 
Martel  had  been  content  to  repel  the  invasion  of  the  Arabs. 
Charlemagne  returned  invasion  with  invasion.  In  778  he 
went  to  the  assistance  of  the  vvali  of  Barcelona,  who 
refused  to  recognize  Abderrahman  and  the  Caliphate  of 
Cordova.  He  entered  Spain,  through  St.  Jean-Pied-de- 
Port,  while  another  army  entered  further  to  the  east.  Pam- 
peluna  and  Saragossa  were  taken  and  the  two  armies  were 
joined  together,  when  the  hostile  spirit  of  the  Gascons  in 
the  Pyrenees  recalled  the  conqueror.*  In  recrossing  these 
mountains  his  rear  guard  was  surprised  in  the  valley  of 
Roncesvalles  by  the  Gascons,  and  was  massacred  with  its 
leader  Roland,  Count  of  the  frontier  of  Brittany,  a  hero 
who  is  better  known  to  poetry  than  to  history.  In  793  the 
Arabs  in  their  turn  carried  invasion  into  Septimania  [as 
far  as  Narbonne,]  and  Louis,  a  son  of  Charlemagne,  whom 
he  had  made  king  of  Aquitania,  was  obliged  to  carry  on  a 
war  for  nearly  twenty  years  before  he  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing the  Franks  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Pyrenees. 
Finally,  after  the  capture  of  Barcelona  and  of  Tortosa,  a  part 
of  the  valley  of  the  Ebro  was  subjugated  by  them  by  the  year 


*  This  account  of  Charlemagne's  campaign  in  Spain  is  somewhat  inac- 
curate. Pampeluna,  a  Christian  city  of  the  l<ini;^dom  of  Asturia,  is  taken 
after  a  siege,  but  Charlcmai^ne  fails  to  capture  Saragossa.  On  his  return 
the  fortifications  of  I'ampehina  are  destroyed,  and  this  first  expedition  to 
Spain  leads  to  no  permanent  results. — En. 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  129 

812.  At  the  same  time  the  Prankish  vessels  were  defending 
the  Balearic  Islands,  which  had  invoked  the  protection  of 
Charlemagne  against  the  Saracens,  and  took  temporary  pos- 
session of  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  which  were  a  prey  to  attacks 
of  pirates  of  the  same  nation. 

By  these  wars  the  dominion  of  the  Franks  was  extended 
in  all  directions.  Since  the  subjection  of  the  Saxons  and 
the  Lombards,  the  whole  Germanic  race,  except  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  and  the  Norsemen  of  the  Danish  peninsula,  had  been 
united  into  a  single  group.  All  the  foreign  and  hostile 
races,  whether  Slavs,  Arabs,  or  Avars,  were  either  subdued 
or  driven  back.  The  confusion  of  the  barbarian  world  was 
reduced  to  order,  the  multiplicity  of  authorities  was  done 
away  with,  and  the  stage  of  history  now  presents  a  scene 
more  easy  of  comprehension.  Only  four  great  empires  re- 
mained in  existence,  those  of  Charlemagne,  of  Constanti- 
nople, of  Bagdad,  and  of  Cordova.  These  four  divided 
among  them  three  quarters  of  the  world  as  it  was  then 
known.  The  empire  of  Charlemagne  was  bounded  on  the 
north  and  west,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe  to  the  Spanish 
shore  of  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  by  the  ocean  ;  on  the  south  by  the 
Pyrenees,  and  in  Spain,  by  a  part  of  the  river  Ebro  ;  in  Italy 
it  extended  to  the  Garigliano  and  Pescara,  without,  how- 
ever, including  Gaeta,  which  belonged  to  the  Greeks,  and 
Venice,  which  recognized  the  merely  nominal  sovereignty  of 
Constantinople  ;  finally,  in  Illyricum,  it  extended  to  the 
Narenta,  or  the  Cettina,  without  including  the  cities  of 
Trau,  Zara,  and  Spalato,  which,  after  a  maritime  war  of 
several  years,  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Eastern 
Empire.  The  frontier  at  the  east  followed, — in  Illyricum, 
the  course  of  the  Bosna  and  that  of  the  Save  until  it  joined 
the  Danube  ;  in  Germany,  the  course  of  the  Theiss  from 
its  confluence  with  the  Danube  to  the  point  where  it  re- 
ceives the  river  Hermath.  From  that  point,  the  line  of  the 
frontier  turned  toward  the  west,  keeping  across  Moravia  a 
nearly  equal  distance  from  the  Danube,  and  from  the  Car- 
pathian mountains  to  the  mountains  of  Bohemia,  which  it 
left  on  the  east,  and  passing  to  the  north  joined  first  the 
Saale,  then  the  Elbe,  which  was  guarded  by  eight  fortresses, 
and  finally  the  Eider.* 


*  The  eastern  frontier  here  traced  must  be  regarded  as  only  approxi- 
mate.    It  was  always  somewhat  uncertain  and  fluctuating. — Ed. 


130  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

All  the  peoples  within  these  limits  recognized  the  direct 
supremacy  of  Charlemagne.  The  Thuringians,  who  had 
revolted  against  it  once,  and  the  Aquitanians,  who  were  in 
revolt  at  the  time  of  Charlemagne's  accession,  had  been 
entirely  subdued.  Outside  of  these  boundaries  other  peo- 
ples, who  were  merely  tributary  to  it,  formed  around  the 
Carolingian  empire  a  girdle  of  defense.  Such  peoples 
were  those  of  Navarre,  Beneventum,  the  North  Elbe  Saxons, 
the  Abodriti,  the  Wiltzi,  and  other  Slavic  tribes,  all  of 
whom  were  under  the  careful  surveillance  of  the  Counts  of 
the  Frontiers  [Markgrafen].  Brittany  and  Bohemia  had 
been  ravaged,  but  not  conquered. 

The  master  of  this  vast  empire  had  not  felt  content  with 

the  barbarian  title  of  King,  and  in  the  year  800  had  become 

Charlemagne     Empcror.     In  this  year  he  was  at  Rome  dur- 

becomes  Em-     Jng  the  Christmas  season,  and  on  that   day, 

peror(8oo).  The  ,°i        i  •  •     \u  i  u         u 

results  of  his  while  he  was  praymg  in  the  church  where 
'^^'"^-  Pope  Leo  III.  was  saying  mass,  in  the  presence 

of  a  great  crowd,  he  suddenly  felt  a  crown  placed  on  his 
head  ;  it  was  the  imperial  crown,  and  was  given  him  by  the 
Pope.  Undoubtedly  it  had  all  been  arranged  beforehand, 
and  these  two  great  personages  in  their  long  conferences 
must  have  discussed  the  advisability  of  restoring  the  Empire 
of  the  West,  a  question  which  seriously  concerned  the  future 
of  Europe.  Nevertheless,  Charles  feigned  surprise  in  order 
to  deceive  his  Austrasian  subjects,  who  would  hardly  receive 
with  favor  such  a  complete  return  to  the  Roman  traditions.* 
This  was  the  final  consummation  of  the  alliance  which  had 
so  long  united  the  Carolingians  and  the  Pontiffs  of  Rome. 
Charlemagne  well  deserved  this  reward  ;  he  who  had  founded 
not  only  a  great  Germanic  empire  but  a  great  orthodox 
empire,  who  had  conquered  the  enemies  of  Rome,  the 
Lombards,  and  the  pagan  Avars,  the  Mussulman  Arabs,  and 
the  idolatrous  Saxons,  and  who  had  always  identified  the 
triumph  of  Catholicism  with  the  triumph  of  his  own  cause  ; 
and  who,  finally,  had  now  come  to  Rome  only  to  protect, by 
his  authority  as  Patrician, the  Pope  who  had  recently  been 
the  victim  of  a  conspiracy  in  his  own  city.     His  role  of 

*  The  original  sources  give  us  only  the  fact  of  the  coronation  and  the 
surprise  expressed  by  Charles.  The  conjecture  of  previous  conference  on 
the  subject  is  a  reasonable  one  ;  any  ccnjecture  as  to  the  reason  for 
Charles's  surprise  is  very  uncertain. — Ep, 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  13 1 

benefactor  and  his  great  power  prevented  the  Pope  from 
deriving  any  right  of  supremacy  from  the  fact  that  he  had 
bestowed  the  crown  upon  him.  Charlemagne  succeeded  to 
all  the  prerogatives  of  the  Emperors,  and  from  this  time 
governed  Italy  and  the  Church  by  virtue  of  this  title. 

Rome  again  had  an  imperial  prefect  and  imperial  judges. 
Charles  made  laws,  dispensed  justice,  confirmed  the  election 
of  the  Pope,  as  the  Emperor  at  Constantinople  had  formerly 
done,  and  the  Church  of  Rome  did  not  differ  from  the  other 
churches  of  the  Catholic  creed  in  any  temporal  power,  except 
that  the  Holy  See  had  the  revenues  and  the  administration 
of  greater  domains.  Thus  the  Church  had  resumed  the  same 
place  in  the  state  that  it  had  held  under  the  earlier  Emperors. 

Nevertheless  this  gift  by  the  Pope  of  the  imperial  crown 
carried  with  it  a  danger  for  the  future.  For  when  political 
unity  ceased  and  religious  unity  alone  remained,  the  popes 
not  only  considered  themselves  above  the  authority  of  the 
State,  but  claimed  the  right  of  controlling,  and  of  always 
disposing  of,  what  they  had  once  given.  It  was  then  that 
the  great  quarrel  between  the  Popes  and  the  Emperors 
arose,  which  fills  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

By  the  conquest  of  Charlemagne,  Italy  lost  her  nationality; 
for  the  German  Caesars,  inheriting  his  title,  always  con- 
sidered the  peninsula  as  one  of  their  provinces. 

Some  of  the  conquests  of  Charlemagne  were  perma- 
nent, some  ephemeral  ;  some  were  of  value,  others  were 
not.  Everything  that  he  attempted  beyond  the  Pyrenees 
failed.  The  country  of  Barcelona,  joined  by  him  to  France,* 
did  not  remain  subject,  and  of  the  marches  of  Gascony, 
nothing  is  retained  by  France  except  what  belonged  to 
her  from  its  natural  position  on  the  northern  slopes  of 
the  Pyrenees.  He  would  have  gained  more  if  he  had  con- 
quered the  Bretons,  and  had  succeeded  in  assimilating 
them  sooner  to  the  French  life  and  nationality  instead  of 
contenting  himself  with  their  wavering  allegiance.  The 
conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards  was  of  no  value 
either  to  France  or  to  Italy,  but  it   raised  the  political  posi- 


*  The  original  kingdom  of  Charlemagne  should  not  be  identified  too 
closely  with  the  modern  France.  The  conception  of  the  French  nation 
and  territory,  as  it  was  distinguished  in  later  times  from  other  European 
nations,  was  one  entirely  impossible  to  the  men  of  Charlemagne's  time. 
Charlemagne  himself  was  always  a  thorough  German. — Ep. 


132  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

tion  of  the  Pope  and  assured  his  temporal  power  for  the 
future.  The  country  which  gained  the  most  by  these  long 
wars  was  the  one  which  had  suffered  the  most  from  them, 
namely,  Germany.  Before  Charlemagne  Germany  was  still 
a  chaos  of  tribes,  which,  whether  pagan  or  Christian,  whether 
Franks,  Saxons,  Thuringians  or  Bavarians,  were  all  bar- 
barians, enemies  of  each  other,  and  without  any  bond  of 
union.  After  his  time,  there  was  a  German  people,  and  a 
German  kingdom  soon  came  into  being.  It  is  a  great  glory 
to  have  created  a  nation,  but  one  which  can  be  claimed  by 
few  conquerors,  for  they  destroy  much  more  than  they 
build  up. 

The  world  was  filled  with  the  renown  of  Charlemagne. 
The  title  he  had  taken  at  Rome  was  no  empty  one  :  he  was 
in  very  fact  the  Emperor  of  the  West.  Eginhard  describes 
him  in  his  palace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  as  continually  sur- 
rounded by  kings  and  ambassadors  from  the  most  distant 
countries.  Ecgberht,  King  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  of  Sussex, 
and  Eardwulf,  King  of  Northumberland,  were  among  those 
who  came  to  his  court.  The  King  of  Asturia,  and  the  King 
of  the  Scots,  in  writing  to  him,  always  spoke  of  themselves  as 
his  men,  and  the  former  rendered  liim  account  of  all  his 
wars  and  offered  him  a  share  of  the  booty  ;  following,  says 
Eginhard,  the  Greek  proverb  still  in  use,  "  It  is  better  to 
have  the  Frank  for  your  friend  than  for  your  neighbor," 
the  Eastern  emperors  made  treaties  with  him,  but  did  not 
acknowledge  his  title  of  Basileus,  or  recognize  him  as  an 
emperor  equal  in  rank  to  the  Byzantine  sovereigns.  He 
sustained  friendly  relations  with  the  Caliph  of  Bagdad;  the 
great  Haroun-al-Rashid  was  well  able  to  appreciate  him, 
and  it  was  for  his  interest  to  ally  himself  with  the  enemy 
of  the  Caliphs  of  Cordova.  Haroun  sent  him  the  keys 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  whither  pilgrims  had  already  begun 
to  go.  A  clock  with  wheels  of  marvelous  workmanship, 
silken  tents,  perfumes  from  Arabia,  and  monkeys  from 
Bengal,  astonished  the  barbarians  of  the  West.  The 
Mussulman  ambassadors  said  to  Charlemagne  :  "  The 
Persians,  the  Medes,  the  Indians,  the  Elamites,  indeed 
all  the  nations  of  the  East  fear  you  more  than  our  master 
Haroun." 

The  greatness  of  the  Carolingian  Empire  owed  as  much 
to  the  wisdom  of  its  government  as  to  its  victories.  Charle- 
magne early  recognized  that  the  vast  extent  of  his  domains, 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  133 

and  the  individuality  of  the  various  populations,  demanded 
a  division  of  authority.     And  though  he  himself  remained 

supreme  over  the  German  race  and  particu- 
Chl°rTem"agne!^°^  ^^.rly  over  the  victorious  nation  of  the  Austra- 

sians,  whose  language  and  costume  he  con- 
tinued to  use,  and  in  whose  country,  which  was  also  the 
most  central  of  his  empire,  he  resided  (Aix-la-Chapelle  was 
his  favorite  residence),  in  781  he  had  his  sons  Pippin  and 
Louis  crowned  kings  respectively  of  Italy  and  of  Aquitaine. 
In  806,  in  the  diet  of  Thionville,  he  arranged,  under  the  form 
of  a  last  will  and  testament,  for  a  division  of  his  empire 
between  his  three  sons,  Charles,  Pippin,  and  Louis  ;  and  as 
the  two  former  died  in  his  lifetime,  he  made  a  new  division 
in  813,  by  which  Bernhard,  son  of  Pippin,  became  King  of 
Italy,  while  Louis  had  everything  else  with  the  title  of 
Emperor.  But  even  after  they  were  kings,  his  sons  were 
merely  his  lieutenants. 

The  national  assemblies  became  nothing  more  than  the 
council  of  the  sovereign,  and  as  they  formerly  had  been 
gatherings  of  violent  and  ignorant  warriors,  it  was  a  gain  to 
withdraw  from  them  the  functions  of  government  while 
leaving  them  those  of  counsel;  bishops,  nobles,  freemen,  and 
imperial  agents  came  to  these  assemblies  from  the  outer- 
most parts  of  the  empire,  to  inform  the  Emperor  of  all  that 
happened  in  their  provinces.  It  was  customary  to  summon 
two  such  assemblies  a  year,  though  we  only  find  thirty-five 
expressly  mentioned  by  the  chroniclers.  There  was  no 
fixed  place  of  meeting,  but  they  were  held  wherever  the 
Emperor  happened  to  be  at  the  time.  While  he  was  mixing 
with  the  multitude  who  collected  there,  and  receiving  pres- 
ents from  them,  the  assembly,  composed  of  the  dukes,  the 
bishops,  the  abbots,  and  the  counts,  with  twelve  of  the  most 
important  men  of  their  counties,  in  a  word  of  the  grandees 
of  the  State,  examined  in  his  absence  the  projects  for  laws, 
prepared  by  him  since  their  last  meeting.*  After  receiving 
their  advice,  which  he  was  at  liberty  either  to  follow  or  to 
reject,  he  promulgated  those  Capitularies  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  These  treat  of  all  the  concerns  of  both  the 
civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  government,  and  not  only  of  the 
administration  of  the  provinces,  but  of  that  of  the  Emperor's 

*  The  methods  followed  by  the  assemblies  differed  very  greatly  at  dif- 
ferent times. — Ed. 


134  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

domain  and  even  of  the  added  benefices.  Who  is  not 
familiar,  if  only  through  Montesquieu,  with  the  Capitulary 
De  Villis,  in  which  he  regulates  the  sale  of  vegetables  and 
eggs  in  his  domains  ?  He  commands  that  care  shall  be 
taken  that  none  of  his  slaves  shall  die  of  hunger,  "  as  far  as 
that  is  possible  with  God's  help."  All  proprietors  did  not 
feel  the  same  solicitude  in  this  matter. 

He  treated  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  the  same  high-handed 
way  that  he  did  everything  else.  Concerning  the  question 
of  the  worship  of  images,  he  wrote  the  following  to  his 
clergy  :  "  I  have  taken  the  office  of  arbiter  betvveen  the 
bishops ;  we  have  seen,  and,  by  the  grace  of  God,  have 
decided  what  it  is  necessary  to  believe."  The  Pope  ac- 
cepted his  decision  without  protest,  although  it  contradicted 
his  own  position. 

Another  agency  of  the  central  government,  which  the 
Emperor  employed  in  making  his  power  felt  throughout  the 
empire,  was  the  institution  of  7?iissi  dominici,  imperial 
envoys  who  were  continually  traversing  the  provinces  and 
returning  to  make  their  report  to  the  throne.  Two  of  them 
were  always  sent  together  ;  a  count  and  a  bishop,  in  order 
to  act  as  a  restraint  upon  one  another,  to  provide  both  for 
the  secular  and  religious  needs  of  the  community,  and  also 
to  combine  wisdom  with  strength.  In  all  the  departments 
of  his  government  Charlemagne  gave  great  weight  to  the 
bishops  and  the  clerks,  because  they  alone  had  any  learning, 
but  he  never  allowed  himself  to  be  ruled  by  them  as  did  his 
weak  successor.  The  missi  doviinici  were  supposed  to  tra- 
verse their  circuits,  which  contained  several  counties,  gener- 
ally twelve,  four  times  a  year,  and  there  to  preside  over  the 
local  assemblies,  to  publish  the  Capitularies,  and  personally 
to  supervise  every  one  and  everything. 

Charlemagne  retained  in  almost  its  original  form  the 
method  of  administration  established  by  the  Merovingians 
over  the  provinces  :  the  duke,*  the  count,  and  the  centen- 
arius,  with  their  duties  of  raising  troops,  administering  jus- 
tice, and  collecting  all  the  dues  of  the  public  treasury.  The 
departments  under  these  last  mentioned  officers  were  called 
respectively,  comitatus  (county)  and  centena  (hundred)  a 
district  composed    perhaps    originally  of  loo  households. 

*  The  office  of  duke  was  no  part  of  the  regular  organization  of  the 
State  under  Charles,  but  rather  exceptional. — Ed. 


Chaf.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  135 

Military  service  continued  to  be  rendered  gratuitously. 
Every  land-owner  owed  it  to  the  state  ;  and  possibly  all 
free  citizens  even  if  owning  no  land,  but  several  of  the 
poorer  freemen  were  allowed  to  unite  in  furnishing  a  man  to 
represent  them  in  this  service.*  The  bishops  and  the 
abbots,  by  the  capitulary  of  803,  were  exempted  from  per- 
sonal military  service,  on  the  condition  of  sending  their  men 
to  the  army. 

Justice  was  administered  by  the  local  assemblies,  but  they 
no  longer  comprised  all  the  freemen,  as  these  had  given  up 
regular  attendance.  A  certain  number  of  scabini,  seven  at 
the  least,  formed  a  kind  of  jury  which  was  presided  over  by 
the  count  or  the  centenarius.  An  appeal  could  be  made 
from  their  decisions  to  the  7?nsst  dominici  when  they  came  to 
hold  their  assizes  in  the  county. 

There  had  been  no  regular  public  imposts  since  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh  century  ;  all  that  the  king  received 
were  the  rents  due  to  him  as  proprietor,  by  his  numerous 
colonic  the  fruits  and  revenues  of  his  domain,  the  personal 
services  and  returns  of  the  counts  and  of  the  holders  of 
royal  lands,  the  gratuitous  gifts  of  the  rich,  and  the  tribute 
paid  by  conquered  countries.  The  proprietors  were  obliged 
to  furnish  means  of  transportation  to  either  himself  or  his 
agents  Avhen  they  passed  through  the  country  ;  besides  this, 
they  were  charged  with  the  care  of  the  roads,  bridges,  and 
so  forth.  The  army  equipped  and  supported  itself  ;  the 
land  which  the  soldiers  had  received  took  the  place  of  pay. 

Still  another  glory  attaches  to  the  name  of  Charlemagne  : 
that  of  having  raised  learning  from  the  low  position  to  which 
it  had  sunk,  and  of  having  striven  to  dispel 
viVa^h'^^A^ciiin'  ^^  ignorance  which  the  barbarians  had  dif- 
fused over  his  empire.  He  himself  could 
only  write  with  difficulty,  but  he  was  none  the  less  one  of 
the  most  cultivated  even  of  his  times.  Not  all  the  nations 
subject  to  his  power  possessed  at  that  time  written  laws  ;  in 
some  cases  their  customs  were  recorded  during  his  reign,  and 
in  others  existing  codes  were  revised.  He  had  the  same 
thing  done  for  the  barbarian  poems  which  celebrated   the 


*  The  question  upon  whom  the  duty  of  military  service  rested  in  the 
Prankish  state  is  a  disputed  one.  The  sentence  above,  which  is  con- 
siderably changed  from  the  author's  text,  is  the  most  that  can  be  posi- 
tively affirmed. — Ed, 


136  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.  [Book  III. 

exploits  of  their  ancient  chiefs.  He  had  a  grammar  of  his 
national  language  begun,  and  had  the  four  gospels  revised 
by  Greeks  and  Syrians.  We  read  in  one  of  his  capitularies: 
"  Desiring  that  the  state  of  our  churches  shall  more  and 
more  improve,  and  wishing  by  constant  care  to  revive  the 
cultivation  of  learning,  which  has  almost  perished  through 
the  indolence  of  our  forefathers,  we  by  our  own  example 
encourage  all  whom  we  can  attract  to  the  study  of  the  lib- 
eral arts.  We  have  also  with  the  constant  aid  of  God  already 
corrected  with  accuracy  the  books  of  the  Old  and  of  the 
New  Testaments,  which  have  been  corrupted  by  the  ignorance 
of  the  copyists."  He  had  founded  a  sort  of  small  academy, 
called  the  School  of  the  Palace,  of  which  he  as  well  as  his 
three  sons,  his  sister,  his  daughter,  and  all  the  important 
persons  of  his  court  were  members.  In  this  circle  he  was 
called  David,  Alcuin  took  the  name  of  Flaccus,  and  Angil- 
bert  that  of  Homer. 

Alcuin,  the  most  remarkable  man  in  the  literature  of  that 
era,  was  his  principal  helper  in  his  attempt  to  revive  learn- 
ing. He  was  an  Anglo-Saxon  monk  whom  Charlemagne  had 
attracted  to  his  court.  In  796,  Alcuin  received  from  him 
the  rich  abbey  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  whose  domains  con- 
tained more  than  20,000  coloni  or  serfs,  and  to  which  he 
retired  in  the  year  800.  Two  folio  volumes  of  his  writings 
have  come  down  to  us.  These  contain  works  on  theology, 
of  which  one  refutes  the  opinion  of  Felix  of  Urgel  on  the 
difference  between  the  two  natures  of  Jesus  Christ,  a  philo- 
sophical treatise  on  the  nature  of  the  soul,  and  books  of 
poetry  and  history.  The  whole  shows  little  originality,  and 
is  mostly  borrowed  from  the  writings  of  Boethius  and  the 
Fathers,  but  his  style  is  superior  by  its  precision  to  that  of 
the  writers  of  the  age.  Alcuin  was  truly  a  scholar  ;  he  was 
familiar  with  Pythagoras  ;  often  cites  Aristotle,  Plato,  Homer, 
Virgil,  and  Pliny,  and  is  one  of  the  most  notable  instances 
of  the  union  of  those  elements  so  difficult  to  harmonize,  the 
spirit  of  ancient  literature  with  the  spirit  of  Christianity. 
The  most  interesting  monument  that  he  has  left  us  is  his 
letters,  some  300  of  which  we  possess,  many  of  them  ad- 
dressed by  this  feeble  Aristotle  to  one  who  equaled  Alex- 
ander. They  touch  on  all  sorts  of  subjects,  on  theology, 
grammar,  etymology,  astronomy,  chronology,  and  on  the 
schools  which  they  were  both  trying  to  restore  and  which 
prospered   in   certain  places,    especially   in    Tours,   Fulda, 


EUROPE 

IN  THE  TIME  OF 

CHARLES  THE  GREAT 
814 


Chap.  IX.]  CHARLEMAGNE.  I37 

Ferrieres,  and  Fontenelle,  under  the  direction  of  pupils  of 
Alcuin.  Among  these  pupils  was  Rabanus  Maurus,  the 
archbishop  of  Mainz. 

We  must  also  mention  Leidradus,  archbishop  of  Lyons, 
Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans,  Smaragdus,  abbot  of  Saint 
Mihiel,  Angilbert,  abbot  of  Saint  Riquier,  Saint  Benedict 
of  Aniane,  the  latter  the  second  reformer  of  the  monastical 
order  in  Aquitaine,  and  finally  Eginhard,  the  secretary  of 
Charlemagne,  who  wrote  the  Emperor's  life  and  also  annals 
of  the  epoch.  His  life  of  Charlemagne  is  characterized  by 
a  literary  style,  and  a  manner  of  looking  at  things  which  are 
truly  remarkable  for  the  times.  Thus  a  real  progress  had 
been  made  over  the  two  preceding  centuries,  which  had 
only  produced  dry  chronicles  and  coarse  legends.  This 
was  the  first  revival  of  letters. 

But  this  brilliant  empire,  this  vast  and  wise  organization, 
and  this  returning  civilization  were  all  to  disappear  with  the 
man  to  whose  existence  they  were  bound.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Charlemagne  rekindled  the  lamp  of  learning  ;  its  pass- 
ing beams  were  soon  again  to  disappear  in  the  profound 
darkness  that  covered  everything.  In  vain  did  he  strive  to 
create  commerce  and  trace  with  his  hand  the  plan  of  a 
canal  that  was  to  connect  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine  ;  the 
age  of  commerce  and  industry  was  still  far  distant.  In  vain 
did  he  in  his  capitularies  struggle  against  the  tendency  of  the 
holders  of  royal  lands  to  change  their  benefices  into  allodial 
land  and  extend  their  powers  in  all  directions  :  these  usurp- 
ations were  to  go  on  and  to  produce  feudalism.  In  vain 
did  he  unite  the  whole  German  world  into  a  simple  empire; 
he  felt  this  empire  breaking  to  pieces  in  his  very  hands.  In 
vain  did  he  fight  to  the  end  against  the  outside  barbarians  : 
they  had  retreats  whose  depths  his  arm  could  not  reach,  and 
whence  they  reappeared  before  his  death  to  sadden  his  old 
age  with  mournful  forebodings.  He  saw  the  Norsemen 
prowling  around  his  coasts,  and  was  obliged  to  take  defen- 
sive measures  against  the  enemies  who  were  to  do  much  to 
overthrow  his  empire. 


1^.8 


THE    CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE. 


O 

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o 

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-fci 


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o 


Qh 


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«  t  § 

Q 


-Counts  of  Veniiandoi: 
Extinct  1080. 


BOOK  IV. 

FALL    OF    THE    CAROLINGIAN    EMPIRE.— 
NEW   BARBARIAN    INVASIONS   (814-887). 


CHAPTER   X. 

LOUIS  THE  PIOUS  AND  THE  TREATY  OF  VERDUN 

(814-843)- 


Instability  of  Charlemagne's  Work. — Louis  the  Pious  (814-840)  :  His 
Weakness  ;  Division  of  the  Empire. — Revolt  of  the  Sons  of  Louis 
the  Pious. — Battle  of  Fontenay  (841)  ;  Treaty  of  Verdun  (843). 

The  German  race,  unlike  the  Arabian,  had  passed  from  a 

disintegrated  to  a  united  condition.     But  it  was  only  a  tran- 

,    ^  .  ...^      ,    sient   union  which    put    all    western    Europe 

Instability  of  i^  -it 

Charlemagne's  under  the  sway  of  one  man,  and  it  perished 
^°'^'''  with  him  who  called  it  into  existence.     In  the 

space  of  one  century  tlie  Carolingian  empire  suffered  a  com- 
plete dismemberment,  and  the  empire  of  Islam  experienced 
a  like  fate.  It  was- as  if,  instead  of  the  great  boulders  which 
covered  the  soil  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  at  the  end  of 
the  eighth  century,  nothing  could  be  found  but  grains  of 
sand  after  the  lapse  of  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years. 

Of  these  two  empires  it  was  the  Arabian  which  still  re- 
tained the  greater  unity,  allowing  for  the  vast  extent  of  its 
territory.  It  preserved,  for  a  time  at  least,  unity  of  govern- 
ment, of  religion,  of  law  and  of  language,  a  unity  which  was 
prescribed  in  the  Koran.  Charlemagne's  empire  had  unity 
of  religion  and  government  only,  and  no  unity  of  language 
and  laws.  The  Gallo-Romans  and  the  Italians  spoke  the 
Roman  language  with  various  modifications  ;  the  Germans, 
the  Teutonic  languages.  Charlemagne  allowed  the  Lom- 
bards and  the  Saxons  to  keep  their  own  laws  ;  the  Salian 
Franks,  the  Ripuarians,  the  Alemanni,  and  the  Bavarians 
had  also  kept  theirs. 

139 


140         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLING/AN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

Charlemagne  had  allowed  them  to  retain,  besides  their 
own  laws,  their  nationalities,  or,  if  that  is  too  strong  an 
expression  for  the  time,  he  had  at  least  not  destroyed  the 
national  characteristics  and  the  love  of  independence  pos- 
sessed by  each  of  the  tribes  gathered  together  in  his  empire. 
These  tribes  had  not  mixed  or  merged  in  each  other  ;  they 
were  simply  held  together  by  Charlemagne's  force  of  will 
and  strong  administration,  and  this  bond  was  their  only 
union.  When  the  bond  was  broken  by  Charlemagne's  death, 
and  his  feeble  successor  found  himself  incapable  of  renew- 
ing it,  the  union  was  dissolved  and  the  nations  all  separated. 
But  the  revolution  did  not  take  place  without  a  struggle,  for 
unity  had  its  partisans  ;  and,  moreover,  those  who  demol- 
ished Charlemagne's  great  structure  did  not  know  what  to 
do  with  its  materials  or  upon  what  plan  to  build  up  the 
Europe  of  the  future.  Hence  the  confusion,  hesitations, 
and  divisions  of  the  time. 

The  private  ambitions  of  the  princes  of  the  imperial 
family  assisted  in  the  general  dismemberment,  while  the 
ambition  of  the  great  proprietors  and  imperial  governors 
encouraged  the  tendency  toward  a  minute  division. 

In  this  conflict,  the  Church  usually  upheld  the  cause  of 
unity  ;  nevertheless,  as  the  ecclesiastical  aristocracy  had  in 
general  the  same  interests  as  the  lay  aristocracy,  we  see  the 
bishops  also  in  the  party  favoring  division. 

Of  the  tribes,  only  one  demanded  unity — the  Austrasians, 
who  had  triumphed  with  the  Carolingians,  and  who  in  the 
hands  of  Charlemagne  had  borne  the  imperial  sceptre,  the 
symbol  of  his  power.  The  others,  the  Gallo-Romans  of  the 
West  and  the  Teutons  of  the  East,  demanded  independence 
and  the  abolition  of  the  imperial  unity  which  commemorated 
their  defeat.*  "  The  greatness  of  Charles's  glory,"  said  the 
monk  of  St.  Gall,  "  had  led  the  Gauls,  the  Aquitanians,  the 
Burgundians,  the  Alemanni,  and  the  Bavarians  to  boast  of 
being  called  the  subjects  of  the  Franks,  as  if  it  were  a  great 
distinction."  When  Charlemagne  and  his  glory  departed, 
all  that  lent  their  servitude  a  semblance  of  honor  departed 
with  him. 

Charlemagne's  successor,  Louis  the  Pious,  did  not  con- 


*  This  paragraph  must  not  be  understood  to  imply  any  conscious  move- 
ment for  national  independence  following  on  the  death  of  Charlemagne, 
but  rather  the  unconscious  tendency  of  things. — Ed. 


Chap.  X.]  LOUIS  THE  PIOUS.  141 

tribute  anything  to  restore  the  vanishing  glory.  His  good- 
ness, his  virtues,  the  purity  of  his  life,  the  efforts  he  made 
Louis  the  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign  to  banish 
Pious  (814-840).  from  the  court  the  loose  morality  which 
division  of  \he  Charlemagne  had  allowed  to  prevail  there,  and 
Empire.  ^q  restore  discipline  among   the  monks   and 

the  secular  clergy,  were  indeed  worthy  of  praise,  but  he 
lacked  the  firmness  necessary  to  sustain  his  authority. 
From  the  beginning  he  showed  a  deference  toward  the 
Pope  which  Charlemagne  would  have  considered  excessive. 
He  allowed  Stephen  IV.  (816)  to  have  himself  elected  and 
take  possession  of  the  pontificate,  without  awaiting  his  con- 
sent, and  was  satisfied  with  tardy  excuses  from  the  Pope  ; 
when  Stephen  came  to  France  he  allowed  him  to  consecrate 
him,  and  to  pronounce  the  following  words,  which  showed 
the  tendency  of  the  Holy  See  to  lay  claim  to  the  imperial 
crown  in  order  to  gain  uncontrolled  disposal  of  it  :  "  Peter 
is  proud  to  bestow  this  gift  upon  you,  because  you  sustain 
him  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  just  rights."  The  papacy  was 
already  preparing  to  free  itself  a  second  time  ;  the  authority 
of  the  Western  Empire  was  to  be  thrown  off  as  that  of  the 
Eastern  Empire  had  been. 

If  Charlemagne  had  considered  it  necessary  to  share  his 
power  with  his  sons,  because  of  the  extent  of  the  empire, 
there  was  certainly  a  much  greater  necessity  for  Louis  the 
Pious  to  do  the  same.  But  the  manner  in  which  he  divided 
his  states  differed  in  no  respect  from  the  division  of  Charle- 
magne himself,  and  did  not  seem  to  call  in  question  or  to 
endanger  the  imperial  unity.  Two  subordinate  kingdoms, 
Aquitaniaand  Bavaria,  were  erected  for  the  second  and  third 
sons  of  the  Emperor,  Pippin  and  Louis  ;  Lothaire,  the  old- 
est, was  admitted  to  a  share  of  the  empire  ;  Pippin  and 
Louis  could  neither  make  war,  nor  conclude  a  treaty,  nor 
give  up  a  town,  without  his  permission.  Bernhard,  King  of 
Italy  and  nephew  of  the  Emperor,  rebelled  against  this 
division  ;  but  he  was  compelled  to  deliver  himself  into  their 
hands  ;  his  eyes  were  put  out,  and  he  died  from  the  effects  of 
this  punishment.     His  kingdom  was  given  to  Lothaire. 

The  tendency  toward  dismemberment,  though  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  yielded  to,  was  checked  by  this  division.  Louis 
at  the  same  time  fought  against  the  impending  internal  divi- 
sions by  trying  to  bring  the  common  freemen  into  direct 
relation   with   the    Emperor   and   to   call  them   back   into 


142         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

political  life,  ground  down,  as  they  were,  more  and  more 
under  the  power  of  the  great  proprietors  and  the  provincial 
governors.  It  was  to  this  end  that  he  exacted  the  oath  di- 
rect of  all  of  them,*  and  that  he  ordained  that  all  should  be 
consulted  with  regard  to  the  new  provisions  added  to  the  law. 

But  these  efforts  were  at  first  poorly  supported,  and  the 
disturbances  on  the  frontiers  of  the  empire  made  it  evi- 
dent that  the  restraint  of  Charlemagne's  strong  hand  had 
been  removed.  The  Norsemen  renewed  their  ravages,  the 
Slavs  crossed  the  Elbe,  the  Avars  rose  in  rebellion  ;  the 
Croats  made  themselves  independent ;  the  Duke  of  Bene- 
ventum  refused  to  pay  tribute  ;  the  Saracens  of  Africa  pil- 
laged Corsica  and  Sardinia,  those  of  Spain  invaded  Septi- 
mania  and  assisted  in  a  revolt  of  the  Gascons,  and  the 
Bretons  made  Morvan  their  king  and  invaded  Neustria. 
It  is  true  that  the  Franks  regained  the  advantage  they 
had  lost  at  most  points ;  especially  in  the  case  of  the 
Bretons,  Morvan  was  killed,  and  Louis  gave  them  another 
duke. 

But  soon  the  miserable  weakness  of  the  Emperor  became 
a  well-known  fact.  "In  822,  he  convoked  a  general  assem- 
bly at  Attigny,  and  there,  before  the  bishops,  abbots,  and 
noblemen  of  his  kingdom,  made  public  confession  of  his 
faults,  and,  of  his  own  accord,  underwent  punishment  for 
all  that  he  had  done  toward  his  nephew  Bernhard,  as  well 
as  toward  others."  When  Theodosius  humiliated  himself 
before  St.  Ambrose  at  Milan,  he  presented  a  noble  specta- 
cle to  the  world,  and  rose  again  stronger  than  he  had  been 
before,  after  the  public  avowal  of  his  fault.  Louis  left 
Attigny  with  his  power  diminished  and  debased,  because  it 
was  a  political  body — a  rival  authority  to  his  own — that  had 
given  him  absolution.  After  that  every  one  knew  how  far 
it  was  safe  to  go  with  such  a  man. 

His  second  wife,  whom  he  married  in  819,  was  Judith, 

the  beautiful  and   learned  daughter  of  a  Bavarian  chief ; 

,     ^  ^       by  her  he  had  a  son,  whom  he  named  Charles 

Revolt  of  the       /„       \  t      t   i  i  it-.  j 

sons  of  Louis  (823).  Judith  cxcrtcd  ovcr  the  Emperor  and 
the  Pious.  ^|^g   empire   an    influence  which    she    shared 

with  her  favorite,  Bernard,  Count  of  Barcelona,  who  was 
of  a  clever  and  intriguing  turn  of  mind.  In  829  she  in- 
sisted upon  her  husband's  giving  a  part  of  his  dominion  to 


This  was  always  the  practice  under  all  the  Frankish  kings. — Ed, 


Chap.  X.]  LOUIS  THE  PIOUS.  I43 

the  son  she  had  borne  him  ;  and,  accordingly,  at  the 
assembly  of  Worms  (829),  Louis  converted  Alemannia, 
Rhaetia,  Alsace,  and  a  part  of  Burgundy,  into  a  sub- 
ordinate government    for  his  son  Charles. 

This  division  caused  ill-feeling  among  Louis's  elder  sons, 
who  considered  themselves  wronged  by  it,  and  among  the 
partisans  of  unity,  who  saw  the  basis  of  817  disturbed  ;  the 
nobles  joined  with  all  the  dissatisfied  elements  in  the  hope 
of  overthrowing  the  influence  of  Judith  and  of  Bernard,  who 
was  trying  to  lessen  their  consideration  in  the  State.  The 
revolt  broke  out  during  an  expedition  against  the  Bretons, 
who  had  regained  their  independence.  Lothaire,  Pippin  of 
Aquitania,  and  Louis  of  Bavaria  took  up  arms  against  their 
father,  made  him  prisoner,  and  confined  him  in  a  monas- 
tery at  Compiegne,  in  the  hope  that  the  monks  would 
induce  him  to  embrace  the  monastic  life  of  his  own  accord. 
At  the  same  time  they  sent  the  Empress  and  her  son 
Charles  to  a  convent  (830).  The  constitution  of  817  was 
again  confirmed.  Louis  the  Pious,  however,  managed  to 
have  the  general  assembly  of  the  nation,  which  was  to 
legislate  upon  the  new  state  of  affairs,  convened  at  Nim- 
wegen,  in  the  midst  of  the  Germans,  in  whom  he  had  confi- 
dence. His  confidence  was  justified,  for  the  Germans, 
coming  to  the  assembly  in  greater  numbers  than  the  Roman 
Franks  (830),  sustained  his  cause.  A  wily  monk  sowed 
discord  among  the  three  brothers,  and  Louis  the  Pious, 
again  master,  confirmed  the  gift  that  he  had  made  to  his 
youngest  son.*  Li  832  he  did  even  more  than  that ;  tired 
of  the  never-increasing  intrigues  of  Pippin,  he  took  Aqui- 
taine  away  from  him  to  bestow  it  upon  Charles. 

This  was  the  signal  for  a  new  revolt.  The  sons  of  the 
Emperor  marched  against  him,  taking  with  them  Pope 
Gregory  IV.,  who  had  come  to  France  to  defend  the 
division  of  817.  Gregory  was  indeed  an  advocate  of  unity, 
but  of  that  unity  offered  by  the  act  of  817  ;  that  is  to  say, 
he  upheld  the  cause  of  an  emperor  whose  weakness  would 
give  more  strength  to  religious  unity.  The  army  of  Louis 
and  that  of  his  sons  met  in  the  plain  of  Rothfeld,  near 
Colmar,   in    Alsace  (833)  ;    his  soldiers  deserted    without 


*  This  was  a  new  division,  differing  somewhat  from  that  of  829,  but 
the  details  of  the  numerous  divisions  of  this  reign  are  of  little  impor- 
tance.— Ed. 


144         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLLNGIAN  EMPIRE.    [Book  IV. 

striking  a  blow,  and  this  act  of  treachery  gave  the  place 
its  name  of  Liigenfeld,  the  Field  of  Lies. 

The  conquerors  insulted  the  age  and  dignity  of  their 
father  by  subjecting  him  to  public  disgrace.  He  was 
obliged  to  read  in  public,  in  the  Church  of  St.  Medard  of 
Soissons,  a  long  recital  of  his  faults,  in  which  he  accused 
himself  of  having  exposed  the  people  to  perjury  and  the 
State  to  murder  and  pillage,  by  making  new  divisions  in 
the  empire  and  by  provoking  civil  war;  after  which  the 
bishops,  with  great  solemnity,  removed  his  military  belt  and 
gave  him  the  dress  of  a  penitent. 

This  humiliation  of  the  empire,  in  the  Emperor's  per- 
son, gave  Louis  a  party  to  uphold  his  cause.  His  pious 
resignation  and  the  revolting  harshness  of  his  sons  excited 
the  compassion  of  the  people.  His  sons,  moreover,  agreed 
no  better  than  before.  Louis  and  Pippin  were  not  willing  to 
be  despoiled  for  the  sake  of  Charles,  neither  were  they 
willing  to  obey  Lothaire,  who  aimed  to  maintain  the  unity 
of  imperial  command  ;  and  they  found  a  sure  support  in 
the  reluctance  of  their  people  to  remain  in  the  empire. 
They,  therefore,  released  Louis  from  the  monastery  where 
he  was  held  by  Lothaire,  and  gave  him  back  his  power 
(835)  ;  but  he  would  not  resume  the  insignia  of  office,  after 
his  public  penance,  until  he  had  received  the  permission  of 
the  bishops. 

When  the  Emperor  emerged  from  the  cloister,  for  which 
he  was  well  fitted,  he  relapsed  into  his  old  faults.  His 
blind  preference  for  his  youngest-born  made  him  forget 
that  the  cause  of  all  his  misfortunes  had  been  the  division 
that  he  had  made  during  his  lifetime  between  his  sons.  In 
837  he  formed  a  new  kingdom  in  the  north  of  France  for 
Charles.  When  Pippin,  King  of  Aquitania,  died,  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  the  children  he  left  were  robbed  and  their 
kingdom,  too,  was  given  to  Charles.  Then  Louis  the  Ger- 
man, and  Lothaire,  whose  kingdoms  were  reduced,  the  one 
to  Bavaria,  the  other  to  Italy,  took  up  arms.  In  order  to 
avoid  fighting  with  them  both  at  once,  the  Emperor  entered 
into  negotiations  with  Lothaire  (839).  He  gave  to  Lothaire 
all  the  provinces  to  the  east  of  the  Meuse,  the  Jura  moun- 
tains, and  the  Rhone,  together  with  the  title  of  Emperor; 
the  western  provinces  he  allotted  to  Judith's  son  ;  Bavaria 
to  Louis  the  German.  The  latter,  with  all  Germany  to 
uphold  him,  rebelled  against  the  injustice  of  the  division ; 


Chap.  X.]  THE  TREATY  OF  VERDUN.  145 

and  the  old  Emperor  spent  his  last  days  in  this  unrighteous 
warfare.  He  died  near  Mainz,  on  the  Rhine.  *'  I  pardon 
him,"  he  said  to  the  bishops  who  were  interceding  for  the 
rebel,  "but  let  him  know  that  he  has  killed  me." 

The  Middle  Ages  were  more  affected  by  his  virtues  as  a 
man  than  by  his  faults  as  a  prince,  and  they  have  been  full 
of  indulgence  toward  the  memory  of  the  pious  and  good- 
natured  Louis. 

Lothaire  succeeded  Louis  the  Pious  as  Emperor.     On  his 

accession  he  claimed  the  rights  of  imperial  authority  and 

wished  to  exact  the  oath  direct  from  all  free 

F^fenay%4°n     "^^"'  ^vcn  in  the  states  of  his  two  brothers. 

treaty  of  Ver-     Charlcs  IL  (the  Bald),  ioined  Louis  the  Ger- 

dun(843).  •  >  ^-  ^u  i    •  A 

man  in  resistmg  these  claims,  and  even  in 
fighting  against  them,  while  Lothaire  found  an  ally  in  Pippin 
II. ,  whose  ambition  it  was  to  recover  Aquitania  from  Charles 
the  Bald.  After  several  vain  attempts  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment, a  great  battle  was  fought  at  Fontenay,  near  Auxerre, 
(841).  All  the  nations  of  the  empire  took  part  in  this  gen- 
eral affray  except  the  Gascons,  the  Goths  of  Septimania,  and 
the  Bretons.  Lothaire  came  leading  the  Italians,  the  Aqui- 
tanians,  and  the  Austrasians ;  Louis  led  the  Germans,  and 
Charles,  the  Neustrians  and  the  Burgundians.  Forty  thou- 
sand of  the  army  of  Lothaire,  who  was  defeated,  are  said  to 
have  perished,  and  this  great  loss  of  life  among  the  freemen 
was  felt  throughout  the  Frankish  countries,  which  were  thus 
deprived  of  their  defenders  at  the  very  moment  when  they 
were  threatened  by  the  Norse  invasion.  Several  days  after 
the  council  of  Tauricum,  which  was  held  near  the  field  of 
battle,  decided  that  the  judgment  of  God  had  been  pro- 
nounced on  the  plains  of  Fontenay.  But  Lothaire  still  re- 
fused to  accept  this  judgment,  and  the  two  brothers  united 
to  force  it  upon  him.  They  met  between  Basel  and  Strass- 
burg,  and  in  the  presence  of  their  armies  took  an  oath  of 
alliance,  which  Louis  the  German  pronounced  in  the 
Roman  language  of  the  West  Franks  before  the  soldiers 
of  Charles  the  Bald,  and  Charles  pronounced  in  the  Ger- 
man language  before  those  of  Louis  (842).  Louis's  oath 
is  the  earliest  monument  we  possess  of  the  French  lan- 
guage. 

Finally  Lothaire  yielded  and  contented  himself  with  a 
third  of  the  empire,  "  with  something  over  and  above,  due 
to  his  name  of  Emperor."     The  treaty  of  Verdun   (843) 


146         FALL  OF  TLIE  CAROLLNGLAN  EMPLRE.     [Book  IV. 

sanctioned  this  arrangement  by  ordering  a  division  of  the 
Carolingian  empire  into  three  parts. 

Lothaire  received,  with  the  title  of  Emperor,  the  whole  of 
Italy  as  far  as  the  duchy  of  Beneventum,  and  the  country 
lying  between  the  Alps  and  the  North  Sea  along  the  Rhine, 
a  long  strip  of  territory  separating  the  states  of  his  two 
brothers.  The  boundary  lines  of  this  kingdom  were  com- 
plicated :  the  western  boundary  was  a  line  following  the 
Rhone  from  its  mouth  as  far  as  Ardeche,  then  following 
the  Cevennes  as  far  as  the  heights  of  Macon,  then  the  Saone, 
then  the  mountains  of  Argonne,  passing  to  the  right  of  the 
Ardennes,  and  finally  the  Scheldt,  as  far  as  its  mouth  ;  the 
eastern  boundary  started  at  Istria,  skirted  the  eastern  Alps, 
and  followed  the  Rhine,  leaving  on  the  right  hand  the  towns 
and  territories  of  Worms,  Spyer,  and  Mainz,  in  order  to 
give  some  vineyard  land  to  the  King  of  Germany,  and  cross- 
ing the  river  a  little  lower  down,  joined  the  Weser  near  its 
mouth. 

All  the  territory  to  the  west  of  this  was  given  to  Charles 
the  Bald.  France  thus  lost  for  the  first  time  her  natural 
limits,  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps,  which  she  has  not  yet  en- 
tirely recovered.* 

All  the  east  was  given  to  Louis  the  German. 

In  this  division,  so  different  from  the  Merovingian  divi- 
sions, we  see  the  first  marking  off  of  the  two  modern 
nationalities,  France  and  Germany.  Lothaire's  part  was  the 
only  one  that  had  a  temporary  existence  :  the  other  two 
states  soon  fell  to  disputing  over  its  fragments. f  Yet  we 
can  readily  conceive  that  many  intelligent  men  of  that  time 
groaned  over  the  fate  of  the  great  empire  of  Charlemagne 
now  fallen  to  earth  and  broken  on  the  field  of  Fontenay. 
"  A  beautiful  empire,"  said  the  deacon  Florus,  a  Latin  poet 
of  the  day,  "  a  beautiful  empire  flourished  under  a  brilliant 
diadem  ;  there  was  but  one  prince  and  one  people.  .  .  .  The 
Frankish  nation  shone  with  a  brilliant  light  before  the  eyes 
of  the  whole  world.  Foreign  kingdoms,  tlie  Greeks,  the  Bar- 
barians, and  the  Senate  of  Latium,  all  sent  their  embassies 


*  There  was  of  course  at  that  time  no  such  thing  as  France,  in  the 
modern  sense  of  the  name,  and  no  really  P'rench  nation  ever  possessed 
the  Rhine  and  the  Alps  as  its  natural  frontiers. — Ed. 

f  And  have  continued  to  dispute  over  them  down  to  the  present  mo- 
ment.— Ed. 


Chap.  X.]  THE   TREATY  OF  VERDUN,  147 

thither.  The  race  of  Romulus,  Rome  herself,  the  mother 
of  kingdoms,  had  bowed  down  to  this  nation  ;  it  was  there, 
in  Rome,  that  its  chief,  sustained  by  the  aid  of  Christ,  had 
received  the  diadem  by  apostolic  gift.  Happy,  if  it  had 
only  known  its  happiness,  was  the  empire  which  had  Rome 
for  its  citadel  and  the  bearer  of  the  keys  of  heaven  for  its 
founder.  Fallen  now,  this  great  power  has  lost  at  once  its 
glory  and  the  name  of  empire  ;  the  kingdom,  once  firmly 
united,  is  divided  into  three  portions  ;  there  is  no  longer 
any  one  who  can  be  called  emperor;  instead  of  a  king,  we 
have  only  a  kinglet,  and  instead  of  a  kingdom,  a  mere  frag- 
ment of  a  kingdom." 


CHAPTER    XI. 

FINAL   DESTRUCTION    OF   THE    CAROLINGIAN   EMPIRE 

(845-887). 


Internal  Discords  ;  Vain  effort  of  the  Sons  of  Louis  the  Pious  to  recon- 
stitute the  Empire. — Division  of  the  royal  Authority  ;  Heredity  of 
Benefices  and  of  Offices. — Louis  the  Stammerer  (877).  Louis  III,, 
and  Karlmann  (879)  ;  Charles  the  Fat  (884). 


In  the  year  843,  we  have  only  reached  the  end  of  the  first 

act  of  the  drama  of  the  dismemberment  of  the  CaroUngian 

Internal  dis-     empire.     The  tcrms  of  the  treaty  of  Verdun 

cords;   vain     vvcrc  indeed  sanctioned  by  posterity,  but  only 

efforts  to  rccon- 

struct  the  em-  after  having  been  contested  during  the  forty- 
P*""^-  four   years    (843-887)    that  the    Carolingian 

family  remained  supreme  on  the  throne  ;  until  then,  in  spite 
of  weakness,  the  Carolingians  aspired  to  keep  the  whole  of 
western  Europe  united  in  a  single  empire,  and  could  not 
make  up  their  minds  to  sacrifice  the  cherished  hopes  of 
Charlemagne.  The  final  dismemberment  did  not  take  place 
till  the  downfall  of  their  house. 

The  internal  struggles  redoubled,  in  the  midst  of  the 
general  breaking  up  that  was  going  on  ;  but  these  struggles 
were  rather  between  the  sovereign  and  the  great  nobles  of 
each  country,  than  between  the  groups  of  peoples.  The  aris- 
tocracy and  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church  acted  in  concert, 
and  renewed  their  encroachments  upon  the  central  power 
which  had  been  checked  by  the  iron  hand  of  the  first  three 
Carolingians.  The  nobles  encroached  in  two  directions. 
As  holders  of  royal  lands,  they  again  began  to  dispute  with 
the  king  the  heredity  of  their  benefices,  and  as  officers  of 
the  sovereign  power  they  raised  new  pretensions,  those  of 
making  the  offices  which  had  been  entrusted  to  them  in  the 
provinces  hereditary,  and  of  appropriating  to  themselves 
whatever  of  the  royal  authority  had  been  delegated  to  them. 
The  bishops,  on  their  side,  profited  by  the  submissive  and 
humble  piety  of  the  family  of  Louis  the  Pious  to  qonstitute 

148 


Chap.  XL]  ITS  FINAL  DESTRUCTION.  149 

themselves  judges  of  the  conduct  of  the  kings,  and  to  keep 
them  ui  a  subjection  which,  if  they  had  really  succeeded  in 
establishing  it,  would  have  given  rise  in  France  to  an  almost 
theocratic  rule. 

In  the  midst  of  the  struggle,  born  of  the  events  and  the 
legislation  of  the  times,  the  kingdoms  called  into  being  by 
the  empire  became  more  and  more  incapable  of  defending 
themselves  against  attacks  from  without.  The  Norsemen 
at  the  north  and  the  west,  the  Saracens  at  the  south  in  Italy, 
Provence,  and  the  Alps,  and  later  the  Hungarians  at  the 
east,  ravaged  with  impunity  the  country  from  which  Charle- 
magne had  so  often  emerged  to  strike  terrible  blows  at  the 
barbarians,  and  from  which  Louis  the  Pious  had  still  suc- 
ceeded in  repulsing  them,  but  where  henceforth  feeble  kings 
allowed  them  to  encroach. 

It  would  have  seemed  that  the  division  of  Verdun,  by 
limiting  the  authority  of  each  sovereign  to  a  smaller  extent 
of  territory,  would  at  least  have  made  this  authority  stronger 
and  more  secure  in  all  the  parts  of  the  country  where  it  did 
exist,  but  this  was  not  the  case. 

In  France,  Charles  the  Bald  did  not  really  reign  over 
Brittany,  Aquitaine,  or  Septimania.  The  Bretons  set  up  a 
virtually  independent  kingdom.  William,  son  of  Bernard, 
defeated  the  army  which  was  sent  against  Septimania,  and 
fickle  Aquitaine,  over  which  he  wished  to  make  his  son  king, 
first  recognized  Pippin  II.,  then  summoned  a  son  of  Louis 
the  German  to  the  throne,  then  accepted  the  son  of  Charles, 
and  finally  returned  to  Pippin.  The  latter,  in  order  to  have 
more  strength  for  resistance,  allied  himself  with  the  Norse- 
men and  adopted  their  religion,  and  united  with  them  in  all 
their  devastations  up  to  864,  when  he  was  made  prisoner  and 
tried  by  the  council  of  Pitres.  Charles  then  succeeded  in 
enforcing  his  authority  and  in  securing  the  recognition  of 
his  son,  but  only  by  placing  him  under  the  guardianship  of 
the  great  nobles,  the  real  masters  of  the  country. 

In  Germany,  Louis  the  German  suffered  the  same  fate 
which  he  had  inflicted  on  his  father  :  he  passed  his  life  in 
putting  down  the  rebellions  raised  by  his  sons.  Neverthe- 
less he  also  gained  several  victories  over  the  barbarians 
who  were  crowding  up  against  his  frontiers,  and  began  the 
military  organization  of  Germany. 

In  Italy  Lothaire  struggled  in  vain  against  the  dukes 
of  Naples  and  of  Beneventum,  who  called  the  Moors  of 


150         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.    [Book  IV. 

Africa  and  of  Spain  to  their  aid,  and  even  at  the  heart  of 
the  Peninsula  he  came  into  conflict  with  the  pretensions  of 
the  Holy  See  and  of  the  Roman  aristocracy.  Disgusted 
with  the  world,  he  retired  to  the  abbey  of  Prum,  in  the 
midst  of  the  Ardennes,  where  he  died.  It  bodes  ill  for  the 
power  of  the  crown,  when  the  king  shuts  himself  up  in  a 
cloister.  Lothaire  had  divided  his  states  between  his  three 
sons  :  Louis  II.,  who  had  Italy  and  the  title  of  Emperor ; 
Charles,  who  had  the  country  of  Provence,  between  the 
Alps  and  the  Rhone  ;  and  Lothaire  II.,  who  had  Lotha- 
ringia  (Lorraine),  the  country  between  the  Meuse  and  the 
Rhine.  The  King  of  Provence  died  in  863,  and  his 
brothers  divided  his  states.  A  few  years  later,  on  the 
death  of  Lothaire  II.,  after  the  scandalous  affair  of  his 
double  marriage,  where  the  Pope  interfered  with  such 
arrogance,  but  with  such  success,  Charles  hastened  again 
to  Metz  to  seize  Lotharingia.  But  Louis  the  German 
arrived  with  a  superior  force,  and  compelled  him  to  con- 
sent to  a  new  division  (870). 

These  princes,  like  the  last  Merovingians,  were  short- 
lived. The  Emperor  Louis  II.  died  in  875.  He  had  driven 
the  Saracens  from  Bari,  but  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bene- 
ventins.  His  death  left  two  thrones  vacant ;  that  of  the 
empire  and  that  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  Two  old  men, 
who  were  each  on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  disputed  the  suc- 
cession. Charles  the  Bald  was  quicker  than  Louis  the 
German,  and  was  successful  in  gaining  the  title  of  Em- 
peror. 

Louis  the  German  died  the  following  year.  Charles  the 
Bald  attempted  to  despoil  his  nephews,  Karlmann,  Louis, 
and  Charles  the  Fat,  of  their  three  kingdoms  of  Bavaria, 
Saxony,  and  Swabia,  and  so  to  reconstruct  the  empire  of 
Charlemagne,  though  he  was  not  even  able  to  defend  Rouen 
against  the  Norsemen.  He  was  defeated  by  Louis  of  Sax- 
ony, and  Karlmann  invaded  Italy.  When  preparing  to 
repel  them,  he  encountered  opposition  from  the  great  nobles 
of  his  own  kingdom.  He  was  therefore  obliged  to  fly  be- 
fore Karlmann,  and  died  on  his  retreat  (877).  Karlmann 
of  Ikivaria  was  crowned    King  of  Italy. 

Thus  the  career  of  the  King  of  France  was  ended  ;  there 
is  a  melancholy  contrast  between  the  grand  memories  and 
dreams  of  this  heir  of  Cliarlemagne,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
on  the  other  his  complete  impotence  in  enforcing  obedi- 


J 


Chap.  XI.]  ITS  FINAL  DESTRUCTION.  151 

ence  from  his  nobles  who,  in  perfect  safety,  refused  him 
even  military  service,  the  first  and  most  essential  obligation 
of  all  vassals  toward  their  sovereign. 

This  was  really  the  result  of  the  revolution   which  was 

going  on,  and  in  which  the  noble,  who  had  in  fact  become 

,    independent  of  the  king,  stood   between  him 

Heredity      of  -i     i  •         i      /•  ^  ■  i      i      • 

benefices  and  and  the  Simple  freemen,  and  mtcrccpted  their 
°*''*^^^'  allegiance.        During   this  whole  period    the 

earlier  custom  of  "commending"  themselves  to  a  power- 
ful chief  had  been  in  use  among  the  small  proprietors,  who 
were  too  weak  to  defend  themselves  from  violence.*  This 
custom  became  general  and  the  earlier  Carolingian  kings 
contributed  to  make  it  so,  by  recognizing  the  right  of  every 
freeman  to  choose  himself  a  lord,  but  on  the  condition  of 
remaining  faithful  also  to  themselves.  They  may  have 
expected  in  this  way  to  give  greater  security  to  the  state, 
and  to  prevent  a  return  of  the  condition  of  violence  and 
anarchy  which  had  prevailed  under  the  Merovingian  kings, 
throughout  the  whole  of  Gaul.  But  in  working  to  establish 
order,  they  were  really  working  against  their  own  authority, 
or  rather  against  the  authority  of  their  own  successors  ;  for 
the  power  of  the  first  Carolingians  was  unassailable.  In 
order  to  overcome  the  disadvantages  of  this  method  of 
"commendation,"  and  to  reap  only  good  results  from  it, 
a  direct  oath  had  been  exacted  from  all  freemen  who  be- 
came vassals  of  any  lord.  This  practice  was  continued  by 
the  later  kings,  but  it  became  merely  a  reminder  of  a  van- 
ished power.  The  edict  of  Mersen  in  847  regulated  these 
affairs  :  "  Every  free  man,  it  said,  shall  be  able  to  choose 
a  lord  for  himself,  either  the  king  or  one  of  his  vassals,  and 
in  ordinary  wars  vassals  may  appear  in  the  field  under  the 
command  of  their  lords." 

These  freemen  had  now  nothing  to  do  with  any  one  but 
their  own  lord,  and  no  longer  knew  more  than  the  name  of 


*  The  poor  man  going  to  his  rich  and  powerful  neighbor  confessed  his 
inability  to  supply  his  own  wants  or  to  defend  himself,  and  begged  to  be 
taken  under  the  protection  of  the  strong  man,  offering  in  return  his  per- 
sonal services  or  surrendering  the  ownership  of  his  lands,  which,  however, 
he  would  receive  back  again  as  a  tenant  of  his  neighbor,  now  become 
his  lord.  Beginning  in  the  times  of  confusion  at  the  fall  of  the  Roman 
•Empire,  this  custom  of  "commendation  "  continued  through  the  whole 
feudal  period,  and  aided  greatly  in  the  formation  of  the  great  feudal  do- 
mains.— Ep, 


152         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

the  royal  authority,  with  which  they  never  came  into  con- 
tact. As  those  freemen  who  put  themselves  under  the  pro- 
tection of  others  were  generally  land-owners,  soon  the 
land,  which  is  permanent,  came  to  be  more  considered  than 
the  men  themselves,  who  pass  away.  Thus  not  only  did 
the  weak  man  look  for  protection  to  the  great  noble,  but 
also  the  small  field  to  the  great  domain ;  certain  formali- 
ties symbolized  this  new  relation,  as  when  the  small  pro- 
prietor gave  into  the  hand  of  the  great  a  clod  of  earth  or 
a  branch  of  a  tree  to  indicate  the  change  of  ownership. 
These  were  the  earlier  stages  of  the  growth  of  the  feudal 
system.* 

Charlemagne  once  wrote  to  his  son  Louis,  King  of  Aqui- 
taine,  to  reproach  him  for  not  having  taken  more  pains  to 
attach  his  subjects  to  him  by  presents  and  grants  of  land, 
and  alluding  to  his  son's  piety  with  delicate  irony  said  : 
"  You  give  nothing  but  your  benediction,  and  that  only 
when  it  is  asked  for  ;  this  is  not  enough."  The  King  of 
Aquitaine  responded  to  him  that  he  had  nothing  more  to 
give,  as  his  vassals  refused  to  give  back  the  benefices  they 
had  once  received,  and  insisted  on  transmitting  them  to 
their  heirs.  Charlemagne  replied  that  he  must  not  allow 
this  usurpation  of  the  royal  domains,  but  must  get  them  back 
from  the  usurpers  ;  however,  as  a  prudent  sovereign  and 
kind  father,  he  did  not  wish  to  compromise  his  son's  popu- 
larity, and  undertook  himself  a  task  which  would  have  been 
dangerous  enough  for  any  one  else.  Agents  sent  in  his 
name  forced  the  holders  to  give  up  the  domains  which 
they  had  illegally  retained.  This  story  illustrates  very  well 
the  revolution  which  was  taking  place  in  these  times.  The 
obstacles  which  Charlemagne  was  able  to  overcome  were 
insurmountable  for  his  weak  successors.  Under  them  the 
heredity  of  benefices  gained  the  authority  of  an  established 
custom. 

It  was  the  same  in  the  case  of  the  heredity  of  the  ofifices 
and  titles  of  duke,  count,  etc.,  to  which  were  attached  an 
authority  delegated  by  the  crown,  and  which  was  all  the 
more  extended  because  the  kings,  and  Charlemagne  first  of 


*  Considerable  liberty  has  been  taken  with  the  text  of  the  last  two  par- 
agraphs. It  must  be  kept  in  mind  also  that  the  forms  and  practices 
here  described  reach  back  into  much  earlier  times,  and  that  they  are  de- 
veloped only,  not  originated  under  the  Carolirgians. — Eu, 


Chap.  XL]  ITS  FINAL  DESTRUCTION.  153 

all,  hoped  to  strengthen  their  own  power  by  giving  larger 
powers  to  their  agents.  But  Charlemagne  kept  as  careful 
a  watch  over  the  encroachments  on  the  offices  as  on  the 
benefices,  and  checked  the  growing  independence  of  the 
counts  ;  we  see  him  in  his  Capitularies  continually  restrain- 
ing their  crafty  attempts  to  retain  their  appointments,  rebuk- 
ing their  negligence,  and  never  allowing  them  to  forget  that 
he  was  their  master.  To  keep  them  in  better  control  he 
avoided  making  them  too  powerful,  and  never  gave  more 
than  one  county  to  any  one  person.*  His  successors  aban- 
doned this  wise  and  vigilant  method.  In  the  ordinary 
course  of  events  what  had  been  abuses  passed  first  into 
customs,  then  came  to  have  the  force  of  laws,  and  in  the 
famous  Capitulary  of  Kiersy-sur-Oise,  promulgated  by 
Charles  the  Bald  in  877,  to  persuade  his  nobles  to  follow 
him  across  the  mountains,  he  implicitly  recognized,  at  least 
as  an  established  custom,  the  right  of  the  son  of  a  benefic- 
iary to  receive  the  benefice,  and  of  the  son  of  a  count  to 
receive  the  county,  at  his  father's  death. 

The  great  nobles  had  powerful  allies  in  the  bishops,  who, 
starting  with  the  right  of  interference  either  to  correct  or 
punish  the  actions  of  all  men,  "  who  are  prone  to  error," 
came  logically  to  .claim  the  right  of  deposing  kings  and 
disposing  of  their  crowns. 

In  858,  the  nobles  and  bishops  with  Wenilo,  Archbishop 
of  Sens,  prominent  among  them,  after  having  summoned 
Charles  to  respect  the  Capitularies  signed  in  their  favor, 
resolved  to  depose  him,  and  called  Louis  the  German  to  his 
throne.  Charles  fled  and  demanded  the  protection  of  the 
Pope.  Some  time  later,  a  movement  in  his  favor  allowed 
him  to  return  to  his  states,  and  he  complained  to  the  pub- 
lic assembly  of  the  boldness  of  Wenilo  and  the  bishops,  in 
the  following  terms  :  "  Wenilo,  according  to  his  own  choice 
and  that  of  the  other  bishops  and  the  nobles  of  the  king- 
dom, consecrated  me  as  king,  following  the  traditions  of 
the  Church.  After  that  I  could  not  be  removed  from  the 
throne  by  any  one,  at  least  without  having  been  heard  by 
the  bishops  who  consecrated  me  as  king,  and  who  are  the 
thrones  of  the  Divine  Spirit.  I  have  always  been  prompt 
to  submit  to  their  paternal  corrections,  and  am  so  still." 
Hincmar,  the  great  bishop  of  Rheims,  a  defender  of  the  royal 

*  This  is  not  absolutely  without  exception. — Ed. 


JS4        FALL  OF  THE  CAFOLINGIAN'  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

authority  and  one  who  was  concerned  in  all  the  principal 
affairs  of  the  times,  wrote  that  "  kings  are  subject  to  no  one, 
if  they  govern  according  to  the  will  of  God  ;  but  if  they  are 
adulterers,  homicides,  or  ravishers,  they  should  be  judged 
by  the  bishops."  It  was  certainly  right  that  the  kings 
should  feel  under  some  restraint,  and  should  have  to  give 
an  account  of  their  actions  to  some  moral  power  here  on 
earth.  But  this  accountability  of  the  royal  authority  devel- 
oped into  servitude,  and  the  institution  of  monarchy  was 
shattered  to  its  foundations. 

It  was  in  this  deplorable  state  that  Charles  the  Bald  left 
the  kingdom  of  France  to  his  son  Louis  II.,  called  the 
Stammerer  (877).  His  reign  and  those  of 
sta°m  merer  ^is  two  successors,  his  SOUS  Louis  III.  and 
1^,?^^-  i"S."',®  Karlmann  (870),  were  uneventful.  The  two 
ma'nn  (879).  latter,  to  bc  sure,  showed  some  activity 
FaMSs/).^  *^^  against  the  Norsemen,  whom  they  defeated 
several  times,  especially  at  Saucourt  in  Vi- 
meu.  But  these  victims  knew  no  other  means  of  holding 
Hastings  in  check  than  by  granting  him  the  county  of  Char- 
tres,  and  they  were  unable  to  prevent  Boso,  who  had  as- 
sumed the  title  of  King  of  Aries  and  of  Provence,  from 
being  crowned  in  an  assembly  of  bishops  ;  moreover,  their 
reign  was  short ;  Louis  died  in  882,  Karlmann  in  884. 

They  left  no  children,  and  the  crown  was  offered  to 
Charles  the  Fat,  the  only  surviving  son  of  Louis  the  Ger- 
man, who  by  the  death  of  his  brothers  (882)  had  united  all 
Germany  with  Italy,  with  the  title  of  Emperor.  When 
France  was  joined  to  these  the  empire  of  Charlemagne, 
with  the  exception  of  the  kingdom  of  Provence,  was  again 
united,  but  only  temporarily  and  for  the  last  time.  The 
master  of  this  vast  empire  was  not  even  able  to  drive  back 
the  Norsemen  who  were  besieging  Paris  ;  this  city  was  de- 
fended by  Eudes,[Odo]  Count  of  Paris,  the  son  of  Robert  the 
Strong,  and  by  the  bishop  Gozlin.  As  for  Charles  the  Fat 
he  only  paid  the  Norsemen  a  sum  of  money  on  condition 
that  they  should  ravage  a  different  part  of  his  states,  the 
valley  of  the  Yonne,  instead  of  the  banks  of  the  Seine. 

His  nobles,  exasperated  by  his  weakness,  deposed  him  at 
the  diet  of  Tribur  (887). 

Seven  kingdoms  were  formed  from  the  final  and  hence- 
forth unchallenged  dismemberment  of  the  empire  :  Italy, 
Germany,  Lorraine,   France,   Navarre,  cisjurian  Burgundy 


Chap.  XI.]  ITS  FINAL  DESTRUCTION.  155 

or  Provence,  and  transjurane  Burgundy  ;  if  we  count  Brit- 
tany and  Aquitaine,  which  existed  in  fact  if  not  in  law,  we 
have  nine  kingdoms.  The  power  of  the  imperial  crown 
declined  in  Italy,  where  petty  princes  disputed  its  posses- 
sion ;  elsewhere,  no  one  could  tell  anything  about  it,  for  no 
real  power  was  attached  to  it.  National  kings  were  chosen 
everywhere  :  Arnulf  in  Germany,  Eudes  Duke  of  France, 
in  France.  The  separate  existence  of  both  these  nations 
dates  from  this  time.  There  was  a  general  tendency  to- 
ward isolation,  and  a  new  era  in  European  history  was 
about  to  begin. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    THIRD    INVASION,  IN    THE    NINTH   AND   TENTH 
CENTURIES. 


The  Norsemen  in  France  and  England. — In  the  Polar  regions  and  in 
Russia. — The  Saracens. — The  Hungarians. — Difference  between 
the  Ninth  century  Invasion  and  those  preceding. 


The  names  of  Norsemen  and  Saracens  have   occurred 

frequently  in  the    foregoing  pages  ;    it  will   be   necessary 

to  retrace  our  steps  for  a  moment  in  order 

^°Framfe"  *"     ^^  ^^^^  ^  correct  idea  of  the  new  invaders, 

who  assailed  the    Carolingian    Empire  of  the 

West  and  were  so  instrumental  in  its  destruction,  just  as,  four 

centuries  earlier,  the  Germans,  the  first  invasion,  had  assailed 

and  ruined  the    Roman  empire  of  the  West  ;  and  as  the 

second   invasion,  the  Arabian,  had  in  the  seventh  century 

robbed  the  Empire  of  the  East  of  half  of  its  provinces. 

This  movement  had  three  separate  starting-points  :  in 
the  north,  in  the  south,  and  in  the  east,  gradually  spreading 
to  the  west  and  enveloping  the  whole  empire.  The  Norse- 
men were  the  first  to  appear. 

After  Charlemagne  had  restored  peace  and  order  in 
Germany,  the  movement  of  invasion,  which  had  tended 
toward  the  Rhine  for  many  centuries,  was  forced  to 
change  its  direction.  Instead  of  keeping  to  the  land,  it 
took  to  the  sea  and  assumed  a  piratical  /;haracter.  The 
men  of  the  North,  Norsemen,  left  their  crowded  Cimbric 
peninsula,  and  in  their  barks  set  out  in  little  fleets  upon  the 
"  pathway  of  the  swans,"  as  the  old  national  poems  ex- 
press it.  Sometimes  they  coasted  along  the  shores  and  lay 
in  wait  for  their  enemies  in  the  straits,  the  bays  and  the  lit- 
tle harbors,  a  habit  wliich  gave  them  the  name  of  Vikings,  or 
Children  of  the  bays  ;  sometimes  they  flew  in  pursuit  across 
the  ocean.  Their  frail  l)oats  were  scattered  and  wrecked  by 
the  fierce  storms  of  the  northern  seas,  and  they  did  not  all 

156 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  157 

rally  again  around  the  vessel  of  their  chief  at  the  signal 
agreed  upon  ;  but  those  of  them  who  survived  their  ship- 
wrecked companions  had  neither  lost  confidence  nor  grown 
anxious  ;  they  laughed  at  the  winds  and  the  floods,  which 
had  not  been  able  to  harm  them  ;  "  The  force  of  the  tem- 
pest," they  sang,  "assists  the  arms  of  our  oarsmen,  the  hur- 
ricane is  at  our  command,  it  casts  us  whithersoever  we 
wish  to  go." — (Augustin  Thierry.) 

It  was  such  men  as  these  who  had  conquered  a  part  of 
Ireland  in  the  seventh  century,  and,  under  the  names  of 
Danes  and  Norwegians,  had  at  different  times  ruled  or 
swayed  England.  Charlemagne  had  seen  them  approach- 
ing the  coasts  of  his  empire.  After  his  death  they  grew 
bolder  and  their  light  craft  hovered  about  the  shores  of 
France.  They  entered  the  mouths  of  the  rivers,  and  went 
far  up  their  streams,  establishing  themselves  there  in  bands 
of  five  or  six  hundred,  and  from  these  naval  stations  they 
overran  the  neighborhood,  pillaging  town  and  country  and 
carrying  their  booty  off  to  sea.  In  this  way  they  seized 
the  islands  of  Walcheren,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt ;  of 
Betau,  between  the  Rhine,  the  Wahal,  and  the  Leek  ;  of 
Ossel,  near  Rouen  ;  of  Her  or  Noirmoutier,  opposite  the 
mouths  of  the  Loire.  In  840  they  burned  Rouen  ;  in  843 
they  pillaged  Nantes,  Saintes,  and  Bordeaux,  and  then 
after  rounding  Spain,  whose  coasts  they  ravaged,  and 
whose  rivers  they  ascended,  laying  waste  their  banks,  they 
advanced,  led  by  their  formidable  chief,  Hastings,  to  at- 
tack Italy  and  to  pillage  Luna,  which  they  mistook  for 
Rome.*  In  845  they  pillaged  the  Abbey  of  St.  Germain 
des  Pres,  at  the  very  gates  of  the  Paris  of  that  day.  In  the 
next  few  years  they  repeatedly  sacked  Saintes  and  Bor- 
deaux ;  in  851  they  ascended  the  Rhine  and  the  Meuse  and 
devastated  their  banks  ;  in  853,  they  captured  Tours  and 
burned  the  abbey  of  St.  Martin  ;  three  years  afterwards 
they  were  seen  at  Orleans.  In  857  they  burned  the 
churches  of  Paris  and  led  away  to  captivity  the  abbot  of 
St.  Denis.  Soon  Meaux  and  La  Brie  were  laid  waste.  In 
864  they  were  seen  at  Toulouse.  They  usually  made  the 
churches  and  abbeys  the  objects  of  their  attacks,  because  it 
was  there  that  all  took  refuge,  and  there  that  everything  of 

*  The  exploits  of  Hastings  are  somewhat  mythical,  this  attack  upon 
Italy  especially  so. — Ed. 


15^        FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

value  was  carried  for  safety.  In  the  midst  of  the  general 
inertia,  one  man  alone  fought  bravely  against  the  invaders, 
namely,  Robert  the  Strong,  to  whom  Charles  the  Bald  had 
given  the  country  lying  between  the  Seine  and  the  Loire, 
which  came  to  be  called  the  Duchy  of  France.  Robert, 
who  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Capetians,  defeated  the  in- 
vaders repeatedly,  and  perished  in  an  encounter  with  them 
at  Brissarthe,  near  Mans  (866).  Charles  then  had  no 
other  resource  but  to  buy  the  retreat  of  the  Norsemen. 
They  willingly  accepted  his  gold  and  went  off  to  ravage 
some  neighboring  province,  while  another  band  came  to 
take  their  place  in  the  province  they  had  left. 

These  devastations  continued  until  the  year  911,  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  Simple.  They  stopped  then,  and  for 
the  same  reason  that  the  earlier  devastations  of  the  Bur- 
gundians,  the  Franks  and  the  Goths  had  ceased,  because  the 
invaders  had  conquered  and  were  settling  in  the  new  coun- 
try. The  Norsemen  grew  tired  of  their  life  of  pillage  ; 
moreover,  having  destroyed  so  much,  there  was  nothing 
left  for  them  to  seize,  and  at  last  they  settled  down  in  the 
places  which  had  become  familiar  to  them  in  their  raids. 
Finally  their  presence  as  enemies  became  so  disastrous 
that  his  nobles  advised  Charles  to  give  up  to  them  a  part 
of  his  territory,  which  they  would  be  interested  in  culti- 
vating when  they  no  longer  regarded  it  as  foreign  land,  but 
their  own  domain.  Charles  accordingly  caused  proposi- 
tions of  this  nature  to  be  laid  before  Rolf,  or  Rollo,  one  of 
the  most  terrible  of  their  chiefs.  They  offered  him  the 
land  lying  between  the  Andelle  and  the  ocean,  with  the 
hand  of  the  king's  daughter  in  marriage,  on  the  condition 
of  his  establishing  himself  there  with  the  title  of  Duke,  of 
rendering  homage  to  Charles,  and  of  embracing  Christ- 
ianity. Rolf  accepted  this  offer,  and  the  treaty  of  St.  Clair- 
sur-Epte  confirmed  the  establishment  of  the  Norsemen  in 
the  country  which  has  taken  their  nam«  (9^i)-  ^^  the  fol- 
lowing year  Rolf  was  baptized,  and  Neustria,  repeopled 
not  only  by  the  Norsemen,  who  were  few  in  number,  no 
doubt,  but  also  by  a  crowd  of  adventurers  who  came  to 
have  a  share  in  the  new  settlement,  was  placed  by  its  dukes 
upon  the  high-road  to  prosperity  and  power.  It  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  the  Norsemen  could  have  treated  those  they 
had  conquered  with  much  kindness  ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
serfdom  soon  disappeared   from    the    soil    of   Normandy^ 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  159 

that  the  life  of  the  husbandman  was  happy  ;  that  agricul- 
ture prospered  ;  that  the  feudal  system  was  more  highly 
organized  there  than  elsewhere  ;  and  that,  in  general, 
under  these  Norman  dukes,  the  province  enjoyed  a  high 
degree  of  prosperity  and  of  civilization. 

The  Norsemen  robbed  France  and  the  Netherlands  of 
their  security  and  of  a  part  of  their  wealth,  but  from 
England  they  took  her  independence  as  well, 
"^iif  Engia^nX"  Thus  far  wc  have  spoken  of  this  country 
only  in  connection  with  the  sufferings  she 
went  through  during  the  first  invasion  in  the  fifth  century, 
because  England,  though  soon  to  interfere  often  in  the 
affairs  of  the  continent,  was  as  yet  leading  the  isolated 
existence  forced  upon  her  by  her  insular  position.  From 
the  time  when  the  Roman  power  had  been  broken  until 
the  moment  when  William  the  Conqueror  brought  the 
British  isles  again  under  continental  dominion,  England's 
relations  with  the  rest  of  Europe  were  slight.  Her  internal 
history  is  also  void  of  interest.  We  need  only  mention  the 
conversion  of  ^thelberht,  King  of  Kent,  to  Christianity 
(596-616),  whose  example  was  gradually  followed  by  the 
other  states  of  the  Saxon  heptarchy. 

In  829,  after  .a  troubled  existence,  these  states  were 
united  under  the  power  of  one  sovereign,  the  King  of  Wes- 
sex,  Ecgberht  the  Great,  who  had  spent  several  years  at  the 
court  of  Charlemagne,  and  had  learned  in  the  school  of  that 
great  master  how  to  reign.  But  England,  like  France  and 
a  part  of  Germany,  was  already  beset  by  this  last  band  of 
invaders  emerging  from  the  two  Cimbric  peninsulas,  the 
Norse  or  Danish  and  the  Scandinavian  pirates.  It  needed 
only  three  days  for  those  bold  lords  of  the  ocean  to  cross 
the  North  Sea  in  their  ships  with  two  sails,  and  to  reach 
the  coasts  of  the  great  island  which  lay  opposite  to  their 
own  country. 

Ecgberht  succeeded  in  repulsing  them  whenever  they 
appeared  during  his  reign.  But,  under  his  successors 
(836-871),  the  Danes  renewed  their  inroads  and  sanguinary 
raids,  and  succeeded  in  establishing  themselves  in  the  north 
of  the  heptarchy,  where  they  occupied  successively  North- 
umberland, East  Anglia,  and  Mercia. 

In  871,  they  encountered  an  unexpected  obstacle — Alfred 
the  Great  ascended  the  throne  in  that  year.  For  seven 
years,  he  succeeded  in  warding  off  the  approach  of  Guth- 


l6o         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Bcok  IV. 

rum,  the  terrible  chief  of  the  Danes,  from  his  states,  which 
included  only  the  southern  and  western  part  of  the  island. 
But  at  the  end  of  that  time  he  could  no  longer  call  forth 
from  his  subjects  the  necessary  zeal  and  devotion  to  con- 
tinue the  hard  struggle.* 

His  extensive  knowledge,  acquired  by  study  and  travel, 
inspired  him  with  a  disdain  for  his  untutored  people  which 
he  could  not  hide  ;  the  tendency  he  showed  toward  des- 
potism, which  he  as  well  as  the  continent  had  derived 
from  Roman  traditions,  wounded  the  independent  spirit  of 
the  Saxon  race.  It  is  also  necessary  to  add  that  this 
people  seemed  to  have  become  enervated,  as  was  the  case 
with  almost  all  the  peoples  who  made  the  first  invasion  into 
the  Roman  Empire.  Even  the  clergy  abandoned  Alfred, 
lest  they  should  share  his  unpopularity.  After  a  vain 
appeal  to  arms,  he  fled  to  the  depths  of  Somersetshire  and 
asked  for  shelter,  according  to  tradition,  without  making 
himself  known,  in  the  house  of  a  poor  wood-cutter,  where 
occurred  the  well-known  incident  of  the  burnt  cakes. 

For  some  months  he  remained  concealed  in  the  forest. 
In  the  mean  time  he  carefully  followed  the  state  of  affairs 
in  the  country,  and  noticing  that  the  depredations  of  the 
foreigners  roused  the  hatred  of  the  Saxons  more  and  more, 
he  watched  for  a  favorable  opportunity  to  act.  He  had 
revealed  his  hiding-place  to  some  of  his  former  companions. 
He  agreed  to  meet  them  at  the  stone  of  Ecgberht,  in  the 
seventh  week  after  Easter.  Guthrum  and  his  Danes  were 
encamped  near  that  place,  at  Ethandune.  Alfred  made 
his  way  as  the  legend  relates  into  the  enemy's  camp, 
disguised  as  a  harper,  and  studied  their  position  ;  then  he 
attacked  and  completely  routed  them.  Guthrum  consented 
to  be  baptized  and  to  withdraw  to  the  north  ;  a  line  was 
drawn  between  the  Danish  and  Anglo-Saxon  kingdoms, 
which  followed  Watling  Street,  the  great  highway  built  by 
the  Britons  and  rebuilt  by  the  Romans,  reaching  from 
Dover  to  Chester. 

Alfred  ruled  with  great  wisdom.  The  division  of  Eng- 
land into  counties  and   hundreds,  for  administrative  pur- 


*  The  occupation  of  Wessex  by  the  Danes  was  due  rather  to  their  sud- 
den and  unexpected  attack  than  to  the  causes  here  given.  See  also  the 
hi.stories  of  Green  referred  to  above,  p.  40,  note,  for  a  more  just  estimate 
of  the  character  of  Alfred. — Ed. 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  i6i 

poses,  a  division  found  on  the  continent  also,  no  doubt 
existed  before  his  time,  and  was  derived  from  German  cus- 
toms, but  its  more  precise  organization  is  usually,  and 
probably  correctly,  attributed  to  him.  The  county  or  shire 
was  divided  into  hundreds,  and  they,  in  time,  were  divided 
into  townships,  or  sometimes  tithings,  that  is,  communi- 
ties of  ten  families  ;  the  ten  heads  of  families  were  con- 
jointly responsible  for  the  misdemeanors  committed  within 
their  district.  Every  man  had  to  be  enrolled  in  a  tithing.* 
The  community  itself  decided  on  the  cases  brought  before 
them.  Any  cases  coming  up  for  trial  between  members  of 
one  township  were  decided  by  the  community  itself  ;f  actions 
between  different  townships  were  judged  in  the  hundred's 
court  by  a  body  of  twelve  chosen  freeholders.;!;  Superior 
to  the  assembly  of  the  hundred  was  the  county  assembly, 
which  met  twice  in  each  year,  and  was  presided  over  by  the 
sheriff,  with  whom  sat  also  the  ealdorman  and  the  bishop. 
The  sheriff  was  appointed  by  the  king,  and  represented  his 
interests  before  this  body  and  collected  the  fines. §  The  gen- 
eral assembly,  witeuagemot  (assembly  of  the  wise  men),  was 
the  highest  grade  in  this  hierarchical  organization.  It  was 
open  at  first  to  all  freemen,  but  later,  as  the  size  of  the  state 
increased,  and  the  privilege  grew  moredifficult  to  exercise,  it 
became  naturally  reserved  for  the  most  powerful  thanes 
or  nobles  alone.  ||  Finally,  at  the  head  of  all  stood  the 
king,  whose  office  was  partly  hereditary  and  partly  elective, 
as  among  the  Franks,  and  whose  power  was  modified  by  the 
witenagemot. 


*  The  subdivisions  of  the  counties  were  not  uniform  but  varied  greatly 
in  different  parts  of  England.  The  common  responsibility  of  the  members 
of  the  tithing  as  here  described  did  not  exist  in  the  time  of  the  Saxon 
kingdom.  Reference  should  be  made  to  Stubbs'  Cons.  Hist,  of  Eng., 
vol.  i.,  chaps,  v.  and  vi.,  on  the  subject  of  this  paragraph. — Ed. 

f  All  important  cases  would  be  likely  to  be  taken  to  the  hundred 
court. — Ed. 

X  However  similar  this  may  appear  to  the  later  jury  system,  it  must 
not  be  regarded  as  its  origin.  That  was  introduced  in  the  germ  after  the 
Norman  conquest,  and  developed  in  England  still  later  into  its  present 
form. — Ed. 

§  The  graf  or  count  in  the  Prankish  kingdom  performed  the  duties 
of  both  the  sheriff  and  the  ealdorman  in  the  Saxon  system. — Ed. 

II  Or,  perhaps  more  probably,  the  witenagemot  represented  the  f£7«r/7- 
r«A«^n««))«/«  of  Tacitus  instead  of  the  general  pubHc  assembly. — Ed, 


l62         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLLNGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

When  Alfred  had  restored  order  through  these  vigorous 
institutions  he  showed  himself  a  stern  lover  of  justice.  He 
united  in  a  single  code  all  the  ordinances  of  the  kings 
^thelberht,  Ine,  and  Offa,  and  laid  very  heavy  penal- 
ties on  magistrates  who  had  violated  their  trust.  "  It  was 
possible  then,"  said  the  chroniclers,  "  to  hang  a  golden 
bracelet  over  the  highway  and  no  one  would  dare  touch  it." 
The  defense  of  the  country,  also,  occupied  his  attention  ; 
he  built  a  number  of  fortresses,  and  constructed  vessels  on 
a  different  plan  from  the  Danish  ships — longer  and  with 
higher  decks — and  he  succeeded  in  driving  away  the 
formidable  Hastings  under  a  promise  never  to  return. 
Finally,  he  endeavored  to  diffuse  knowledge  among  his 
people  and  founded  schools,  Oxford  among  others.*  He 
himself  translated  into  Saxon  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
the  Venerable  Bede,  the  Epitome  of  Universal  History  of 
Paulus  Orosius,  and  the  Consolations  of  Philosophy  by 
Boethius,  and  he  corrected  a  translation  of  the  Dialogues 
of  Gregory  the  Great.  He  died  in  901;  his  name  is 
almost  as  famous  among  the  English  as  Charlemagne's 
among  the  Franks. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  monarchy,  thus  restored,  continued 
under  Alfred's  successors.  His  son,  Eadward  the  Elder 
(901-925),  conquered  Mercia  and  East  Anglia,  covered 
the  country  with  fortifications,  showed  favor  to  the  com- 
moners of  the  towns,  and  founded  the  school  at  Cambridge. 

^thelstan  (925-940)  overcame  at  Brunanburh,  on  "  the 
day  of  the  great  battle,"  a  formidable  coalition  of  Danes, 
Gaels,  Scots,  and  nations  of  the  Orkney  Islands,  armed 
with  their  terrible  claymores  (937).  This  victory  brought 
all  of  the  old  heptarchy  under  one  sceptre.  yEthelstan's 
renown  spread  afar  ;  his  sisters,  Edwina  (Eadgyfa)  and 
Edith,  married  the  kings  of  France  and  of  Germany,  and 
his  nephew,  Louis  d'Outremer,  found  a  refuge  at  his  court. 
He  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  first  king  of  the  whole 
of  England. 

But  this  prosperity  declined  after  his  death,  hastened  by 
discords  and  crime  in  the  royal  family.  The  influence  of 
the  bishops  is  conspicuous  in  this  period,  and  especially 
that  of  their  chief,  St.  Dunstan,  also  the  attempts  on  the 


*  The  connection  of  either  Oxford  or  Cambridge  with  Saxon  schools  is 
entirely  mythical. — Ed, 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  163 

part  of  the  provincial  governors  to  free  themselves  from 
royal  authority.  Then  the  Danes  came  back  to  renew  the 
attack  on  England  in  its  feeble  condition.  yEthelred  II. 
believed  that  he  had  sent  them  away  when,  on  the  advice 
of  the  bishops,  he  gave  them  10,000  pounds  of  silver  ; 
it  was,  however,  the  surest  way  to  bring  them  back 
that  could  be  devised.  Olaf,  king  of  Norway,  and  Swein 
or  Swegen,  king  of  Denmark,  continued  their  attacks 
until  the  end  of  the  century.  A  second  and  third  ran- 
som had  no  effect  in  driving  them  off  ;  yEthelred  then 
formed  a  vast  conspiracy  against  them  ;  all  the  invaders 
who  had  established  themselves  in  England  were  mas- 
sacred on  the  day  of  St.  Brice  (1002).  The  Saxon  men 
and  women  took  a  terrible  revenge  on  their  conquerors  for 
the  oppression  they  had  suffered.  It  was  but  a  transient 
deliverance  ;  for  Swein  made  invasion  upon  invasion,  and 
finally  in  1013  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  England, 
^thelred  fled  to  the  court  of  the  Duke  of  Normandy, 
whose  daughter,  Emma,  he  had  married.  His  son,  Ead- 
mund  II.,  Ironsides,  fought  with  wonderful  heroism,  but 
without  permanent  success,  against  Cnut,  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Swein,  with  whom  he  was  forced  to  divide 
England,  as  Alfred  had  done  before  him.  Eadmund  died 
in  1016,  and  Cnut  the  Great  established  the  Danish  power 
throughout  the  country. 

His  reign  began  in  cruelty.  He  set  to  work  with  bar- 
barian ferocity  to  rid  himself  of  any  obstacles  in  his  path. 
But  when  his  power  was  well  secured  he  ruled  more  leni- 
ently and  showed  himself  a  great  king.  He  became  the 
representative  and  chief  of  the  Scandinavian  invasion,  as 
Charlemagne  had  been  that  of  the  German  invasion.  By 
marrying  Emma,  the  widow  of  ^thelred,  he  paved  the  way 
to  a  union  of  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered.  He  even 
had  leisure  to  extend  his  power  over  Sweden  and  Norway 
and  his  supremacy  over  Scotland.  He  made  wise  laws  and 
modified  some  of  the  severities  of  those  of  Alfred  the  Great, 
and  took  care  that  the  Danes  should  not  oppress  the  Eng- 
lish ;  he  sent  Saxon  missionaries  to  Scandinavia  charged 
with  the  task  of  hastening  the  fall  of  paganism  and  with 
tempering  the  savage  customs  of  its  population.  Finally, 
he  strove  to  reform  his  own  character,  as  many  stories  in- 
form us.  Having  killed  a  soldier,  in  an  access  of  fury, 
he  gathered  the  men  of  his  army  together,  acknowledged 


164        FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

his  crime,  and  demanded  punishment.  All  were  silent.  He 
then  promised  that  whoever  would  express  his  opinion 
should  do  so  with  impunity.  His  guards  referred  the  deci- 
sion to  his  own  wisdom.  He  condemned  himself  to  pay 
nine  times  the  amount  of  the  usual  penalty.  On  another 
occasion  his  courtiers  were  extolling  him  as  the  greatest  of 
monarchs,  he  whose  will  was  law  for  six  powerful  nations, 
the  English,  Scotch,  Gaelic,  Danish,  Swedish,  and  Nor- 
wegian ;  he  was  then  at  Southampton,  sitting  by  the  shore 
of  the  sea.  The  tide  was  coming  in  ;  he  commanded  it  Vi) 
stop  and  to  respect  the  sovereign  of  six  kingdoms ;  the  tide 
still  rose  and  forced  him  to  withdraw.  "  You  see,"  he  said 
to  his  flatterers, — "  you  see  the  weakness  of  earthly  kings  ; 
no  one  is  strong  but  the  Supreme  Being  who  rules  the 
elements."  And  on  his  return  to  Winchester,  he  took  his 
crown  from  off  his  head,  placed  it  upon  the  great  crucifix 
in  the  cathedral,  and  never  wore  it  again  except  on  the 
occasion  of  public  ceremonies. 

In  1027,  he  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  and  visited  the 
most  famous  churches  on  his  road.  He  was  so  prodigal  of 
gifts  that,  according  to  a  German  chronicler,  all  those  who 
lived  upon  the  paths  he  traveled  cried  with  reason  :  "  May 
the  blessing  of  the  Lord  be  upon  Cnut,  King  of  the  Eng- 
lish." England's  well-merited  reputation  for  wealth  dates 
far  back,  for  the  Knytlinga  Saga,  speaking  of  the  coun- 
tries whence  Cnut  derived  his  riches,  mentions  the  British 
isle  as  the  "  richest  of  all  the  northern  countries."  After 
spending  some  time  in  the  Holy  City,  where  he  happened 
to  be  at  the  same  time  with  the  Emperor  Conrad  II.,  the 
Scandinavian  monarch  went  directly  to  Denmark.  He 
wrote  from  that  country  a  letter  to  his  English  subjects,  in 
which  he  gave  them  an  account  of  his  travels,  and  closed 
by  recommending  them  to  pay  promptly  each  year  their 
tithes  and  Peter's  pence.  This  wiis  a  tax  of  one  farthing 
on  each  hearth  which  he  had  imposed  in  behalf  of  the 
Holy  See.  Cnut  ended  his  glorious  reign  at  Shaftesbury 
on  the  12th  of  November,  1035. 

We  have  just  seen  how  the  Norsemen  gained  a  footing  in 
France  and  England  ;  we   must  now  follow 

Norsemen    in      ,,  ^i      •      i  r  i.     ^  „        i 

the  Polar  re-    them  on  their  less  famous  but  more  remark- 
gions  andRus-    ^[jig  expeditions,  and  see  them,  on  the  one 
hand,  discovering  America,  and  on  the  other 
founding  what  afterwards  became  the  empire  of  Russia. 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  165 

The  Anglo-Saxon  king,  Alfred  the  Great,  preserved  and 
handed  down  to  us  *  an  account  of  the  routes  taken  by  two 
Norse  adventurers  ;  of  Wulfstan,  who  sailed  to  the  further- 
most parts  of  the  Baltic  Sea,  a  long  journey  in  those  days, 
and  of  Othere,  who  rounded  the  North  Cape  and  reached 
Biarmia,  that  is  to  say,  the  regions  lying  on  the  White  Sea 
and  near  the  mouth  of  the  Dwina.  These  hardy  mariners 
were  not  daunted  by  the  long  voyage  to  the  polar  seas,  nor 
even  by  the  dangers  there  encountered.  Accordingly  it  is 
not  surprising  to  find  that  they  reached  the  Faroe  Islands 
in  S61,  and  in  870  came  upon  Iceland,  which  owes  to  them 
its  three  or  four  centuries  of  prosperity  ;  or  that,  carried  by 
the  currents,  tempests,  or  the  spirit  of  adventure,  they 
should  have  found  Greenland,  in  981,  200  miles  to  the 
west.  It  was  while  they  w^ere  skirting  along  these  shores 
that  they  discovered  Labrador,  covered  in  those  days  with 
vines,  and  they  called  it  Vinland  ;  f  they  were  then  in 
America.  About  the  same  time  they  discovered  the  Shet- 
land Islands,  which  were  unknown  to  the  Romans  ;  occu- 
pied the  Orkneys,  which  Agricola  had  only  seen  from  afar, 
and  founded  at  the  northern  extremity  of  Scotland  the 
kingdom  of  Caithness,  which  they  held  till  the  end  of  the 
twelfth  century.  They  founded  another  kingdom  in  the 
Hebrides  and  on  the  peninsula  of  Cantire,  which  remained 
in  their  possession  until  1266. 

They  spread  to  the  east  as  well  as  to  the  west,  though 
not  in  such  large  numbers,  because  that  region,  which 
Roman  civilization  had  not  reached,  had  less  to  offer.  In 
the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  a  few  adventurous  Norse- 
men, who  are  called  by  Russian  writers  Varangians,  a  name 
of  doubtful  origin,  had  made  their  way  into  the  midst  of 
the  Slav  settlements  around  Lake  Ilmen,  where  they  occu- 
pied the  town  of  Novgorod.  Though  they  were  driven 
away  at  first,  they  were  soon  called  back.  In  862  three 
brothers,  named  Rurik,  Sineus  and  Truwor,  who  had  gone 
there  with  a  number  of  warlike  companions,  were  recog- 
nized by  these  powerful  cities  as  their  leaders  in  war. 
Rurik,   who  inherited   the   power   of   his  two  brothers,  is 


*  Incorporated  in  his  translation  of  Orosius's  History. — Ed. 

f  The  exact  location  of  Vinland  cannot  be  determined,  but  it  was 
probably  not  south  of  Nova  Scotia. — Ed. 


l66         FALL  OF  THE  CAROLING/AN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  Russian  empire,  whose 
capital  was  first  Novgorod  and  later  Kief.* 

Thus  the  Scandinavians,  like  the  Arabs,  had  come  forth 
from  their  sterile  peninsula  and  had  gone  to  the  east  and 
the  west,  and,  like  them,  had  spread  along  an  immense  belt 
of  land  from  America  to  the  Volga,  narrow,  except  in  Rus- 
sia, and  always  keeping  to  the  northern  regions,  as  the 
Arabs  had  always  kept  to  the  south.  Some  Norse  chiefs, 
it  is  true,  came  down  into  the  South.  We  have  seen  how 
they  pillaged  Spain,  and  ventured  into  the  Mediterranean 
through  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar.  But  that  place  was  already 
Dccupied  by  other  ravagers,  namely,  the  Saracens. 

The  Saracens  were  to  Italy  what  the  Norsemen  were  to 
France.  Like  them,  they  long  pillaged  the  coasts,  and, 
like  them,  they  settled  down  in  certain  places. 
The  Saracens.  They  camc  from  Africa,  from  Kairowan, 
which  the  Arabs  had  merged  in  the  province 
of  Tunis,  and  which  had  been  made  the  capital  of  a  flour- 
ishing kingdom  by  the  Aglabites.  On  this  Punic  land 
they  had  found  relics  of  naval  grandeur,  and  had  turned 
the  maritime  habits  of  the  nations  they  found  there  to  their 
own  profit.  They  equipped  some  ships,  and  for  the  third 
time — in  succession  to  Carthage  and  Gaiseric — this  point  of 
Africa  sent  out  tyrants  to  rule  over  the  Mediterranean.  As 
pirates  at  first,  they  devastated  Malta,  Sicily,  Corsica,  and 
Sardinia,  and  gave  way  only  for  an  instant  to  the  fleets  of  Char- 
lemagne ;  when  he  died  their  incursions  began  again,  and 
the  corsairs  became  invincible.  In  831  they  subdued  Sicily, 
and  then  passed  over  to  the  Great  Land,  as  they  called 
Italy.  The  rivalry  existing  between  the  Greek  and  Lom- 
bard chiefs  enabled  them  to  take  Brindisi,  Bari,  and  Taren- 
tum,  and  to  build  a  fortress  at  the  mouths  of  the  Garigliano, 
They  burned  Ostia,  Civita-Vecchia,  the  suburbs  of  Rome, 
and  the  rich  abbey  of  Monte-Cassino,  and  pursuing  their 
disastrous  course  as  far  as  Venice,  they  repeatedly  threat- 
ened Naples,  Salerno,  Gaeta,  and  Amalfi,  the  last  of  which 
finally  consented  to  negotiate  with  them.  Malta,  Sardinia, 
Corsica  and  the  Balearic  Islands  were  in  their  possession. 
Their  domain  extended  over  all  the  western  Mediterranean, 


*  The  early  history  of  Russia  is  largely  mythical.  Even  the  date  862, 
which  has  received  a  sort  of  official  sanction,  is  doubtful.  So  is  also  the 
origin  of  the  name  of  Russia, — Ed. 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  167 

and  their  power,  re-established  by  Khair-ed-deen  Barba- 
rossa  in  the  sixteenth  century,  has  continued  down  to  the 
present  day. 

They  were  not  afraid  even  to  risk  themselves  in  the  very 
midst  of  the  Christian  nations.  They  landed  on  the  coast  of 
Provence  ;  pillaged  Aries  and  Marseilles,  and  in  889,  they 
founded  a  military  colony  at  Fraxinet,  near  St.  Tropez  in 
Provence.  By  means  of  outposts  they  commanded  from 
this  camp  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  and  thus  were  safe  during 
the  whole  of  the  tenth  century  to  pillage  Italy  and  France 
it  their  will.  The  terror  inspired  by  these  infidels  reached 
such  a  point  that  one  of  them  alone,  says  Luitprand,  could 
put  a  thousand  and  two  of  them  could  put  ten  thousand  to 
flight.  From  Provence  they  proceeded  to  the  Dauphine, 
Valais,  and  Switzerland,  and  there  they  met  the  other  inva- 
ders coming  from  the  east,  the  Hungarians. 

The  movement  of  invasion  from  the  point  from  which  the 

Hungarians  came  had  never  once  ceased  since  Attila's  time. 

Masses  of  men  had  pushed  their  way  in  like 

'^^^ri^'s?^^'     ^he  waves  of  a  storm-tossed  ocean,  rising  and 

and  receding,  continually  asserting  themselves 

and  then  giving  way  to  others. 

After  Attila's  Huns,  many  of  whom  remained  by  the 
banks  of  the  Danube  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  chief's 
favorite  places  of  abode,  came  the  Slavs,  "  those  who  can 
speak,"  *  who  had  recovered  their  independence  after  the 
fall  of  the  Gothic  kingdom  and  after  the  destruction  of 
Attila's  monarchy  ;  following  them  came  the  Bulgarians, 
"  the  cursed  of  God  ";  the  Avars,  another  horde  of  Huns, 
who  were  the  terror  of  Constantinople  for  two  centuries, 
and  who  fell  beneath  the  sword  of  Charlemagne  ;  and 
finally  the  Khazars,  a  cross  between  Huns  and  Turks, 
whose  chagan  dwelt  in  the  Crimea.  Among  the  subjects  of 
the  Khazars,  in  the  ninth  century,  was  found  a  tribe  who 
were  also  of  the  Hunnic  race,  and  whom  the  Latins  and 
Greeks  called  Hungarians.  After  living  many  years  be- 
tween the  Ural  and  the  Volga,  they  had  advanced  at  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century  as  far  as  the  country  be- 
tween the   Don  and  the  Dnieper.      In  888  a  new  stream 


*  Slova  means  speech  ;  the  Slavs  are  those  who  speak  the  same  lan- 
guage, and,  after  their  manner  of  speaking,  the  stranger,  Niemeiz,  is  a 
mute,  that  is,  he  does  not  speak  the  national  tongue- 


1 68         FALL  OF  TLLE  CAROLJNGLAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

of  invaders  overwhelmed  both  masters  and  subjects.  The 
Hungarians  were  forced  back  to  the  Danube  and  Transyl- 
vania, and  were  about  to  perish  there  with  their  leader 
Arpad,  when  a  fragment  of  the  Khazar  nation,  the  tribe 
of  Magyars,  joined  fortunes  with  them,  revived  their 
strength  and  courage,  and  were  rewarded  for  the  services 
they  rendered,  by  the  honor  of  giving  their  name  to  the 
whole  nation.  Those  whom  we  still  call  Hungarians  call 
themselves  Magyars. 

Arnulf,  the  king  of  Germany,  induced  them  by  means  of 
gold  to  attack  his  enemies,  the  Moravian  Slavs,  who  held 
dominion  from  the  mountains  of  Bohemia  to  those  of  Tran- 
sylvania. The  Hungarians  overpowered  them,  but  seized 
upon  the  greater  part  of  their  country.  There  they  found 
a  population  whose  basis  was  of  Hunnic  and  Avar  stock,  to 
whom  they  quickly  assimilated  themselves.  As  the  wind 
of  the  desert  piles  up  the  sand  into  mountains  in  a  mo- 
ment's time,  so  victory  among  unsettled  peoples  brings  a 
host  of  tribes  to  the  conqueror's  standard  and  gives  him 
irresistible  strength.  Though  they  had  just  come  down 
from  the  Carpathian  mountains,  the  Hungarians,  borne 
away  by  their  enthusiasm,  carried  war  into  the  plains  of  the 
Theiss  and  into  Pannonia  and  gained  complete  mastery 
over  them  in  the  space  of  a  few  years'  time.  In  899  they 
were  already  at  the  gates  of  Italy  and  ravaging  Carinthia 
and  Friuli ;  in  the  year  900  they  made  their  way  into  Bava- 
ria, and  the  new  king  of  Germany  paid  them  tribute. 
The  ease  with  which  they  acquired  booty  encouraged  them 
to  extend  their  raids.  Their  bold  horsemen  rushed  down 
both  sides  of  the  Alps  into  the  great  plains  of  Lombardy 
and  into  the  valley  of  the  Danube.  They  even  crossed  the 
Rhine,  and  provinces  like  Alsace,  Lorraine,  and  Burgundy, 
which  up  to  that  time  had  only  looked  with  terror  to  the 
north  and  west,  whence  the  Norsemen  came,  found  out 
now  by  cruel  experience  that  the  east,  too,  could  pour  bar- 
barians down  upon  them.  The  Hungarians  spread  such 
terror  through  these  nations  that  in  France  their  name  was 
long  remembered  and  used  to  express  the  utmost  ferocity. 

The  destructive  inroads  of  the  Magyars  had  the  same 
results  as  those  of  the  Norsemen.  As  in  France  the  coun- 
try districts  bristled  with  chateaus,  so  in  Italy  walls  were 
built  about  the  towns  as  a  protection  against  them,  and  the 
city  soldiery  was  reorganized,  thus  enabling  them  later  to 


Chap.  XII.]  THE    THIRD  INVASION.  169 

regain  their  municipal  independence.  In  Germany  for- 
tresses were  built,  which  were  occupied  by  men  who  first 
used  them  to  defend  the  country  and  then  appropriated 
them  to  their  own  use.  The  two  greatest  powers,  Austria 
and  Prussia,  were  originally  two  marches  (marks)  organ- 
ized on  a  military  basis  to  cover  Germany  against  the 
attacks  of  the  invaders  from  the  east. 

If  we  now  compare    the  invasion  of   the  ninth  century 

with  those  that  preceded  it,  we  shall  find  this   difference, 

Difference  be-    that  but  for  the  doublc  attack  of  the  north- 

tween    the    em  and  the  southern  barbarians,  the  Roman 

ninth  century  .  ■     i       i 

invasion  and  Empire  might  havc  had  a  prolonged  though 
those  preceding,  j-^^^  ^  happy  existence,  as  there  was  nothing  to 
necessitate  its  fall  nor  even  to  make  it  desirable  ;  *  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  new  Carolingian  Empire  carried 
within  itself  the  causes  of  dissolution,  which,  though  as- 
sisted by  the  invasion,  were  in  themselves  sufficient  to  de- 
stroy its  existence    as  a  united  empire. 

Another  point  of  difference  was  the  manner  in  which  the 
Norsemen  and  Saracens  carried  on  the  invasion  by  little 
bands  ;  the  invasion  did  not  mean  with  them  the  removal 
of  whole  nations  in  a  body,  as  was  the  case  with  the  barba- 
rians of  the  earlier  invasion,  nor,  as  with  the  Arabs  in  the 
seventh  century,  did  it  mean  a  religious  conquest.  They 
were  in  search  of  booty  rather  than  lands,  and  their  raids 
resulted  in  a  great  deal  of  pillage,  local  destruction,  and 
sufferings  among  the  people,  but  they  did  not  cause  a  gen- 
eral upheaval  nor  the  substitution  of  a  new  social  state  for 
the  old.  The  Hungarians  alone,  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Theiss  and  of  the  Danube,  formed  a  permanent  settlement, 
like  those  of  the  Franks,  the  Burgundians,  and  the  Goths, 
but  they  did  not  attempt  to  extend  their  occupation  to  any 
great   distance.      What  especially  distinguished  the  ninth 


*  It  is  uncertain  work  attempting  to  specify  what  would  have  been,  had 
some  important  event  of  the  past  not  taken  place,  and  yet  the  author  is 
undoubtedly  right  here.  There  was  no  inner  necessity  compelling  the 
fall  of  the  Roman  Empire.  If  no  invasion  had  happened  there  would 
certainly  have  come  a  slow  but  sure  recovery  of  good  government,  of  all 
civilization,  anti,  what  is  even  more  important,  of  the  power  of  produc- 
tion and  growth.  The  Eastern  Empire  lasted  until  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury and  then  fell  before  an  invasion.  The  Western  Empire,  if  left  to 
itself  for  as  long  a  time,  would  undoubtedly  have  had  a  far  more  fruitful 
life.— Ed. 


170        FALL  OF  THE  CAROLINGIAN  EMPIRE.     [Book  IV. 

century  invasions  from  others  was  the  fact  that  it  promoted 
but  did  not  create  the  general  confusion  ;  that  it  hastened 
the  fall  of  the  Carolingian  Empire,  that  is,  the  breaking  up 
of  political  unity — though  it  was  not  the  sole  cause  of  this  : 
in  a  word,  the  invasion  was  one  of  the  forces  which  im- 
pelled society  of  that  day  to  assume  the  form  it  did  : 
namely,  feudal  anarchy,  taking  the  last  of  the  words  in  its 
etymological  meaning,  that  is,  the  absence  of  a  supreme 
power  ;  feudalism,  as  we  shall  see,  was,  in  fact,  the  pre- 
ponderance of  local  powers  over  the  central  authority. 


BOOK    V. 

FEUDALISM,   OR    THE    HISTORY    OF    THE 

KINGDOMS  FORMED  FROM  THE  CARO- 

LINGIAN  EMPIRE,  DURING  THE 

TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH 

CENTURIES. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

FRANCE    AND    ENGLAND    (88S-110S)  ;    DECLINE    OF    THE 

ROYAL  POWER  IN  FRANCE.      INCREASE  OF  T*HE 

NATIONAL  POWER.— NORMAN  CONQUEST 

OF  ENGLAND  (1066). 


The  struggle  of  a  century  between  the  last  Carolingians  and  the  first  of 
the  Capetian  dynasty.  The  accession  of  Hugh  Capet  (987). — Weak- 
ness of  the  Capetian  dynasty  :  Robert  (996)  ;  Henry  I.  (103 1) ; 
Philip  I.  (1060). — Activity  of  the  French  Nation. — Downfall  of  the 
Danish  dynasty  in  England  (1042);  Eadward  the  Confessor.  Harold 
(1066). — The  French  Invasion  of  England.  Battle  of  Hastings 
(1066). — Revolts  of  the  Saxons  aided  by  the  Welsh  (1067)  and  the 
Norwegians  (1069).  Camp  of  Refuge  (1072)  ;  Outlaws. — Spoliation 
of  the  Conquered. — Results  of  this  Conquest. 


Unity  of  history  for  the  peoples  of  the  Carolingian  Em- 
pire disappears  with  the  unity  of  that  empire.     The  follow- 
ing century  is   full  of  disorder  ;    it   was  no 
The  struggle     lonoer  the  confusion  of  the  great  contests  of 

bet%veen    the       ,        r       •  •  ,   .    ,        '^ 

last  caroiin-  barbarian  invasion,  which  were  in  a  sense 
Irstcapetians^  dignified  and  imposing,  but  confusion  in 
which  personal  interests  and  local  ambitions 
played  a  leading  part.  But  at  the  bottom  of  all  these,  two 
important  questions  were  agitated  :  whether  the  Carolin- 
gian family,  which  earnestly  insisted  on  its  right  not  onjy 
to  the  imperial  but  also  to  the  French  throne,  should  be 
entirely  excluded  from  both,  and  whether  the  royal  author- 

171 


172  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

ity,  in  whosoever's  hands  it  should  be  placed,  should  con- 
tinue powerless,  with  all  its  rights  disregarded.  The  course 
of  events  was  to  answer  in  the  affirmative  first  the  one  and 
then  the  other  of  these  questions. 

The  new  king  of  France,  Eudes,  wished  to  be  recog- 
nized by  Aquitaine,  which  had  formerly  repudiated  the 
Carolingians,  but  which  now  pretended  to  defend  their 
legitimacy,  intending  to  resist  the  sovereignty  of  the  king 
of  France,  whoever  he  might  be.  While  Eudes  was  in  the 
South,  Charles  III.,  the  Simple,  a  posthumous  son  of  Louis 
the  Stammerer,  had  himself  proclaimed  king  in  a  great 
assembly  held  at  Rheims.  The  king  of  Germany,  Arnulf, 
an  illegitimate  prince  of  the  Carolingian  house,  in  whom  the 
imperial  ambition  still  lived  in  spite  of  the  revolution  which 
overthrew  Charles  the  Fat  in  887,  received  the  pretender 
in  the  Diet  of  Worms,  and  declaring  himself  his  protector, 
commanded  the  counts  and  bishops  on  the  banks  of  the 
Meuse  to  sustain  his  pretensions.  Eudes  defeated  him,  and 
ended  this  quarrel  by  granting  several  domains  to  his  rival. 
This  brave  and  active  prince  was  carried  off  by  premature 
death  in  898.  His  brother  Robert  inherited  the  duchy  of 
France,  and  Charles  the  Simple  was  recognized  as  king. 

The  most  memorable  deed  which  is  connected  with  the 
name  of  this  prince  is  the  cession  of  Neusiria  to  the  Norse- 
men, which  has  already  been  mentioned. 

His  life  and  reign  ended  sadly.  The  nobles,  jealous  of 
the  little  power  he  had  left,  formed  a  conspiracy  against  him. 
Robert,  Duke  of  France,  assumed  the  title  of  king,  and  was 
consecrated  at  Rheims  (922),  and  at  his  death  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  Rudolf,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  took  his  place  on 
the  throne.  Thus,  whether  the  king  came  from  France  or 
liurgundy,  in  either  case  the  center  of  ancient  Gaul  seerned 
destined  to  retain  the  monarchy.  The  extremities,  the  north 
as  well  as  the  south,  were  hostile  to  these  lords  at  the  center. 
The  Duke  of  Normandy  and  the  Count  of  Vermandois  sup- 
ported the  claims  of  Charles  the  Simple  for  a  time,  though 
they  betrayed  him  later,  and  this  unhappy  descendant  of 
Charlemagne  died  a  prisoner  in  the  castle  of  Peronne  (929). 
Rudolf  was  recognized  by  the  most  powerful  nobles  and 
reigned  till  936.  During  his  reign  the  Hungarians  pene- 
trated into  France  as  far  as  Toulouse. 

At  his  death  the  crown  was  at  the  disposal  of  Hugh  the 
Great,  Duke  of  France,  master  of  the  richest  abbeys  of  the 


Chap.  XIII.]         FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  I73 

kingdom,  and  supreme  over  the  country  to  the  north  of  the 
Loire.  He  preferred  to  make  kings  rather  than  to  assume 
the  title  himself,  and  recalled  Louis  IV.,  called  d'Outremer,  a 
son  of  Charles  the  Simple,  from  England  (936).  But  he 
soon  deserted  him,  and  formed  against  him  a  league  in  which 
Otto  L,  King  of  Germany,  joined.  When  besieged  in  the 
city  of  Laon,  his  sole  remaining  possession,  Louis  was 
forced  to  take  refuge  in  Aquitaine,  where  the  nobles  formed 
an  army  to  defend  him  ;  the  Pope's  intervention  reestablished 
him  on  his  throne. 

Soon  after,  everything  was  again  changed.  Upon  a  new 
quarrel  between  Hugh  and  Louis  IV.,  the  German  king 
turned  against  his  former  ally  instead  of  against  the  king. 
He  laid  waste  the  country  as  far  as  Paris,  but  gained  no 
important  success,  and  finally  withdrew  beyond  the  Rhine, 
followed  by  the  descendant  of  Charlemagne,  who,  in  the 
council  of  Ingelheim,  humbly  offered  to  defend  himself 
from  any  accusations  made  against  him,  and  who  besought 
Otto  to  judge  the  case  himself,  or  to  order  a  decision  by 
single  combat.  Although  justified  by  the  council,  which 
excommunicated  Hugh  the  Great,  Louis  spent  the  rest  of 
his  life  in  begging  help  on  every  side,  and  never  regained 
the  slightest  shadow  of  authority. 

Nevertheless  the  Carolingian  dynasty  had  not  quite  come 
to  an  end.  Lothaire  succeeded  Louis  IV.,  thanks  to  the 
support  of  Hugh  the  Great,  who  was  his  uncle.  His  reign 
shows  some  evidences  of  strength  ;  many  of  the  great  vas- 
sals were  alarmed  by  Otto's  pretensions  to  restore  the 
empire,  for  their  one  policy  was  to  prevent,  whether  in 
France  or  in  Germany,  the  restoration  of  the  old  imperial 
sway,  which  would  have  obliged  them  to  retrace  the  steps 
they  had  made  in  the  path  of  usurpation  since  Charlemagne's 
time,  and  in  consequence  they  rallied  around  the  King  of 
France.  This  was  the  case  with  the  nobles  of  Lorraine,  who 
summoned  Lothaire  to  oppose  Otto.  Hugh  the  Great  was 
no  longer  living,  but  his  son,  Hugh  Capet,  was  devoted  to 
the  cause  of  Lothaire,  who  had  paid  well  for  the  devotion 
of  the  Duke  of  France  by  giving  him  Burgundy,  which  he 
succeeded  in  maintaining,  and  Aquitaine,  of  which  he  did 
not  even  get  possession.*     Lothaire  penetrated  as  far  as 

*  Both  Burgundy  and  Aquitaine  had  been  granted  to  Hugh  the  Great 
before  his  death. — Ed, 


174  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

Aix-Ia-Chapelle  and  just  missed  takingthe  Emperor  prisoner. 
Otto,  in  turn,  marched  as  far  as  Paris,  ravaging  the  country 
as  he  went,  but  he  was  forced  to  make  a  disastrous  retreat, 
and  the  greater  part  of  his  army  perished  on  the  banks  of 
the  Aisne.*  It  was  a  great  triumph  for  Lothaire  to  have 
even  held  his  own  against  so  powerful  a  monarch,  and 
though  forced  to  give  up  Upper  Lorraine  (980),  he  at  least 
obtained  the  duchy  of  Lower  Lorraine  for  his  brother 
Charles. 

This  last  evidence  of  power  ever  shown  by  the  Carolin- 
gian  dynasty  was  due  to  the  circumstances  of  the  moment 
and  to  the  aid  given  it  by  the  House  of  France.  The  lat- 
ter possessed  a  well-established  feudal  power  ;  but  the 
Carolingian  dynasty,  after  a  century  of  disturbances,  was 
undermined  to  the  very  roots.  The  tree  had  no  life  left  in 
it ;  the  slightest  push  would  send  it  over.  And  it  was  not 
long  before  this  happened.  Lothaire  was  so  conscious  of 
the  real  state  of  things  that  on  his  death-bed  he  implored 
Hugh  Capet  to  protect  his  son  Louis  V.,  and  to  allow  him 
to  be  king.  Hugh  promised  and  kept  his  word — but  Louis 
v.,  after  reigning  one  year,  died  and  left  no  children  (987). 

The  Dukes  of  France  for  a  century  had  been,  in  relation 

to  the  last  Carolingians,  what  the  Mayors  of  the  Palace  had 

,    been  to  the  last  Merovingians,  but  with  cer- 

Accession    of  .        , .  ^^  ,_,  i       i    i  i         i  i 

Hugh  Capet  tam  differences.  1  hey  had  less  splendor,  less 
^9^^^-  authority,    and  a  narrower  power,  but   also, 

perhaps,  a  more  independent  situation  as  they  possessed  a 
territorial  power  of  their  own.  The  Mayors  were  at  once 
leudes,  great  proprietors,  and  royal  ministers  ;  they  drew 
much  influence  and  consideration  from  these  first  two 
sources,  from  the  last  alone  came  all  their  political  power  : 
and  this  office  in  strict  law,  if  not  in  fact,  had  something 
essentially  subaltern  about  it.  The  first  of  the  Capetians,  on 
the  contrary,  had  no  office  at  court,  and  wielded  only  a 
narrow  power,  but  they  wielded  it  for  themselves.     In  the 

*  This  is  the  I'-niperor  Otto  II. 

It  is  perhaps  natural  that  there  should  be  a  slight  and  unconscious 
exaggeration  of  the  influence  of  France  in  Lorraine  at  this  time,  and  of 
the  disasters  suffered  by  the  (lermans  in  these  invasions  of  French  terri- 
tory. These  certainly  were  the  days  when  the  two  nations  were  begin- 
ning to  distinguish  themselves  from  one  another,  and  in  a  slight  way 
beginning  their  national  rivalries.  Charles  holds  Lorraine  under  Otto, 
and  not  under  Lothaire. — Eo. 


Chap.  XIII. ]         FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  i75 

case  of  Pippin  the  Short,  a  man  raised  himself  above  all 
the  other  men  of  the  nation.  In  the  case  of  Hugh  Capet, 
a  fief,  that  is  a  land  governing  itself  in  virtual  indepen- 
dence, raises  itself  to  a  position  of  legal  right  above  all  the 
other  fiefs.  This  is  the  characteristic  nature  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  987,  which  Montesquieu  especially  emphasizes,  when 
he  says:  "The  title  of  king  was  joined  to  the  most  im- 
portant fief."  But  the  new  king,  also,  governed  hardly 
more  than  his  own  estates,  while  the  ]\Iayor  of  the  Palace 
become  king  had  succeeded  to  the  still  real  prerogatives  of 
the  prince  over  the  whole  state. 

Besides  this  there  were  certain  other  striking  analogies. 
It  was  the  Pope  who  again  gave  the  signal  of  revolution, 
and  in  words  which  greatly  resemble  the  famous  response 
of  Pope  Zacharias,  "  Lothaire  is  king  only  in  name,"  said 
Silvester  II.,  "  Hugh  has  not  the  title,  but  is  king  both  by 
his  deeds  and  in  very  fact."  A  second  time  the  final  sen- 
tence over  a  fallen  dynasty  was  pronounced  by  the  mouth 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff.*  The  owner  of  the  abbeys  of 
Saint  Denis,  Saint  Martin  of  Tours,  and  Saint  Germain 
well  knew  the  efficacy  of  religious  sanction  for  such  a  revo- 
lution, and  he  obtained  it  from  the  Pope,  the  bishops,  and 
the  saints.  When  he  was  building  a  tomb  for  Saint  Valery, 
the  latter  said  to  him  :  "  Thou  and  thy  descendants  shall  be 
kings  to  the  most  distant  generation." 

Hugh  Capet  received  another  sanction,  and  one  without 
which  no  revolution  can  be  permanent,  the  sanction  of 
necessity  and  the  very  force  of  events.  As  long  as  the 
Carolingian  empire  lasted  it  extended  from  the  Pyrenees  to 
the  Elbe  ;  its  center  was  somewhere  near  the  Rhine,  where, 
besides,  the  people  who  founded  the  empire  lived,  and 
where  was  situated  the  capital  and  the  seat  of  government, 
Aix-la-Chapelle.  After  the  division  of  the  empire  this  city 
was  no  longer  the  center  either  of  Germany  or  of  France, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  was  near  the  borders  of  both.  France 
extended  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Meuse,  and  the  national 
life  was  centered  toward  the  middle  of  this  territory,  and 
there  seemed  to  be  a  tendency  to  choose  the  ruler  from  the 
duchies  of  France  and  Burgundy.     The  memories  of  ancient 

*This  comparison  is  entirely  unhistorical.  Gerbert  of  Rheims  does  not 
become  Pope  under  the  name  of  Silvester  II.  till  twelve  years  later.  The 
leading  part  in  this  revolution  is  taken  by  Adalbero,  Archbishop  of 
Rheims. — Ed. 


176  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

Neustria,  and  the  fact  that  Clovis  and  several  of  the  Mero- 
vingians had  resided  at  Paris,  fixed  attention  particularly 
upon  the  Duchy  of  France.  In  this  region,  now  that  each 
group  of  peoples  had  separated,  the  Carolingians  were  con- 
sidered foreigners,  men  from  the  Rhine,  speaking  the  Teu- 
tonic language  and  not  the  Roman  (Romance)  idiom  of  the 
banks  of  the  Seine  and  Loire,  the  language  of  Hugh  Capet. 

This  is  the  character  of  the  revolution  which  elevated 
him  to  the  throne,  and  this  is  the  argument  which  justi- 
fies it. 

On  July  T,  987,  in  an  assembly  held  at  Senlis,  at  which 
hardly  more  than  the  bishops  and  the  nobles  of  the  duchy 
of  France  were  present,  he  was  elected  and  proclaimed 
king.  A  few  days  later  Adalbero,  Archbishop  of  Rheims, 
consecrated  him  at  Noyon. 

The  Carolingian  race  was,  however,  not  yet  extinct,  and 
Charles,  duke  of  Lower  Lorraine,  the  brother  of  Lothaire, 
made  an  attempt  to  annul  the  election  of  Hugh  Capet. 
His  cause  was  sustained  in  the  North  and  the  South,  in 
Flanders,  Vermandois,  and  Aquitaine.  But  he  was  finally 
betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Hugh  Capet  by  the  bishop  of 
Laon,  and  was  shut  up  in  the  tower  of  Orleans  ;  his  sons 
succeeded  to  his  claims,  but  without  being  able  to  establish 
them.  One  of  them  died  leaving  no  children,  and  we  know 
nothing  certain  of  the  fate  of  the  two  others.  To  confirm 
his  house  in  the  possession  of  the  throne,  and  to  prevent 
the  alternate  succession  of  Carolingian  kings  and  kings  of 
a  new  race,  which  had  frequently  been  the  case  since  887, 
Hugh  Capet  had  his  son  Robert  recognized  as  his  heir  in 
an  assembly  of  the  bishops  and  nobles  held  at  Orleans,  a 
practice  which  was  followed  by  all  the  kings  of  France  down 
to  Philip  Augustus. 

Hugh  Capet  did  not  succeed  in  gaining  recognition  in 
the  South.  The  Aquitanians  dated  their  acts,  "  In  the 
reign  of  God,  until  there  shall  be  a  king."  He  made  war 
against  the  Count  of  Poitiers,  and  against  the  Count  of 
Perigord,  who  having  been  asked  by  him,  "  Who  made  you 
a  count?"  rei)lied,  "  Who  made  you  king  ?"  Brittany  also 
remained  entirely  independent.  But  the  countries  border- 
ing on  the  duchy  of  France  were  more  submissive,  and  it 
was  in  these  tliat  the  ascendency  of  the  monarchy  was  in 
form  most  nearly  established.  The  Count  of  Anjou  and 
the  Duke  of  Normandy  paid  homage  to  Hugh  Capet. 


Chap.  XIII.]  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  I77 

Moreover,  the  king  knew  how  to  obtain  the  most  sub- 
stantial and  important  support  by  a  close  alliance  with  the 
Church  ;  not  so  much  with  the  head  of  the  whole  Church, 
like  the  first  Carolingians  (the  connection  no  longer  ex- 
tended so  far)  as  with  the  local  clergy,  whom  he  favored  in 
every  way,  giving  them  complete  freedom  in  their  elections, 
and  loading  them  with  gifts.  His  successors  followed  the 
same  method. 

At  the  death  of  Hugh  (996),  his  son  Robert  had  no  diffi- 
culty in  succeeding  him  on  the  throne.  He  was  a  mild, 
pious,  and  docile  man,  occupied  in  writing 
thT^mona^r^ch°y  hymns,  singiug  in  the  choir,  and  wore  the 
of  the   Cape-    copc  as  wcU  as  the  crown  and  sceptre.     He 

tians;  Robert       ^     \  .  ,  ,  ^  , 

(996) ;  Henri  I.  fed  morc  than  a  thousand  poor  people  each 
(loi^l.'  The  ac-  ^^Y-  ^c  was  rulcd  by  his  wife  and  by  the 
tivity  of  the  priests.  He  was,  however,  excommunicated 
"*  ""*■  for  desiring  to  continue  to  live  with  with  his 

first  wife,  Bertha,  who  was  related  to  him,  for  the  Church 
forbade  marriage  between  relations  as  far  as  the  seventh 
degree.  He  yielded  and  took  Constance,  daughter  of  the 
Count  of  Toulouse,  for  his  second  wife.  "  Then,"  says  the 
chronicler,  Rodulfus  Glaber,  speaking  of  those  who  fol- 
lowed the  new  Queen  to  the  court,  "  we  find  France  and 
Burgundy  overrun  by  a  new  kind  of  people,  who  were  at 
once  the  vainest  and  most  frivolous  of  men.  Their  mode 
of  life,  their  clothes,  their  armor,  and  the  trappings  of  their 
horses  were  all  equally  fantastic  ;  true  buffoons,  whose 
shaven  chins,  small-clothes,  ridiculous  boots,  and  indeed 
their  whole  inharmonious  exteriors,  announced  the  disor- 
der of  their  minds.  They  were  men  without  honor,  with- 
out law,  and  without  shame,  whose  contagious  example 
corrupted  the  whole  French  nation,  which  had  formerly 
been  well  ordered,  and  threw  it  into  every  sort  of  debau- 
chery and  wickedness."  This  curious  passage  shows  what 
bitterness  of  hatred,  and  what  antagonism  of  character, 
customs,  and  even  of  clothing,  separated  the  north  and 
the  south  of  France. 

This  Robert,  so  peaceful  a  prince,  and  utterly  without 
ambition,  received  the  offer  of  a  crown.  The  Italians 
wished  to  recognize  him  as  king  to  avoid  acknowledging 
the  Emperor  Conrad.  He  drew  back  before  the  dangers 
of  this  position,  and  refused.  This  policy  was,  after  all,  the 
most  favorable  for  the  new  dynasty  ;  the  Carolingians  had 


178  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

lost  everything  by  trying  to  gain  too  much,  and  nominally 
to  rule  Western  Europe,  instead  of  planting  themselves 
firmly  in  some  corner  of  Europe  and  taking  deep  root 
there.  Robert  obtained,  by  the  death  of  his  uncle  Henry 
(1002),  an  acquisition  less  splendid  but  more  valuable  than 
that  of  Italy,  namely,  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy.  Before 
he  could  take  possession,  however,  he  was  forced  to  carry 
on  a  war  for  twelve  years,  aided  by  the  Duke  of  Normandy, 
because  the  son  of  his  uncle's  wife,  by  a  former  marriage, 
disputed  his  succession.  Such  is  the  weakness  of  royalty. 
When  Robert  tried  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  Count 
of  Champagne,  the  latter  said  to  him:  "I  am  hereditary 
Count  by  the  grace  of  God  ;  this  is  my  rank.  As  to  my 
fief,  it  comes  to  me  by  inheritance  from  my  ancestors,  and  in 
no  way  is  connected  with  your  domain.  Do  not  oblige  me 
to  do,  in  defense  of  my  honor,  things  which  will  be  dis- 
pleasing to  you  ;  for  God  is  my  witness  that  I  would  rather 
die  than  live  without  honor." 

We  must  notice  the  customs  of  this  era  of  feudalism. 
The  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  is  the  time  when  the 
royal  authority  was  least  recognized,  and  when  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  nobles  reached  its  highest  point.  They 
ruled  their  little  states  like  kings  ;  they  tried  to  acquire 
others,  and  carried  on  wars  in  other  lands  on  their  own 
account.  Such  was  preeminently  Eudes  (Odo)  the  Count 
of  Blois  and  Champagne,  who  took  possession  of  certain 
parts  of  the  kingdom  of  Aries,  which  had  been  united  to 
the  empire  at  the  death  of  Rudolf  III.  (1032),  and  who  died 
in  an  attempt  to  conquer  Lorraine,  with  the  hope  of  restor- 
ing the  ancient  kingdom  of  Lothaire  I.  If  he  should  suc- 
ceed in  this  he  expected  to  accept  the  royal  crown  to 
be  offered  him  by  the  Italians.  His  rival,  the  famous  Fulk 
Nerra,  Count  of  Anjou,  was  a  man  of  the  same  order. 
After  defeating  his  son  Geoffrey,  who  had  stirred  up  a 
revolt,  he  made  him  creep  several  miles  on  the  ground  with 
a  saddle  on  his  back.  "  You  are  vanquished,"  said  he, 
kicking  him, —  "You  are  vanquished  at  last."  "Yes," 
replied  Geoffrey,  "  but  by  my  father;  for  every  one  else  I 
am  invincible."  This  reply  disarmed  the  severity  of  the 
old  man.  Soon  afterwards  he  started  on  foot  for  the  Holy 
Land,  and  died,  on  his  return,  from  the  fatigue  of  the  jour- 
ney and  from  the  penances  he  had  inflicted  on  himself. 
Such    traits   are   characteristic   of   the    crude    and    savage 


Chap.  XIII.]  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  179 

energy  of  the  times.  Another  active  and  dangerous  neigh- 
bor was  the  Duke  of  Normandy.  WilHam  II.,  the  Bastard, 
came  to  the  ducal  throne  in  1035,  a  child  of  seven  years. 
The  early  years  of  his  reign  are  filled  with  contests  with 
the  turbulent  nobles  and  with  France  ;  later  he  conquered 
England,  while  some  of  his  vassals  subdued  Southern  Italy. 

In  the  midst  of  these  rough  and  turbulent  nobles,  who 
were  as  powerful  and  more  warlike  than  the  king,  Henry  I. 
seemed  quite  cast  in  the  shade.  Without  having  much  in- 
fluence, he  was  mixed  up  in  almost  all  their  quarrels,  as 
ally  of  one  or  the  other.  However,  he  was  king,  and 
there  were  attached  to  his  title  certain  rights  which  proved 
valuable  enough  in  time.  The  most  remarkable  event 
of  Henry's  reign  was  his  marriage  with  a  daughter  of 
Jaroslaf,  Duke  of  Russia.  He  went  so  far  in  search  of  his 
wife  in  order  to  be  sure  to  avoid  the  mistake  made 
by  his  father  in  marrying  a  relation. 

The  reign  of  Philip  I.,  who  succeded  his  father  Henry  in 
1060,  was  no  more  brilliant,  though  it  was  at  the  very  time 
when  Europe  roused  itself  from  its  inactivity  and  its 
narrow  life,  and  became  the  stage  of  great  events.  The 
first  crusade  took  place,  and  the  long  quarrel  between 
the  Papacy  and  the  Empire  began  between  Gregory  VII. 
and  the  Emperor  Henry  IV.  But  Philip  took  no  part  in 
either.  His  reign  was  passed  in  petty  wars  with  William 
the  Conqueror  who  attacked  Maine  ;  with  William  Rufus 
who  ravaged  the  French  Vexin  ;  with  Robert  the  Frisian, 
whom  he  wished  to  prevent  from  taking  possession  of  Flan- 
ders ;  and  with  Fulk  Rechin,  the  Count  of  Anjou,  who  had 
ceded  the  Gatinais  to  him,  and  whom  he  repaid  by  robbing 
him  of  his  wife  Bertrade.  On  being  excommunicated  for 
this  crime  by  Pope  Urban  II.,  at  the  Council  of  Clermont 
(1095),  he  gave  up  Bertrade,  took  her  back  again,  then 
gave  her  up  again,  and  once  more  took  her  back,  until  the 
Church,  occupied  with  the  greater  events  of  the  crusades, 
finally  overlooked  his  conduct. 

Philip  I.,  with  his  vices  and  his  indolence,  with  his  sales 
of  ecclesiastical  benefices  and  his  debasing  of  the  coinage, 
an  example  often  followed  by  his  successors,  failed  to  cause 
the  royal  authority  either  to  be  respected  or  to  be  feared. 
At  the  time  of  his  death  (1108)  the  power  of  the  Capetian 
dynasty  was  at  its  lowest  point. 

But   though   the    king   slept    indolently   on    his   throne, 


l8o  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

the  nation  was  energetic  and  full  of  earnest  purpose,  and 
Frenchmen  were  going  forth  in  all  directions  in  search 
of  conquest.  The  spirit  of  adventure,  so  dear  to  the 
ancient  Gauls,  seemed  to  revive  with  a  strength  which  had 
increased  in  the  six  centuries  of  enforced  repose.  Five 
hundred  thousand  men  crossed  the  Alps  and  the  Rhine, 
and  marched  eight  hundred  leagues  farther  to  deliver  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  Norman  cavaliers  conquered  principalities 
in  Italy.  A  Burgundian  prince  of  the  house  of  the  Capets 
founded  the  kingdom  of  Portugal  beyond  the  Pyrenees  ; 
and  finally  60,000  Frenchmen  crossed  the  Channel  and  sub- 
jugated England.  This  last  event  was  of  the  first  conse- 
quence for  the  future  and  for  the  destiny  of  France. 

After  Cnut,  the  Scandinavian  empire  crumbled  away, 
as  did  the  Prankish  empire,  after  Charlemagne.  Cnut 
Fall  of  the  ^^^^  apparently  intended  to  leave  Norway  to 
Danish  dynasty  Swciu  (Swcgcn),  and  Denmark  and  England 
jro42K  Eldwa"rd  to  Harthacnut,  the  son  of  Emma.  The  lat- 
the  con^ssor.  ter  was  in  Denmark  at  the  death  of  his 
father,  and  the  Danes  of  England  proclaimed 
Harold,  another  son  of  Cnut's  king.  He  was,  however, 
only  recognized  north  of  the  Thames.  The  people  of  the 
south  upheld  the  cause  of  Harthacnut.  It  was  from  the 
very  start  a  question  of  race.  Harold  represented  the 
Danes,  Harthacnut  the  Saxons.  The  death  of  Harold  left 
the  whole  country  in  the  hands  of  Harthacnut,  whose  reign 
prepared  the  way  for  the  return  of  the  Saxon  dynasty. 
Eadward  HI.,  or  the  Confessor,  son  ot  yEthelred  and 
Emma,  a.scended  the  throne  of  his  fathers  in  1042. 

Eadward  was  Saxon  by  his  father,  Norman  by  his  mother. 
He  himself  preferred  the  Normans,  as  he  had  passed  his 
childhood  among  them  when  in  exile,  and  because  they  were 
the  more  civilized  of  the  two.  He  drew  many  of  them  to 
his  court,  gave  them  the  principal  bishoprics,  and  showed 
great  favorto  his  brother-in-law  Eustace,  Count  of  Boulogne. 
The  Saxons  were  jealous.  They  were  represented  at  court 
by  Godwine,  a  man  of  great  power  and  of  Saxon  origin,  who, 
though  for  a  time  allied  with  the  Danes,  was  always  the 
protector  of  his  countrymen.  Godwine,  either  personally  or 
through  his  son,  governed  a  great  number  of  counties.  He 
took  the  side  of  the  Saxons  in  a  dispute  between  them  and 
the  Normans,  and  so  fell  into  disgrace.  He  was  absent 
from  court  when  a  new  Norman  visitor  appeared — namely, 


Chap.  XIII.]         FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  l8l 

William  II.,  the  illegitimate  son  of  the  Duke,  Robert  the 
Devil.  William  found  Normans  everywhere,  at  the  head  of 
the  troops,  in  the  fortresses,  in  the  bishoprics,  and  all  re- 
ceived him  as  a  sovereign  ;  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  con- 
quest of  England  was  almost  accomplished,  and  he  returned 
to  his  country  thinking  that  a  royal  crown  was  much  better 
worth  having  than  a  ducal  crown.  His  journey  at  any  rate 
made  a  strong  impression  upon  the  Saxons,  and  public 
opinion  compelled  the  restoration  of  Godwine  to  favor,  while 
the  Normans  were  driven  from  the  court. 

Godwine  died  in  1053,  and  his  oldest  son  Harold  suc- 
ceeded to  his  offices  and  influence.  It  is  told  us  that 
somewhat  later  Harold  was  thrown  by  shipwreck  into  the 
hands  of  William,  who  compelled  him  to  take  an  oath  upon 
cunningly  concealed  relics  of  saints  that  he  would  aid  him 
in  gaining  the  throne  of  England. 

Not  long  after  Eadward  died,  and  the  Witenagemot  elected 
Harold  king.  William  immediately  sent  over  to  remind  him 
of  his  promises  "  made  on  good  and  holy  shrines."  Harold 
replied,  "that  as  they  were  drawn  from  him  by  force  they 
were  of  no  value,  and  that,  besides  this,  his  royal  authority 
belonged  to  the  Saxon  people."  William  treated  the  Saxon 
as  a  usurper,  and  a  person  guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  appealed 
to  the  court  of  Rome,  whose  policy  was  now  directed  by 
Hildebrand.  The  pope,  alleging  that  the  Peter's  pence 
had  not  been  paid,  excommunicated  Harold,  and  invested 
William  with  the  kingdom  of  England,  and  sent  him  a  con- 
secrated banner  as  symbol  of  military  investiture,  together 
with  a  ring  containing  a  hair  of  St.  Peter  set  under  a  dia- 
mond, as  symbol  of  ecclesiastical  investiture.  The  duke 
then  published  his  proclamation  of  war.  Throughout  all 
B'rance  a  crowd  of  adventurers  responded,  and  on  Septem- 
ber 27,  1066,  au  army  of  60,000  men  in  1400  ships  embarked 
from  St.  Valery-sur-Somme. 

They  disembarked  at  Pevensey  (Sussex),  while  the  Saxon 

fleet  that  was  guarding  the  Channel  had  put  in  for  supplies. 

Just    at   this   time  Harold    was    fighting  his 

Norman    In-     brother  Tostig  in  the  north,  who  had  rebelled 

vasion  of  Eng-  ,     •     •         ,      ,        -vt  •  tt  •    i. 

land.  Battle  and  jomcd  the  Norwegians.  He  •was  victo- 
(u)66)  ^^^'"^^  rious  and  rapidly  returned  to  the  south,  where, 
though  his  army  was  only  a  quarter  the  size 
of  the  enemy's,  he  confronted  it  on  an  eminence  in  the 
neighborhood    of  Hastings.     The  Saxons    made  palisades 


1 82  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

with  strong  stakes.  Mirth  and  disorder  reigned  in  their 
camp,  and  it  is  said  that  they  spent  the  night  before  the 
battle  in  singing  and  drinking ;  the  Normans,  on  the  other 
hand,  spent  it  in  praying  and  receiving  the  sacraments.  The 
latter  made  the  attack  on  the  following  day,  but  the  Saxon 
axes  dealt  destruction  to  all  that  approached  them.  William 
vainly  commanded  his  archers  to  aim  in  the  air  so  as  to 
avoid  the  palisades.  Harold  lost  an  eye,  but  the  intrench- 
ment  was  not  forced.*  Finally  a  feigned  retreat  enticed 
the  Saxons  to  break  their  lines,  and  they  were  then  cut  to 
pieces.  Harold  was  killed,  and  the  beautiful  Edith,  of  the 
Swan's  Neck,  was  the  only  one  who  could  recognize  the 
body  of  flie  lasit'  Saxon  king  (1066). 

William  marched  against  London,  and  soon  received  its 
submission.  He  entered,  and  at  once  began  tlie  construc- 
tion of  the  famous  Tower,  "  the  bridle  of  London  "  as  the 
inhabitants  themselves  called  it.  He  was  there  crowned 
King  with  the  usual  ceremonies,  though  in  the  midst  of  a 
tumult  excited  by  the  setting  on  fire  of  some  houses  near 
the  church. 

William  had  obtained  what  he  desired,  the  crown,  together 
with  the  treasure  of  the  former  kings.  It  was  now  the  turn 
of  his  companions.  Their  reward  was  adapted  to  their 
rank,  and  the  services  of  each.  Barons  and  cavaliers  re- 
ceived castles,  great  domains,  market-towns,  and  even 
cities.  Some  of  them  married  the  Saxon  widows,  with  or 
without  their  consent,  and  installed  themselves  in  the  home 
whose  master  they  had  either  driven  away  or  killed.  Those 
who  on  the  continent  were  perhaps  only  ox-drivers  or  weav- 
ers, were  now  warriors  and  gentlemen,  and  possessed  serfs, 
vassals,  castles  and  manors.  They  transmitted  to  their  de- 
scendants their  coarse  names  indicative  of  their  origin  : 
Front  du  Boeuf,  William  le  Chartier,  Hugh  le  Tailleur,  etc. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  clergy  was  also  treated  with  severity. 
Some  ot  them,  influenced  liy  the  'Pope's  bull,  had  gone  over 
to  the  conquerors,  but  the  majority,  who  were  of  Saxon  ori- 
gin, were  devoted  heart  and  soul  to  the  national  indepen- 
dence. Among  the  bodies  found  on  the  field  of  Hastings 
were  those  of  thirteen  monks  ;  the  abbot  of  Hida  and  his 
twelve  companions.     The  Saxon  clergy  was  despoiled  and 


*  The  breaking  of  the   line  by  the    pretended    flight  comes    before 
William's  order  to  his  archers  and  the  fatal  wounding  of  Harold, — Ed. 


Chap.  XIII.]         FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  183 

persecuted  ;  the  primate  Stigand  was  driven  from  his  archi- 
episcopal  see  of  Canterbury  and  replaced  by  the  celebrated 
Lanfranc  whom  Alexander  11.  charged  to  reform  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  clergy.  The  Normans  pretended  to  have  received 
this  mission,  and,  if  we  believe  Matthew  Paris,  the  Saxon 
clergy  had  passed  their  days  and  nights  in  eating  and  drink- 
ing. Lanfranc  asserted  for  the  see  of  Canterbury  not 
merely  the  slight  supremacy  of  former  times,  but  authority 
over  all  the  bishoprics  of  England,  in  order  that  he  might 
secure  the  foreign  occupation  of  all  the  ecclesiastical  bene- 
fices of  the  country.  Normans,  Frenchmen,  and  men  of 
Lorraine  were  all  provided  for  in  some  way  or  other.  The 
Saxon  clergy  were  persecuted.  One  of  the  new  prelates 
is  said  to  have  forbidden  those  in  his  diocese  the  use  of 
nourishing  food  and  of  mstructive  books,  for  fear  lest  they 
should  gain  too  much  physical  and  intellectual  strength. 
Even  the  Anglo-Saxon  saints  did  not  escape  the  hatred  of 
the  conquerors,  and  perhaps  nothing  wounded  the  feelings 
of  the  vanquished  so  much  as  this. 

All  spirit  of  resistance  had  not  died  with  Harold  on  the 

field   of   Hastings,  but  during  the   next  six  years  revolts 

broke  out  all   over  the   country.     The  first 

sa^onsafcf/dby    rcvolt  took  placc  during  a  journey  of  Wil- 

theweish(io67)     Uam's  to  the  Continent  ( 1067);   it  was  helped 

and  by  the  Nor-      ,         ,       ,,.    ,    ,  ,  }■  '  •"      .     .      ^  ' 

wegians  (1069).  by  the  Weish,  and  caused  some  stir  m  London. 
Sw.ouuawl.  But  William  had  already  gained  the  favor  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  by  promising 
them,  in  a  charter  in  the  English  language,  to  give  them 
back  the  laws  of  the  times  of  King  Eadward.  He  struck 
a  blow  at  the  rebels  by  the  capture  of  Exeter,  and  by  the 
destruction  of  from  300  to  700  houses  in  Oxford,  besides 
the  complete  ruin  of  Leicester.*  He  built  fortresses  and 
established  garrisons  on  the  ruins  of  these  towns.  The 
bravest  of  the  Saxons  fled  before  this  military  occupation, 
and  took  refuge  in  Scotland  and  Ireland,  where  they  were 
well  received.  They  sent  from  there  an  appeal  for  aid 
to  their  ancient  foes  the  Scandinavians.  Osbeorn,  brother 
of  the  King  of  Denmark,  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Humber,  in  the  midst  of  provinces  occupied  by  the  an- 
cient Danish  population  (1069).  The  Saxons  rushed  to 
his  standard   with     their    prince,    Eadgar,  and   the  other 

*  The  destruction  of  O.xford  and  Leicester  is  doubtful. — Ed. 


1 84  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

exiles,  the  untiring  friends  of  liberty,  at  their  head. 
But  Osbeorn  was  bought  over  by  the  rich  offers  made 
him  by  William,  and  left  the  country,  to  be  outlawed 
by  his  brother  for  his  treachery.  Thrown  upon  their 
own  resources,  the  wretched  Saxons  were  obliged  to 
yield,  after  all  Northumberland  had  been  visited  by  fire  and 
sword. 

As  the  combined  forces  were  defeated,  the  resistance  now 
took  another  form.  Between  the  outlets  of  the  Ken  and 
the  Ouse,  on  the  island  of  Ely,  the  Saxons  opened  what  they 
called  "a  camp  of  refuge,"  and  thither  hastened  all  who 
had  been  proscribed.  This  camp  of  refuge  was  finally  sur- 
rounded by  William's  troops,  a  causeway  was  constructed 
across  the  marsh  which  had  been  its  protection,  and  it  was 
taken  in  spite  of  the  heroic  defense  of  the  Saxon  Hereward.* 
The  latter  even  consented  to  be  reconciled  with  the  Norman 
king  ;  but  we  are  told  that  one  day  when  he  was  resting 
after  his  dinner,  he  was  attacked  by  a  band  of  strangers  and 
perished  after  killing  fifteen  of  them  with  his  own  hand. 

Though  now  without  the  power  of  combination  and 
without  their  camp  of  refuge,  the  Saxons  still  resisted  the 
Norman  king.  They  resisted  individually,  in  the  forests, 
where  like  bandits  they  lived  on  the  king's  game,  and  drew 
the  bow  of  William  Tell  against  any  Norman  noble  who 
should  pass.f  They  were  hunted  and  outlawed  in  vain  ; 
and  this  race  of  patriot  poachers  continued  to  exist  for  more 
than  a  century,  and  their  popular  hero  Robin  Hood  was 
born  about  1160.  William  made  the  following  law  :  When- 
ever a  Frenchman  is  killetl  or  is  found  dead  in  any  hundred 
the  inhabitants  of  that  hundred  must  seize  and  produce  the 
murderer  within  five  days  ;  or  else  must  jointly  pay  46  silver 
marks. J  As  after  that  decree  the  men  of  the  hundred  took 
pains  to  remove  all  means  of  identification  from  the  bodies 
of  their  victims,  the  Norman  judges  declared  that  every  man 


*  Charles  Kingsley's  novel,  "  Hereward,"  collects  the  various  legends 
concerning  him  into  a  connected  narrative. — Ed. 

\  The  continuance  of  this  sort  of  resistance  to  the  Normans,  and  the 
connection  of  Kobin  Hood  with  it,  are  legendary,  unsupported  by  any 
trustworthy  evidence. — Eu. 

X  Sec  the  law  as  enacted  Ijy  William,  in  Stubbs,  ' '  Select  Charters,"  p.  80, 
(see  also  p.  193),  and  in  Freeman,  "  Norman  Conquest,"  iv.  p.  217,  n.  3. 
(American  edition). — Ed. 


Chap.   XIII.]  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  T85 

who  was  assassinated  should  be  considered  a  Frenchman 
whose  "  Englishry,"  as  they  called  it,  could  not  be  proved. 

These,  with  a  revolt  in  Maine,  and  a  Norman  conspiracy, 

were  the  obstacles  which  William  was  forced  to  overcome. 

Even  while  he  was  combating  them  he  was 

Spoliation     of     ,  .  ■,      •  ,  •    •  u-  _ 

the  conquered  busy  m  regulatmg  and  organizmg  his  con- 
peopie.  — Re-    q^ered  territory.     Between  1080  and  1086  a 

suits     for     Eng-      t       .  -'  i        r        11       i 

land  and  France  register  was  prepared  of  all  the  properties 
of  this  conquest.  Q^cupied  by  the  conquerors  ;  *  the  number  of 
houses  owned  by  each,  the  resources  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
the  rents  paid  before  the  invasion  were  all  taken  down. 
This  formed  the  great  Survey  of  England  called  by  the 
Saxons  the  Domesday-book,  because  it  recorded  the  irre- 
vocable sentence  of  their  dispossession.  On  the  lands  thus 
divided  and  registered  was  established  the  most  regular 
feudal  body  of  all  Europe  :  of  600  barons  and  under  them 
60,000  knights. f  At  the  head  of  all  was  the  king,  and  with 
no  feeble  power  like  the  French  king.  He  was  the  chief 
of  the  conquest,  the  victorious  captain  :  all  others  were  only 
his  lieutenants  and  soldiers.  Thus  the  Anglo-Norman 
monarchy,  reserving  for  itself  much  territory,  1462  manors 
and  all  the  principal  towns,  and  taking  pains,  by  exacting 
a  direct  oath  of  allegiance  from  even  the  knights  to  attach 
all  the  vassals,  no  matter  of  whom  they  held  their  lands,  to 
itself  by  the  closest  ties,  was  from  the  first  so  powerful  that 
later  the  nobles  and  the  commons  were  forced  to  combine 
in  order  to  avoid  being  utterly  crushed  by  it. 

We  must  not  be  misled  by  the  name  of  the  Normans  into 
thinking  that  they  were  Scandinavians.  These  conquerors 
were  Frenchmen,  and  with  them  French  civilization,  cus- 
toms, language,  and  feudal  institutions  all  took  root  in  the 
English  soil.     We  can  still  find  French  names  among  the 


*  It  includes  both  races  alike.  The  name  probably  meant  only  that 
the  disposition  made  of  the  land  was  regarded  as  final. — Ed. 

f  The  numbers  given  in  this  paragraph  must  not  be  considered  as 
exact.  Besides  taking  an  oath  from  all  landholders,  even  if  they  were 
the  vassals  of  his  own  vassals,  and  retaining  in  his  own  hands  larger 
domains  than  he  granted  to  any  single  person,  he  introduced  also  another 
check  on  the  tendency  of  feudalism  to  destroy  the  central  power.  He 
scattered  the  largest  estates  which  he  gave  to  any  of  his  followers  through 
various  parts  of  England,  to  prevent  the  formation  of  local  and  practically 
independent  principalities,  such  as  his  own  Duchy  of  Normandy  was  in 
France.     See  Stubbs,  Cons.  Hist,  of  Eng.,  I.  pp.  259  ff. — Eu. 


1 86  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

English  peerage,  and  until  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  that  is 
until  the  middle  of  the  14th  century,  French  continued  to 
be  the  language  of  the  court  and  of  the  tribunals.* 

France  paid  dear  for  this  conquest  made  by  her  arms, 
her  customs,  and  her  language.  The  dukes  of  Normandy, 
when  kings  of  England,  wielded  a  power  that  long  held 
that  of  the  French  kings  in  check,  and  two  centuries  of  war 
and  eight  of  jealous  hostility  have  been  the  results  of  this 
great  event. 

The  new  monarchy,  by  its  very  origin,  was  doomed  to 
lasting  disturbances.  The  Channel  could  not  be  filled  up, 
and  Normandy  and  England  always  continued  two  separate 
countries,  a  fact  which  was  the  cause  of  many  disagree- 
ments in  the  Anglo-Norman  kingdom  and  even  in  the  royal 
family.  Besides  this,  the  manners  of  William  the  Conqueror 
and  of  his  followers  were  rude  and  violent,  and  his  sons 
were  like  him.  They  had  many  bitter  quarrels,  and  even 
before  the  death  of  their  father  they  began  to  try  to  over- 
reach each  other.  The  Conqueror,  himself,  died  during  a 
a  war  with  his  eldest  son,  who  wished  to  seize  Normandy, 
and  who  was  aided  by  the  king  of  France  (1087). 

*  French  becomes  the  lan^age  of  the  courts  and  of  the  records  not 
under  the  Norman  but  under  the  Angevin  kings  in  the  thirteenth 
century. — Ed. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

GERMANY  AND  ITALY  (888-1039).— REVIVAL  OF  THE  EM- 
PIRE OF  CHARLEMAGNE  BY  THE  GERMAN  KINGS. 


Extinction  of  the  Carolingian  family  in  Germany  (911). — Election  of 
Conrad  I.  (91  r),  and  of  Henry  the  Fowler  (919)  ;  Greatness  of  the 
House  of  Saxony. — Otto  I.,  or  the  Great  (936)  ;  his  power  in  Ger- 
many ;  he  drives  out  the  Hungarians  (955). — Condition  of  Italy  in 
the  tenth  century. — Otto  re-establishes  the  Empire  (962). — Otto  II., 
Otto  III.,  Henry  II.  (973-1024),  and  Conrad  II.  (1024-1039). 


By  the  treaty  of  Verdun  in  843,  which  had  divided 
Charlemagne's  dominion  between  his  three  grandsons,  the 

imperial  crown  had  been  bestowed  upon  Lo- 
^an3i?ngians.    thai  re,  together  with  Italy  and  the  long  strip 

of  territory  which  separated  France  and  Ger- 
many. When  thig  unsubstantial  empire  was  destroyed,  the 
crown  continued  to  be  attached  to  Italy,  in  memory  of  the 
Roman  empire.  If  a  powerful  state  had  been  fofrhed  on 
the  peninsula  the  imperial  crown,  defended  by  a  strong 
arm,  could  no  doubt  have  been  permanently  secured  to  it. 
But  as  the  fall  of  Italy  followed  its  division,  this  token  of 
power  over  the  whole  world,  and  of  the  political  unity  of 
Europe,  ce>uld  not  remain  in  the  hands  of  a  petty  king,  lord 
over  a  few  provinces  in  Lombardy.  It  seemed  as  if  it 
ought  to  belong  by  just  rights  to  one  of  the  two  great  States 
formed  by  the  di'smemberment  of  the  Carolingian  empire, 
to  France,  or  to  Germany.  What  we  have  seen  of  the 
history  of  France  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  shows 
us  that  the  imperial  sceptre  was  not  for  her.  The  dukes  of 
France,  who  had,  moreover,  no  claim  ts  the  empire,  under- 
stood that  it  would  be  foolish  for  them  to  entertain  such  an 
ambition,  and  that,  if  they  did,  they  would  probably  lose 
their  own  feudal  royalty.  The  kings  of  G^ermany,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  the  real  heirs  of  Charlemagne,  primarily 
because  their  people  gloried  in  everything  that  related  to 
him,  and  also  because  the  carryirvg  out  of  his  work  devolved 

1S7 


l88  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

upon  them  by  force  of  circumstances.  The  country  over 
which  they  reigned  had  been  brought  into  existence  by 
Charlemagne,  the  nations  surrounding  them  had  first  been 
encountered  and  subdued  by  Charlemagne.  Everywhere 
within  and  without  their  domains  they  found  and  followed 
the  traces  of  his  footsteps. 

Germany  showed  great  love  for  his  family.  While  France 
was  choosing  her  kings  from  her  native-born  lords,  Eudes, 
Robert,  Rudolf,  and  Hugh  Capet,  Germany,  on  the  depo- 
sition of  Charles  the  Fat  (887),  chose  one  of  Charle- 
magne's descendants,  Arnulf,  the  illegitimate  son  of  Karl- 
mann,  so  that  the  Carolingian  dynasty  continued  on  the 
throne  until  it  died  out  in  911.  Arnulf  was  an  able  and 
warlike  man,  and  his  activity  forms  a  strong  contrast  to  the 
indolence  of  the  other  Carolingians.  He  assumed  high 
prerogatives  ;  he  tried  to  restore  the  lately  shattered  em- 
pire by  claiming  suzerainty  over  all  the  new  sovereigns 
who  were  appearing  throughout  Europe.  He  exacted 
recognition  of  this  suzerainty  of  Eudes,  king  of  France, 
of  Rudolf,  the  Welf,  king  of  transjurane  Burgundy,  of 
Louis,  king  of  Aries  and  son  of  Boso,  and  of  Berengar, 
king  of  Italy,  formerly  Duke  of  Friuli,  who  had  assumed 
this  crown  after  the  deposition  of  Charles  the  Fat. 

He  soon  claimed  a  more  direct  sovereignty  over  these 
countries.  He  appointed  his  son  Zwentibold  king  of 
Lorraine,  but  he  was  not  recognized,  and,  indeed,  he  met 
his  death  there.  In  894  Arnulf  was  called  by  the  pope  to 
cross  the  Alps  and  protect  him  from  (juido,  duke  of 
Spoleto,  who  had  proclaimed  himself  emperor  and  king 
of  Italy.  In  a  second  expedition  Arnulf  took  possession 
of  those  two  crowns  for  himself  (896).  Though  they  gave 
him  nothing  but  a  title,  yet  they  pointed  out  the  way  to  his 
successors.  His  power  in  Germany  was  a  more  firmly 
established  one.  The  foreign  tribes,  against  whom  Charle- 
magne had  fought,  were  also  held  in  check  and  repulsed  by 
Arnulf.  The  Norsemen  in  the  north  and  the  Slavs  in  the 
east,  like  the  waves  of  an  angry  ocean,  were  forever  beat- 
ing on  the  frontiers  of  Germany.  Arnulf  drove  the  Norse 
pirates  from  the  banks  of  the  Dyle,  where  they  had  set- 
tled. Since  the  victories  of  Louis  the  German,  the  Slavs 
had  invaded  Germany  four  times  between  the  years  844 
and  874.  At  their  head  were  the  Moravians  under  their 
formidable  chieftain  Zwentibold.      Arnulf's  success  against 


Chap.  XIV.]  GERMANY  AND  ITALY.  189 

these  enemies  was  much  less  decisive  than  against  the 
Norsemen,  but  on  the  death  of  Zwentibold,  in  894,  his  king- 
dom fell  to  pieces,  and  the  danger  was  removed.  Chris- 
tianit]^  had  shortly  before  been  carried  into  the  lands  occu- 
pied by  the  Moravians  by  Methodius,  and  Cyrill,  mission- 
aries from  the  East.  But  other  enemies,  the  Hungarians, 
speedily  appeared,  and  once  in  Germany  they  could  be 
driven  out  only  by  long  and  sustained  efforts.  During  the 
reign  of  Louis  the  Child,  son.  and  successor  to  Arnulf 
(899-911),  they  won  a  great  battle  near  Augsburg,  and 
committed  outrages  which  were  never  avenged. 

The  German  branch  of  the  Carolingian  family  became 
extinct  on  the  death  of  Louis  the  Child,  and  Germany  was 
obliged  to  choose  a  king  from  another  family. 
thfcaroUngia°n  At  that  time  Germany,  like  France,  con- 
Famiiy  in  Ger-  sistcd  of  a  number  of  large  fiefs  ;  but  it  was 
manyign).  divided    iuto  two    parties,  differing   in   their 

customs  and  character.  One  party  included  the  old  Ale- 
mannic  and  Austrasian  federations,  where  the  great  towns 
were  situated  with  the  chief  ecclesiastical  sovereignties  ; 
the  other  party  represented  Saxon  Germany,  and  still  retained 
its  barbarous  and  warlike  characteristics.  The  difference 
between  these  two  parts  of  the  country  gave  rise  to  a  spirit 
of  antagonism  later  on.  The  territory  formerly  belonging 
to  the  Alemanni  and  the  Boii  went  to  form  two  duchies, 
Alemannia  (Swabia)  and  Bavaria.  Another  duchy,  Fran- 
conia,  was  in  the  Austrasia  of  the  Frankish  kingdom. 
Saxony  included  Thuringia  and  a  part  of  Friesland.  These 
were  the  four  primitive  grand-duchies  of  Germany.* 

\\\  911,  the  electoral  system,  which  had  only  been  tem- 
porarily banished  by  the  glory  of  the  Carolingians,  was  re- 
stored to  its  place  among  the  political  customs  of  Germany 
at  the  very  time  when  it  disappeared  from  those  of  France. 
As  a  result  of  this  the  fortunes  of  the  two  countries  have 
been  widely  different.  The  great  vassals  of  France  saw  the 
throne  so  weak  and  so  stripped  of  all  power,  while  they 
themselves  were  rich  and   strong,  that  they  did  not  even 

*  These  great  duchies,  abolished  for  the  moment  by  Charlemagne,  begin 
to  reappear  under  his  son  Louis.  They  were  based  largely  on  the  old  tribal 
differences,  and  helped  greatly  to  perpetuate  those  differences — a  serious 
obstacle,  even  down  to  our  own  times,  in  the  way  of  the  formation  of  any 
united  German  State.  Lorraine  should  be  added  to  those  mentioned, 
making  the  number  five  at  the  end  of  the  Carolingian  period. — Ed. 


190  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

think  of  taking  away  the  hereditary  descent  and  of  terri- 
torial ownership,  those  two  great  sources  of  power.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  vassals  of  Germany,  who  knew  that  the 
power  of  their  kings  was  well  sustained,  did  their  best  to 
undermine  it  by  taking  away  that  double  advantage.  So 
in  the  former  case,  the  power  of  the  crown,  which  had  been 
weak,  became  strong,  while  in  the  latter,  though  strong  at 
first,  it  became  weak  ;  and  the  two  countries  reached,  the 
one  an  extreme  centralization,  the  other  an  extreme  divi- 
sion. It  is  noticable  in  this  connection  that  the  family  of 
Hugh  Capet  has  existed  for  nine  centuries,  and  still  exists, 
while  the  German  dynasties,  by  a  singular  fate,  have  died 
out  very  rapidly  in  the  second  or  third  generation  ;  so  that 
Germany,  being  constantly  called  upon  to  choose  a  new 
royal  race,  adopted  the  doctrine  of  succession  by  election, 
while  France,  on  the  contrary,  adopted  that  of  hereditary 
right. 

Conrad  I.,  who  was  elected  in  911  by  the  three  nations 

of  Saxony,  Thuringia,  and  Franconia,  was  a  descendant  of 

,    Charlemagne  in  the  female  line.     He  began 

Elections     of        ,  •^,       ,  ...  i     i  , 

Conrad  I.  (gn)  the  Struggle  between  the  knig  and  the  great 
Fow^r^Tgio)^  feudal  lords,  which  continued  throughout  the 
greatness  of  the  middle  agcs.  The  Warlike  dukcs,  rude  rcprc- 
saxon  House.  gcntativcs  of  the  feudal  spirit,  endeavored  to 
shake  off  the  royal  yoke  from  their  unruly  shoulders,  and 
yet  they  continually  placed  royal  authority  over  themselves 
m  order  to  keep  the  glory  of  the  imperial  title  in  their 
country,  and  by  union  better  to  resist  all  acts  from  without. 

Conrad  was  a  Franconian  ;  he  tried  to  sap  the  strength 
of  Saxony  and  to  take  Thuringia  away  from  it,  but  was 
defeated  by  Duke  Henry  at  Eresburg.  The  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  in  the  west,  refused  to  acknowledge  him,  and  gave 
his  allegiance  to  the  king  of  France  ;  but  Alsace  remained 
under  Conrad.  To  the  south,  those  who  held  the  power 
in  Swabia  also  refused  to  him  the  name  of  king,  and  allied 
themselves  with  Arnulf,  Duke  of  Bavaria.  He  defeated  the 
latter  and  forced  the  former  to  appear  before  a  national 
assembly  ;  the  diet  of  Altheim  condemned  them  as  felons, 
and  had  them  beheaded.  Conrad  had  succeeded  in  some, 
if  not  all,  of  his  undertakings,  when  he  died,  mortally 
wounded,  it  is  said,  in  a  combat  against  the  Hungarians  in 
918. 

After  the  death  of  this  Franconian  emperor,  the  crown 


Chap.  XIV.]  GERMANY  AND  ITALY.  191 

came  into  the  possession  of  the  House  of  Saxony,  where  it 
remained  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  (919-1024).  As 
Conrad  was  dying  he  designated  his  old  enemy  and  con- 
queror, Henry,  as  the  one  most  capable  of  defending  Ger- 
many against  the  Hungarians,  and  it  was  this  Saxon  duke 
who  was  elected  king. 

The  deputies  who  brought  him  the  news  found  him  busy 
catching  birds  ;  thence,  his  surname.  Henry  I.,  or  the  Fow- 
ler, brought  order  into  Germany,  which,  before,  had  been 
unorganized  and  defenseless.  He  has  the  credit  of  being 
the  one  to  institute,  in  behalf  of  royal  authority,  the  Pfalz- 
grafen  or  palatine  counts,  whom  he  placed  in  the  provinces 
by  the  side  of  the  dukes,  and  whom  he  entrusted  with  the 
oversight  of  the  crown  lands.*  In  the  object  sought  they 
were  an  imitation,  on  a  smaller  scale,  of  the  missi  dominki  of 
Charlemagne.  There  was  at  that  time  no  heerban,  no  Field 
of  May,  nor  any  assemblies  of  estates  at  regular  intervals. 
Henry  attempted  to  re-establish  the  heerban  by  renewing 
earlier  laws,  that  whoever  had  passed  his  thirteenth  year 
should  be  obliged  to  carry  arms  ;  if  he  did  not  appear 
within  three  days  after  the  levy,  he  incurred  the  penalty  of 
death. 

To  check  his  enemies  from  without  he  instituted  a  com- 
plete system  of  defense  ;  he  formed  the  mark,  [called  after- 
wards] Schleswig,  as  a  defense  against  the  Danes,  the  north 
mark,  or  mark  of  northern  Saxony,  against  the  Slavs,  and 
the  Wends,  the  mark  of  Meissen,  against  the  Hungarians 
and  the  Poles,  and  also  the  strongholds  of  Quedlinburg, 
Meissen,  and  Merseburg.  The  latter  was  made  the  center, 
as  it  were,  of  the  whole  defense  ;  he  put  down  there  a  col- 
ony of  thieves  and  vagabonds,  who  were  henceforth  to 
defend  the  country  they  had  formerly  ravaged,  and  plun- 
der only  its  enemies.  He  ordained  that  every  ninth  man 
of  the  district  should  be  stationed  in  the  nearest  "burg  "  or 
fortress,  while  the  others  were  to  keep  his  fields  in  cultiva- 
tion. He  built  also  storehouses  in  the  fortresses  in  which 
one-third  of  all  the  crops  were  to  be  deposited,  and  he 
required  that  their  assemblies  and  markets,  their  public 
festivals  and  marriages,  should  be  held  within  the  walls. 

The  effect  of  these  excellent  institutions  was  felt  even  in 


*  The  credit  for  this  institution  is  to  be  given  to  Otto  I.  rather  than 
to  Henry. — Ed, 


192  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

Henry's  reign.  His  great  victory  at  Merseburg  on  the 
Saale  *  (933)  forced  back  the  Hungarians,  and  the  recovery 
of  Lorraine  for  the  German  kingdom  protected  it  on  the 
west,  as  it  was  protected  by  Bohemia  on  the  east  and  Schles- 
wig  on  the  north. 

Henry  had  summoned  a  diet  at  Erfurt  some  time  before 
his  death,  and  had  asked  it  to  recognize  his  second  son, 
Otto,  as  king.  Otto  proceeded  to  Aix-la- 
Great  °936'),*his  Chapellc  (Aachcn),  where  the  dukes,  princes, 
power  in  Ger-  and  all  the  great  noblemen  of  the  country, 
derives ^out  t h  e  assembled  in  the  "  Hall  of  Columns,"  where 
forever^"^'^"^  stood  the  thronc  of  Charlemagne,  proclaimed 
him  king  ;  after  his  election  the  archbishop 
of  Mainz  presented  him  to  the  people  assembled  in  the 
church,  with  these  words  :  "  This  is  he  who  has  been  chosen 
by  God,  designated  by  our  late  lord  and  king,  Henry,  and 
who  has  been  raised  to  the  throne  by  all  the  princes — the 
noble  Lord  Otto.  If  the  choice  pleases  you,  raise  your  right 
hands."  The  people  all  raised  their  hands.  It  was  a  last 
remnant  of  the  old  custom  of  election  by  the  whole  tribe, 
and  not  by  its  chiefs  alone. 

The  accession  of  another  Saxon  king  raised  opposition 
in  the  west  and  the  south,  as  it  had  in  the  last  reign. 
The  dukes  of  Bavaria  and  Franconia  joined  Lorraine  in 
resisting  Otto,  and  obtained  the  assistance  of  Louis  IV., 
king  of  France.  Otto  defeated  the  rebels  and  pushed 
into  Champagne,  with  the  help  of  his  brother-in-law,  the 
Duke  of  France,  and  the  Count  of  Vermandois,  then  in 
arms  against  Louis  IV.  Finally,  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
made  between  the  kings  (942).  By  a  happy  combination 
of  circumstances  the  great  duchies  hostile  to  the  king  be- 
came vacant,  and  he  succeeded  in  conferring  them  upon 
members  of  his  own  family.  Bavaria  was  given  to  his 
brother  Henry,  Svvabia  to  his  son  Ludolf,  Lorraine  to  his 
son-in-law  Conrad  the  Red,  the  archbishopric  of  Cologne 
to  his  other  brother,  Bruno,  and  that  of  Mainz  to  another 
son,  Wilhelm.  He  strengthened  his  authority  still  more  by 
extending  the  powers  of  the  palatine  counts,  who  were 
appointed  in  several  of  the  great  fiefs  under  the  dukes  to 
administer  justice  in  the  king's  name,  and  to  rule  the  royal 
domains  ;    he  was  further  strengthened  by  the  favor   he 

*  This  battle  is  now  supposed  to  have  been  foujifht  some  distance  west 
of  Merseburg,  near  the  village  of  Kiethcburg. — Ed. 


Chap.  XIV.]  GERMANY  AND  ITALY.  193 

showed  the  church  in  Germany.  He  bestowed  counties 
and  even  duchies  upon  the  bishops,  with  all  the  preroga- 
tives of  secular  princes,*  though  in  many  cases  these  pre- 
rogatives and  the  temporal  jurisdiction  were  exercised  not 
directly  by  the  bishop,  but  by  another  officer  called  the 
Vogt  {advocatus!)  Later,  the  counts  palatine  either  made 
themselves  independent  or  were  made  subject  by  the  dukes, 
and  the  bishops  also  became  sovereigns  of  little  states, 
virtually  independent  of  the  general  government;  but  there 
was  no  reason  why  it  should  enter  into  Otto's  calculations 
that  his  successors  would  not  know  how  to  rule. 

The  reign  of  Otto  I.  is  celebrated  for  a  great  military 
feat,  the  decisive  victory,  near  Augsburg  (955),  over  the 
Hungarians,  who,  it  is  said,  lost  100,000  men,  and  after 
that  their  incursions  into  Germany  ceased.  Territory 
across  the  Enns,  which  was  taken  from  them,  was  annexed 
to  the  East  mark,  and  formed  the  foundation  of  the  later 
Austria.  In  his  external  policy  with  regard  to  the  Bohe- 
mians, the  Poles,  and  the  Danes,  Otto  followed  the  example 
of  Charlemagne  with  the  Saxons,  in  attempting  to  make 
them  at  once  Christians  and  subjects  of  his  empire.  Thus 
in  Bohemia,  he  forced  Boleslav  I.,  who  was  persecuting 
Christians,  to  pay  him  an  annual  tribute,  and  to  encourage 
the  religion  he  had  been  persecuting  (950).  The  Duke  of 
Poland  was  obliged  to  render  homage  to  him  and  to  allow 
the  bishopric  of  Posen  to  be  founded  ;  the  Danes,  whom  he 
pursued  to  the  remotest  parts  of  Jutland,  obtained  peace 
only  when  they  had  promised  that  their  king  and  his  son 
should  be  baptized. f  Charlemagne  had  founded  the 
bishoprics  of  Saxony,  in  the  valleys  of  the  Weser  ;  and  Otto, 
following  in  his  steps,  established  in  the  valleys  of  the  Elbe 
and  the  Oder  the  archbishopric  of  Madgeburg  and  the 
bishoprics  of  Brandenburg,  Havelborg,  Meissen,  Naum- 
burg  (Zeitz),  IMerseburg,  and  Posen  ;  on  the  Cimbric  penin- 
sula, those  of  Schleswig,  Ripen,  and  Aarhus  ;  in  Bohemia, 
that  of  Prague.;];      It  was  a  formal  taking  possession  of 

*  Otto  I.  may,  perhaps,  be  taken  as  a  representative  of  this  tendency, 
though  it  does  not  take  the  exact  form  here  described  until  a  later 
time. — Ed. 

f  Otto's  expedition  to  the  extremity  of  Denmark,  and  the  conditions  of 
peace  exacted  rest  only  on  later  traditions,  but  the  Danes  were  certainly 
held  in  check. — Ed. 

X  The  bishopric  of  Prague  was  established  under  Otto  II. — Ed. 


194  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

those  lands  by  Christianity  and  civilization,  but  the  empire 
did  not  long  retain  its  hold  over  them. 

Germany's  claims  upon  Italy  had  lain  dormant  since  the 

death  of  Arnulf.     They  were  revived  by  Otto.     From  the 

^     J.  .         ,    beginninfj  of  the  tenth  century  Italy  had  been 

Condition    of         .°  ^  ,  ^.,-'^,-',.  , 

Italy  in  the  givcu  ovcr  to  the  most  frightful  disorders, 
otto  re-establ  "^^^  Uniformity  established  by  Roman  con- 
lishes  the  Em-  qu€st  had  disappeared  with  the  imperial 
pire  (9  2).  power,  the  country  had  lost  all  unity  of  char- 

acter and  customs ;  it  was  German  on  the  north,  where  the 
Lombards  and  the  Francs  were  settled  ;  Roman  at  the 
center,  where  the  Holy  See  protected  the  Roman  spirit ; 
Greek,  and  almost  Saracenic  in  the  south,  where  Constan- 
tinople's power  was  still  supreme,  and  where  the  Arabs 
were  now  establishing  themselves. 

A  host  of  little  sovereign  powers  had  sprung  up.  Among 
the  lay  nobility,  the  Duke  of  Friuli  on  the  east,  and  the 
Marquis  of  Ivrea  on  the  west  of  Lombardy,  the  Duke  of 
Spoleto  in  the  center,  and  the  Dukes  of  Beneventum,  Saler- 
no, and  Capua  in  the  south.  Among  ecclesiastics,  the 
pope,  the  archbishops  of  Milan  and  Ravenna,  the  bishops 
of  Pavia,  Verona,  and  Turin  ;  and  among  free  towns, 
Venice,  Genoa,  Gaeta,  and  Amalfi. 

Of  these,  the  Dukes  of  Friuli  and  Spoleto,  and  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ivrea,  were  most  powerful,  and  they  had  long  been 
contending  for  the  throne  among  themselves  and  with  the 
king  of  Provence.  Intrigues,  which  bring  the  dagger  and 
poison  into  play  too  often,  soil  the  pages  of  Italy's  history 
at  this  time  and  for  many  years  after.  Marozia,  a  disso- 
lute woman,  who  was  stained  with  the  blood  of  many  mur- 
ders, had,  at  one  time,  the  disposal  of  the  crown  of  Italy 
and  the  papal  tiara. 

In  924,  the  imperial  crown  had  fallen  from  the  head  of 
the  assassinated  King  lierengar  1.,  and  in  the  prevailing 
confusion  no  one  had  taken  possession  of  it.  Rudolf,  King 
of  Burgundy,  and  Hugh,  Count  of  Provence,  followed  by 
Lothaire,  son  of  the  latter,  laid  claim  at  least  to  the  throne 
of  Italy.  In  951,  Berengar  II.,  Marquis  of  Ivrea,  and 
grandson  of  the  emperor  of  the  same  name,  poisoned,  it 
was  said,  Lothaire,  took  his  place,  and,  to  insure  the  succes- 
sion to  his  own  son,  Adalbert,  he  tried  to  compel  Lothaire's 
widow,  Adelheid,  to  marry  him.  But  she  took  refuge  in 
the  castle  of  Canossa,  and  called  upon  Otto  for  assistance. 


Chap.  XIV.]  GERMANY  AND   ITALY.  IQS 

Otto,  who  was  victorious  over  all  his  enemies,  holding 
uncontested  authority  within  Germany  and  without,  a 
supremacy  founded  on  victory,  needed  nothing  but  the 
crown  of  iron  and  the  imperial  crown  to  enable  him  to 
re-establish  almost  exactly  the  empire  of  Charlemagne.  He 
went  in  quest  of  th»ese.  In  951  he  crossed  the  Alps.  All 
the  clergy  of  Lcmbardy  came  to  meet  hmi.  The  Peninsula 
was  tired  of  having  a  sovereign  always  present  with  them, 
and  imagined  that  the  authority  of  an  absent  monarch,  of  a 
German  king  beyond  the  Alps,  would  be  less  oppressive. 
It  was  a  mistake  which  Italy  has  made  several  times,  to  her 
misfortune.  She  thought  she  offered  the  kings  of  Ger- 
many a  title  only,  but  they,  when  masters  of  the  title, 
claimed  the  authority  also. 

The  King  of  Germany  did  not  get  possession  of  the 
crowns  Italy  had  to  offer  on  his  first  journey.  He  merely 
married  Adelheid  and  received  the  homage  of  Berengar  II. 
But  when  he  returned  in  961,  and  found  that  Berengar  was 
trying  to  resist  him,  he  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed 
King  of  Italy,  at  Milan,  and  to  be  crowned  Emperor  at 
Rome  (Feb.  2,  962).  He  agreed  to  respect  the  donations 
made  by  Charlemagne  to  the  Holy  See,  and  the  Romans 
promised  not  to  elect  a  pope  save  in  the  presence  of 
envoys  sent  by  the  emperor,  and  with  his  consent. 

By  this  act  Otto  restored  the  Empire  in  favor  of  those 
princes  who  should  be  elected  kings  of  the  Germans  to  the 
north  of  the  Alps,  and  he  established  the  German  power  in 
Italy.  These  measures  were  not  put  through  without  resist- 
ance. The  Romans  were  indignant  when  they  saw  him 
disposing  of  the  papal  throne.  They  banished  John  XIII., 
appointed  by  him,  and  elected  a  prefect  and  twelve  tri- 
bunes. For  this.  Otto  punished  them  with  severity.  Rome 
and  the  Pope  realized,  for  the  third  time,  that  they  had 
found  their  master. 

Otto  had  not  yet  gained  possession  of  the  southern  part 
of  Italy.  He  sent  Bishop  Luitprand  as  ambassador  to 
Nicephorus,  Emperor  of  the  East,  charged  with  the  duty  of 
asking  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Theophano  for  his  son 
Otto.  Nicephorus  refused,  and  accompanied  his  refusal 
with  outrageous  behavior  toward  the  ambassador  ;  where- 
upon Otto  ravaged  the  Grecian  territories  to  such  an  extent 
that  the  new  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  John  Zimisces, 
was   induced    to   yield   Theophano.      The   marriage   took 


196  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

place,  but  the  treaty  with  the  eastern  Emperor  granted  to 
the  House  of  Saxony  no  rights  in  Southern  Italy. 

Otto's  position  resembled  that  of  Charlemagne  in  some 
respects.  They  were  both  all-powerful  at  home,  both  con- 
quered and  Christianized  the  peoples  to  the  north  and  the 
east,  they  both  exalted  the  Empire  of  the  West,  both  con- 
trolled Italy  and  the  papacy,  and  both  tried  to  negotiate  a 
marriage  under  very  unpleasant  conditions  with  the  Emper- 
ors of  the  East,  who  showed  always  a  harsh  and  disdainful 
spirit  toward  the  barbarian  "basileus.".  To  the  parallel 
must  be  added  the  wide  renown  of  Otto  and  the  numerous 
embassies,  which  he  received  even  from  the  Saracens,  after 
his  victory  over  the  Hungarians.     He  died  in  973. 

The  last  emperors  of  the  Saxon  line.  Otto  II.  (973),  Otto 
III.  (983),  and  Henry  II.  (1002),  lost  the  ascendency  gained 
Otto  II.,  Otto  by  their  predecessors.  The  first  was  detained 
III.,  Henry  II.  by  insurrcction  in  Germany,  and  by  an  expe- 
Cc?nr^ad  Vi .  ditiou  into  France,  which  took  him  as  far  as 
O024-1039).  Paris,  and  he  did  not  reach  Italy  till  seven 

years  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign.  The  little  feudal 
States,  lay  and  ecclesiastic,  had  profited  by  the  long  absence 
of  their  sovereign,  and  had  risen  on  all  sides  and  made 
themselves  practically  independent.  Moreover  Otto  II. 
cared  less  about  enjoying  his  authority  in  the  northern  or 
central  part  than  he  did  about  gaining  possession  of  the 
south.  He  met  a  severe  defeat  in  Calabria,  and  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Greek  pirates.  He  escaped  from  them  by 
swimming,  and  died  a  few  months  after  (983). 

Otto  III.,  who  was  possessed  by  romantic  ideas  of  the 
Roman  empire  and  by  an  ambition  which  had  been  nour- 
ished by  his  mother  Theophano  and  his  grandmother  Adel- 
heid,  gave  most  of  his  thought  to  Italy,  though  his  long 
minority  prevented  him  from  going  thither  to  obtain  the 
imperial  crown  until  996.  He  bestowed  the  papal  office 
upon  his  relative  Gregory  V.,  who  saw  in  the  Germans  "the 
arm  of  Christianity,"  and  afterwards  upon  Silvester  II.,  his 
former  teacher,  whose  dream  it  was  to  unite  all  Christendom 
under  the  two  powers  and  to  send  it  forth  into  Asia  to  the 
conquest  of  Jerusalem.  The  tribune  Cresentius  rebelled 
against  the  German  domination  in  Rome,  and  assumed  the 
titles  of  patrician  and  consul.  Upheld  by  the  court  of  Con- 
stantinople he  tried  to  revive  the  Roman  republic.  Otto 
III.  repressed  the  sedition  with  great  cruelty  ;  he  imprisoned 


Chap.  XIV.]  GERMANY  AND  ITALY.  I97 

Cresentius  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  condemned  him 
to  be  hanged  on  a  gibbet  70  feet  high  (998),  but  his  wife  is 
said  to  have  avenged  him  by  poisoning  the  emperor  (1002). 

The  cruel  experiences  which  Ital}'  had  undergone  during 
the  period  of  German  domination  seemed  to  make  the  sub- 
stitution of  a  national  king  advisable,  and  Arduin,  Marquis 
of  Ivrea,  was  proclaimed  in  Pavia.  Henry  of  Bavaria,  great- 
grandson  of  Henry  the  Fowler,  had  just  succeeded  Otto. 
He  was  a  prince  of  such  zealous  piety  that  it  is  related  of 
him  that  at  one  time  he  wished  to  abdicate  and  become  a 
monk.  His  reign  was  none  the  less  on  this  account  a 
troubled  one.  He  had  to  struggle  in  Germany  against 
many  of  the  great  vassals  and  the  King  of  Poland,  and  he 
crossed  the  Alps  three  times.  The  second  time  (1013)  he 
overthrew  Arduin,  aided  by  internal  rivalries,  which  were 
always  the  ruin  of  Italy.  ]\Iilan  had  declared  against 
Arduin  because  she  was  jealous  of  Pavia  ;  her  archbishop 
carried  most  of  the  prelates  with  him  into  the  imperial  party, 
for  they  saw  that  their  power  would  be  curtailed  by  a  tem- 
poral sovereign  near  at  hand.  On  his  third  trip  (1014), 
Henry  H.  attempted  again,  unsuccessfully,  the  conquest  of 
the  Greek  dominions  in  the  south  of  Italy,  but  his  appear- 
ance did  for  the  moment  give  to  the  church  the  preponder- 
ance of  power  in  the  peninsula. 

On  the  death  of  Henry  II.,  called  Saint  Henry  (1024), 
the  imperial  crown  was  restored  to  the  Franconian  house, 
which  had  already  possessed  it  once.  This  seemed  to  keep 
the  balance  between  the  two  parties  of  Germany.  But  the 
change  of  dynasties  did  not  bring  a  change  of  policy.  The 
German  royalty,  represented  for  the  most  part  by  men  of 
talents  and  energy,  continued  to  grow  stronger  and  to  ex- 
tend its  power. 

Germany  was  almost  forced  to  maintain  an  offensive 
policy  toward  the  east  in  order  to  keep  the  foreign  tribes 
at  a  distance.  Henry  II.  had  been  obliged  to  keep  up  a 
long  struggle  with  the  Poles,  from  whom  he  had  taken 
Bohemia,  but  who  forced  him  to  renounce  all  right  of  sove- 
reignty on  the  part  of  the  empire  over  their  country.*  Con- 
rad II.,  the  Salic,  recovered  this  right,  but  he  yielded  the 
mark  of  Schleswig  to  the  King  of  Denmark,  Cnut  the 
Great.     He  stopped,  however,  the  attacks  of  the  Slavs  to 

*  This  is  very  doubtful. — Ed. 


198  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

the  north  of  the  Elbe,  making  them  tributary  to  the  Chris- 
tians, and,  to  hold  them  in  check,  he  rebuilt  Hamburg, 
which  they  had  destroyed. 

Since  the  time  of  Otto  I.,  the  great  vassals  had  been 
more  directly  under  control.  Conrad  was  able  to  secure 
the  condemnation  and  imprisonment  of  the  Duke  of  Swabia 
as  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace,  in  his  efforts  to  get 
possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Burgundy.  This  countrj'- 
Conrad  kept  for  himself.  By  the  treaty  of  Basel,  which  he 
induced  Rudolf  III.,  the  old  king  of  Aries,  to  sign,  he  an- 
nexed the  Valley  of  the  Rhone,  Franche-Comte,  and 
Switzerland,  to  the  empire  (1033). 

Conrad,  the  Salic,  managed  affairs  in  Italy  in  much  the 
same  way  as  his  predecessor  ;  he  depended  for  support 
upon  the  bishops,  who  were  the  soul  of  the  German  party, 
and  especially  upon  Heribert  (Aribert),  archbishop  of 
Milan,  who  had  crowned  him  ;  and  he  increased  still  more 
the  power  of  their  leading  men.  He  thought  himself  sure 
of  their  dependence  upon  him,  because  they  received  from 
his  hand  their  insignia  of  office,  the  crosier  and  the  ring. 
But  the  great  favor  shown  to  bishops  did  not  prove  wise  in 
the  event ;  the  bishops,  who  were  the  masters  of  Italy, 
believed  that  they  were  able  to  slight  the  imperial  sove- 
reignty on  the  one  hand  ;  and  on  the  other,  to  oppress  the 
smaller  vassals  and  the  burgesses.  The  latter  were  not  to 
be  despised  when  they  were  found  in  the  rich  Italian  com- 
munes. The  burgesses  and  smaller  vassals  joined  forces  ; 
but,  following  the  usual  inclination  to  secure  the  triumph  of 
the  moment  rather  than  to  think  of  the  future,  they  called 
upon  the  emperor.  Conrad  came  again,  and  tliis  time  in  a 
very  different  frame  of  mind.  He  seized  Heribert,  with 
the  Bishops  of  Vercelli,  Piacenza,  and  Cremona,  and  in 
order  to  keep  the  episcopal  power  forever  within  bounds, 
he  published  his  famous  edict  of  1037,  which  declared  the 
fiefs  of  the  vassals  or  valvassors  to  be  irrevocable,  hered- 
itary, and  practically  immediate.*  This  was  the  constitut- 
ing act  of  Italian  feudalism  ;  but  it  was  a  peculiar  feudal- 
ism, shorn  of  the  hierarchical  development  which  it  had  in 
other  countries,  because  of  this  condition  of  innnediate- 
ness  which   did  away  with  the  intermediary  office  of  the 


*  That  is,  held  directly  of  the  emperor,  the  lord  paramount,  and  not  of 
the  emperor's  vassals. — Pp. 


Chap.  XIV.]  GERMANY  AND  ITALY.  199 

great  vassals  between  the  emperor  and  the  subordinate  vas- 
sals.* 

Conrad  II.  died  in  1039,  '^"^  ^'^  ^'^'^'  Henry  III.,  suc- 
ceeded him,  the  most  powerful  of  the  German  Caesars,  but 
whose  very  power  brought  on  the  ruin  of  the  second 
empire  and  the  greatest  conflict  of  the  Middle  Ages,  namely, 
the  struggle  between  the  Church  and  the  Empire. 


*  The  policy  of  this  act  did  not  differ  materially  from  that  which  Con- 
rad had  been  following  out  in  Germany,  and  its  influence  upon  Italian 
feudalism  can  easily  be  overstated. — Ed. 


CHAPTER   XV. 
FEUDALISM.* 


Beginning  of  the  Feudal  Regime. — Reciprocal  Obligations  of  Vassal  and 
Lord. — Ecclesiastical  Feudalism. — Serfs  and  Villeins. — Anarchy  and 
Violence  ;  frightful  Misery  of  the  Peasants  ;  several  good  Results. — 
Geographical  Divisions  of  Feudal  Europe. 


The  real  heirs  of  Charlemagne  were  from  the  first  neither 
the  kings  of  France  or  those  of  Italy  or  Germany  ;  but  the 
innin  of  f^'-i^^^  lords.  When  Charles  the  Fat  was. 
the  Feudal  Re-  deposed  it  was  not  only  the  empire  that  was 
^""^'  dismembered,  but  also  the  kingdoms  and  the 

great  fiefs.  The  dukes  and  counts  had  been  as  powerless 
as  the  kings  against  the  Saracens,  the  Norsemen  and  the 
Hungarians,  and  equally  incapable  of  keeping  their  vast 
territories  under  one  government.  The  people,  no  longer 
led  by  their  chiefs  to  common  expeditions  of  war,  had  little 
by  little  become  accustomed  to  rely  only  on  themselves. 

After  they  had  for  years  been  in  the  habit  of  taking- 
refuge  in  their  forests  among  the  wild  beasts  at  the  approach 
of  the  pagan,  at  last  some  men  of  spirit  made  a  stand  and 
refused  to  abandon  their  whole  substance  without  even  at- 
tempting to  defend  it.  Here  and  there  in  a  mountain  gorge, 
at  the  ford  of  a  river,  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  plain,  they 
built  intrenchments  and  walls,  which  were  defended  by  the 
bravest  and  strongest.  An  edict  of  853  ordered  the  counts 
and  vassals  of  the  kings  to  repair  the  old  castles  and  to 
build  new  ones.     The  country  was  soon  covered  with  them, 

*  The  history  of  the  early  stages  of  the  feudal  system  has  long  been 
and  still  is  a  subject  of  controversy  and  disagreement  among  scholars. 
Consult  the  suggestive  chapter  (XV.)  in  Emerton's  Introduction  to  the 
Middle  Ages  ;  chap  vi.,  sections  3-6,  of  Andrews's  Institutes  of  General 
History  ;  and  two  articles  by  the  present  editor  in  the  Andover  Reviciv, 
vol.  vii.,  pp.  366-375  and  505-518.  The  older  accounts  in  English  are 
without  value. — Ed. 

200 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  201 

and  the  invaders  often  were  repulsed.  A  few  defeats  made  the 
latter  more  wary.  They  did  not  dare  venture  so  far  into  the 
midst  of  the  fortresses,  which  sprang  from  the  ground  on 
every  side,  and  the  new  invasion,  hindered  and  obstructed 
in  this  way,  ceased  in  the  following  century.  Later,  the 
masters  of  these  castles  were  the  terror  of  the  country,  but 
they  saved  it  at  first,  and  though  feudalism  became  so 
oppressive  in  the  latter  part  of  its  existence,  it  had  had  its 
time  of  legitimacy  and  usefulness.  Power  always  estab- 
lishes itself  through  service,  and  perishes  through  abuse. 

But  what  was  this  new  regime  ?  We  have  seen  the  sys- 
tem of  land  tenure  becoming  more  uniform  throughout  the 
barbarian  world,  through  the  confirmation  of  the  right  of 
hereditary  transmission  of  the  lands  granted  by  the  kings, 
and  we  have  seen  the  law  giving  its  sanction  also  to  a 
usurpation  of  another  kind,  the  hereditary  transmission  of 
the  royal  offices.  Generally,  the  holders  of  these  offices  were 
also  proprietors  either  of  allodial  or  of  royal  lands,  with  the 
result  that  authority  and  landed  property  were  united  in  the 
same  hands.  This  union  is  the  essential  characteristic  of 
feudalism. 

Under  the  absolute  monarchy  of  the  Roman  empire,  all 
the  appointments  to  public  office,  high  or  low,  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  monarch,  and  remained  always  at  his  direct 
disposal,  so  that  he  could  recall  them  at  will.  And  more 
than  this,  the  public  officer  neither  owned  the  soil  of  the 
province  which  he  governed,  nor  did  he  have  any  rights  of 
government  over  the  landed  properties  which  he  might 
possess  as  a  simple  citizen.  He  was,  therefore,  amenable,  as 
proprietor,  to  the  civil  law  of  the  whole  empire,  and  as  gov- 
ernor to  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  sovereign.  The  feudal 
system  was  just  the  reverse  of  this.  A  lord  who  granted,  as 
an  inferior  fief,  a  certain  part  of  his  own  fief,  made  over  to 
the  grantee  or  vassal  at  the  same  time  both  the  property 
and  the  sovereignty  over  it,  neither  of  which  he  could  reclaim 
unless  the  vassal  failed  in  some  of  the  services  agreed  to  by 
him  when  he  received  the  investiture. 

If  one  lord  wished  to  obtain  land  from  another  and 
become  his  vassal,  he  must  seek  him  out,  and  then  the  cere- 
mony of  "  homage  "  took  place  between  the  two  ;  the 
would-be  vassal  must  kneel  before  his  future  lord,  and 
placing  his  hands  in  those  of  the  latter,  must  declare  in  a 
loud  voice  that  from  that  time  forward  he  would  be  his  man 


202  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

{/lomo),  that  is,  that  he  would  be  devoted  and  faithful  to 
him,  and  would  defend  him  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life,  much 
as  the  ancient  Germans  did  in  the  comiiatiis  relationship. 
After  this  declaration,  which  was  really  the  "  homage,"  he 
gave  the  lord  his  oath  of  fealty  or  of  faith,  and  swore  to  per- 
form all  the  duties  which  devolved  upon  him  from  his  new 
relation  of  vassal  of  his  lord.  After  the  vassal  had  per- 
formed this  double  ceremony,  the  lord  did  not  fear  to 
entrust  his  land  to  the  man  who  was  so  strongly  bound  to 
him,  and  granted  it  to  him  by  "  investiture,"  which  was 
often  accompanied  by  some  symbol,  a  clod  of  turf,  a  stone, 
a  switch,  a  branch  of  a  tree,  or  any  other  object,  according 
to  the  custom  of  the  fief.  Otto  of  Freising  says  :  "  It  is 
customary  when  a  kingdom  is  delivered  over  to  any  one 
that  a  sword  be  given  with  it,  when  a  province  is  transferred, 
a  standard  is  given."* 

In  the    first   place,  the  vassal  was  under  certain  moral 

obligations   to    his   lord,  those  of   keeping  his  secrets,  of 

disclosing  to  him   the   plots  of  his  enemies 

Reciprocal  •       ,.  i  •  r   j    r       j-  i  •  ■     •  i  •        u  • 

obligations  against  him,  of  defending  him,  giving  him  his 
°V»u  \^^,^^^   horse  in  battle,  if  the  latter  were  unhorsed, 

and  the  lord.  ,,.,;,  .  .     . 

or  of  taking  his  place  in  captivity  ;  of  re- 
specting his  honor  and  causing  others  to  do  the  same  ;  of 
assisting  him  with  good  advice,  etc.  The  material  obliga- 
tions or  the  services  owed  by  the  vassal  were  of  various 
kinds  : 

I.  Military  service,  which  was  the  very  foundation  of 
the  feudal  relation,  and  the  principle  by  which  this  state  of 
society,  which  knew  nothing  of  standing  and  paid  armies, 
existed.  The  vassal  was  obliged,  at  the  bidding  of  his 
lord,  to  follow  him  either  alone  or  with  a  certain  number 
of  men,  according  to  the  importance  of  his  fief.  The  dur- 
ation of  this  service  also  varied  in  proportion  to  the  size 
of  the  fief  ;  in  some  cases  it  was  sixty  days,  in  some  forty, 

*  The  ceremony  of  simple  or  franc  homage  was  performed  by  the  vassal 
standing  up  and  placing  his  hand  on  the  Bible,  and  wearing  his  dagger 
and  spurs,  which  he  must  remove  for  the  ceremony  of  liege  homage.  In 
the  latter  ceremony  the  vassal,  bareheaded,  knelt  on  one  knee,  and  plac- 
ing his  hands  in  those  of  his  lord,  gave  him  the  oath  of  fealty  and  prom- 
ised to  serve  him  in  the  army.  The  latter  promise  was  not  included  in 
the  simple  homage.  A  vassal  sometimes  paid  liege  homage  for  one  fief 
and  simple  homage  for  another.  Thus  the  Duke  of  Brittany  agreed  to 
the  former  for  the  county  of  Montfort,  but  pretended  only  to  owe  the 
second  for  his  duchy. 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  203 

and  in  others  20,  a  variation  whicli  made  distant  expe- 
ditions impossible,  and  made  the  forces  thus  raised  avail- 
able only  for  wars  in  the  near  vicinity,  or  for  private  wars. 
There  were  fiefs  where  military  service  could  only  be 
claimed  within  the  limits  of  the  feudal  territory,  or  even 
only  for  defense. 

II.  The  obligation  to  serve  the  suzerain  in  his  court 
of  justice.  As  under  the  feudal  regime  the  lord  filled  the 
place  of  the  State  and  was  invested  with  the  functions  of 
the  public  power ;  he  was  obliged,  in  order  to  exercise 
these  functions,  to  collect  about  him  the  powers  divided  by 
his  vassals.  Making  war  was  one  of  his  functions  and  the 
administration  of  justice  another.  The  lord  summoned  his 
vassals  to  come  to  his  courts,  and  it  was  their  duty  to  come 
either  to  serve  him  with  their  counsel  or  to  take  part  in 
judging  the  quarrels  that  were  brought  before  him.  They 
also  promised  to  give  their  assistance  in  carrying  out  the 
sentences  which  they  had  pronounced. 

III.  l"he  aids,  some  of  which  were  legal  or  obligatory, 
the  others  gracious  or  voluntary.  The  legal  aids  were 
generally  due  in  three  cases  ;  when  the  lord  was  made 
prisoner  his  ransom  was  to  be  paid,  when  he  armed 
his  eldest  son  as  knight,  and  when  he  married  his  eldest 
daughter.  The  aids  took  the  place  of  the  public  taxes 
of  the  ancient  and  modern  States,  but  were  of  a  very 
different  character,  as  we  have  seen ;  they  neither  recurred 
at  regular  intervals  nor  were  exacted  by  a  general  system 
for  the  public  needs ;  but  they  had  the  appearance  of 
a  voluntary  gift,  given  under  especial  circumstances.  An 
annual  impost  would  have  seemed  like  an  affront  to  the 
vassals. 

In  addition  to  these  services  we  must  mention  certain 
feudal  rights  by  which  a  lord,  in  virtue  of  his  sovereignty, 
could  interfere  in  any  important  changes  occurring  on  a 
fief  granted  by  him  to  a  vassal.  Some  of  these  were  sources 
of  new  revenues  to  him.  The  rights  were  those  of  relief,  a 
sum  of  money  paid  by  each  heir  on  his  succession  to  a 
fief,  especially  if  his  succession  was  not  in  the  direct  line  ;  of 
alienation,  which  must  be  paid  by  any  one  who  should  sell 
or  in  any  way  alienate  his  fief  ;  of  escheat  and  of  co/iJiscatio?i, 
by  which  the  fief  returned  to  the  possession  of  the  suzerain 
if  the  vassal  died  without  heirs,  or  if  he  had  forfeited  it  and 
deserved  to  be  deprived  of  it  ;    of  ■wardship,  in  virtue  of 


204  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

which  the  lord  during  the  minority  of  a  vassal  assumed  his 
guardianship,  the  administration  of  his  fief,  and  used  the 
revenues  ;  and  finally  the  right  Qiinarriage,\h2Xv~>  the  right 
of  proposing  a  husband  to  the  heiress  of  a  fief  and  of 
obliging  her  to  choose  one  among  the  lords  whom  he  pre- 
sented to  her. 

The  vassal  who  performed  all  his  services  with  exactness 
was  virtually  master  of  his  fief.  He  could  grant  either  a 
part  or  the  whole  of  it  to  others,  and  become  in  his  turn 
suzerain  lord  of  vassals  of  a  lower  rank  or  of  vavassors 
(valvasors),  who  owed  him  services  of  the  same  kind  that  he 
had  promised  to  his  own  suzerain.  In  this  way  a  hierarchy 
was  built  up. 

The  suzerain  had  obligations  as  well  as  the  vassal.  He 
could  not  withdraw  his  fief  from  his  vassal  arbitrarily,  or 
without  good  cause  ;  he  must  defend  him  if  he  were  at- 
tacked, and  treat  him  with  justice,  etc. 

We  must  notice  that  as  the  feudal  system  developed, 
everything  became  a  fief  ;  everything  that  could  be  granted, 
such  as  the  right  to  hunt  in  a  forest,  to  fish  in  a  river,  or  to 
furnish  an  escort  for  merchants  along  the  roads  ;  the  village 
oven,*  and  in  fact  any  useful  privilege  granted  on  the  con- 
dition of  fealty  and  homage  became  a  fief.  The  lords  mul- 
tiplied these  grants  in  order  to  multiply  the  number  of  men 
who  owed  them  military  service.  But  the  fief  itself  to  which 
rights  of  justice  were  attached,  as  a  rule  remained  undivided, 
and  the  whole  of  it  was  inherited  by  the  oldest  son. 

The  obligation  of  the  vassals  to  assemble  at  the  court  of 
justice  of  their  lord,  a  court  which  they  composed,  shows  us 
that  judgment  by  peers  was  the  principle  of  feudal  justice, 
a  principle  equally  marked  in  the  German  customs  and  in- 
stitutions, where  we  saw  free  men  judged  by  the  assembly 
of  free  men.  Peers  {pares,  equals)  were  the  vassals  of  the 
same  suzerain,  established  around  him  on  the  same  territory 
and  invested  with  fiefs  of  the  same  rank.  Even  the  king 
had  his  peers,  those  who  held  their  lands  directly  from  him, 
as  king,  not  as  duke  of  France.     Every  vassal  had  a  right 

*  The  term  banal  was  applied  to  everything  which  the  vassals  could 
be  forced  to  use  by  the  lord  of  the  fief,  in  order  to  obtain  certain  dues. 
Examples  are  the  oven,  the  mill,  and  the  wine  press,  to  which  the  vassals 
were  obliged  to  bring  their  bread  to  be  baked,  their  grain  to  be  ground, 
and  their  grapes  to  be  pressed,  and  to  leave  part  of  what  they  brought  as 
a  payment  to  the  feudal  lord  for  the  service  rendered. 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  205 

to  be  judged  by  his  peers  and  in  the  presence  of  his  lord. 
If  the  latter  refused  him  justice,  or  if  the  vassal  considered 
that  he  had  been  unjustly  judged,  he  preferred  a  charge 
oi  default  of  justice  and  appealed  to  his  lord's  suzerain. 
Whenever  a  disagreement  arose  between  a  lord  and  his  vas- 
sal, it  could  always  be  brought  before  the  next  higher  step 
in  the  hierarchy. 

This  right  of  appeal,  however,  did  not  content  the  spirit 
of  individual  independence  which  animated  this  warlike 
society.  The  lords  reserved  with  jealous  care  another 
right  of  appeal,  the  appeal  to  arms.  They  preferred  to  take 
justice  into  their  own  hands  rather  than  to  wait  for  another. 
In  this  way  the  private  wars  arose,  a  practice  which  was  so 
common  among  the  early  German  peoples,  that  they  had  a 
special  name  for  them  (fe/ide).  The  formalities  which 
should  precede  these  wars,  and  give  the  party  who  was  to  be 
attacked  sufficient  warning,  were  established  by  law.  Our 
international  wars  really  arise  from  the  same  principle  and 
are  no  more  justifiable.  The  lords  made  war  with  their 
little  armies  just  as  it  is  now  waged  with  our  great  armies, 
only  then  the  hostilities  had  a  narrower  character,  as  the 
states  were  smaller.  Such  contests,  like  our  duels,  the 
combats  of  one  man  with  one  other  man,  were  unknown  to 
antiquity.  In  reality  the  duel  itself  was  one  of  the  pro- 
cedures of  justice,  at  this  time,  and  the  judicial  combat 
fought  in  the  lists,  a  practice  handed  down  from  the  barba- 
rians, was  customary  throughout  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  courts  held  by  the  lords  did  not  all  have  the  same 
extent  of  jurisdiction.  There  were  three  different  degrees 
in  France,  the  haute,  basse,  and  inoyenne  justice  (the  high, 
low,  and  mesne  justice).  The  first  alone  could  decide 
questions  of  life  or  death.  Generally  the  largest  fiefs  had 
the  most  extended  jurisdiction  ;  but  sometimes  a  mere 
vavassor  held  one  of  the  highest  courts,  and  sometimes  a 
lord,  who  only  possessed  the  lower  power,  could  punish  with 
death  a  thief  taken  in  the  act.  Within  these  variable 
limits  the  lord  had  the  sole  administration  of  justice  over 
his  fief  ;  and  when  later  the  central  government  recovered 
this  right,  it  amounted  to  a  revolution. 

Before  finishing  the  enumeration  of  the  sovereign  rights 
that  had  fallen  to  the  feudal  lords,  we  must  add  two  more. 
The  first  was,  they  acknowledged  no  legislative  authority 
superior  to  their  own  throughout  their  fiefs.     In  the  last 


2o6  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

capitularies  of  Charles  the  Simple,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
tenth  centur}-,  we  see  the  final  manifestation  of  a  public  legis- 
lative power  ;  after  that  there  were  no  more  general  laws, 
either  civil  or  political,  but  there  were  everywhere  local  cus- 
toms, which  were  isolated,  independent  of  each  other  and 
different  in  different  places,*  and  above  all,  territorial  as 
opposed  to  the  personal  character  of  the  barbarian  laws. 
The  second  of  these  rights  was  that  of  coining  money,  which 
is  always  a  sign  of  sovereignty;  even  before  Charlemagne 
it  seems  that  certain  private  persons  had  the  i'ight  to  coin 
money.  After  his  time  this  was  one  of  the  rights  usurped 
by  the  nobles,  and  at  the  accession  of  Hugh  Capet  there 
were  no  less  than  150  men  in  France  who  exercised  this 
right. 

Every  political  system  displays  its  character  by  the 
place  from  which  its  power  is  exercised.  The  ancient 
republics  had  their  agora  and  their  forum ;  the  great 
monarchy  of  Louis  XIV.  had  its  palace  of  Versailles  ; 
the  feudal  lords  had  their  castles  ;  these  were  enormous 
buildings,  either  round  or  square,  massive,  without  orna- 
ments or  any  pretensions  to  architectural  style,  and  gen- 
erally built  on  a  hill.  They  were  pierced  by  a  few  loop- 
holes, from  which  arrows  could  be  shot,  and  had  a  single 
gate  opening  on  a  moat  which  could  only  be  crossed  by 
a  drawbridge  ;  they  were  crowned  with  battlements  and 
machicolations  from  which  masses  of  rock,  pitch,  and  melted 
lead  were  thrown  upon  any  assailant  who  had  been  bold 
enough  to  approach  the  foot  of  the  wall.  These  castles 
now  look  like  gray,  jagged,  and  broken  crows'  nests  torn  by 
storms,  and,  seen  from  a  distance,  these  monuments  at  once 
of  legitimate  defense  and  of  oppression,  entirely  eclipse  our 
modern,  small,  and  lightly  built  habitations.  Nothing  less 
than  these  impregnable  fortresses  would  have  been  sufficient 
defense  against  tiie  incursions  of  the  Norsemen,  or  later, 
during  the  feudal  wars,  and  all  fled  to  them  at  any  alarm. 
Those  who  had  no  right  to  live  inside  the  castle  itself,  who 
were  neither  nobles  or  warriors,  established  themselves  at 
the  foot  of  its  great  walls  under  their  mighty  guardianship. 
In  this  way  many  of  our  cities  were  formed. 

*  This  wide  diversity  of  the  local  customary  law  is  an  extremely  im- 
portant fact  to  be  remembered  in  any  study  of  the  feudal  system.  It 
makes  any  detailed  description  of  feudal  arrangements  true  only  of  lo- 
calities.— Ed. 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  207 

Even  the  clergy  were  included  in  this  system  of  feudal- 
ism. The  bishop,  formerly  "defender"  of  the  city,  in  many 
cases  had  become  its  count,  either  through  a 
^Feudalfsm^'  gradual  usurpation  or  by  express  concession 
of  the  king,  which  united  together  the  county 
and  the  bishopric,  the  ecclesiastical  and  the  civil  author- 
ity, and  made  the  bishop  the  suzerain  of  all  the  lords  in 
his  diocese.  The  Church  possessed,  in  addition  to  the 
tithes,  immense  estates  which  had  been  given  her  by  the 
faithful.  To  defend  these  against  the  brigandage  of  the 
time,  she  resorted  to  secular  means,  and  chose  among  the 
laymen  men  of  judgment  and  courage,  to  whom  she  confided 
domains  on  the  condition  of  their  defending  them  with  the 
sword,  in  case  of  need.  These  avoue's  [advocatus,  vogt)  of 
the  monasteries  and  churches  did  just  as  the  counts  of  the 
kings  did,  made  their  functions  hereditary  and  took  posses- 
sion of  the  estates  given  to  them  to  protect.  They  con- 
sented, however,  to  consider  themselves  vassals  of  those  they 
had  despoiled,  to  pay  them  fealty  and  homage,  with  the 
usual  conditions  of  rents  in  kind  and  of  personal  services. 
Thus  the  abbots  and  the  bishops  became  suzerains,  and  tem- 
poral lords,  with  many  vassals  ready  to  fight  for  their  cause, 
with  a  court  of  justice,  and  in  short  all  the  prerogatives 
exercised  by  the  great  proprietors.  There  were  bishop 
dukes,  bishop  counts,  themselves  vassals  of  other  lords,  and 
especially  of  the  king,  from  whom  they  received  the  inves- 
titure of  the  lands  attached  to  their  churches,  or  as  they 
were  called,  their  "  temporalities." 

This  ecclesiastical  feudalism  was  so  extended  and  so 
powerful,  that  in  the  Middle  Ages  it  possessed  more  than  a 
fifth  of  all  the  lands  in  France  and  nearly  one-third  of  those 
in  Germany.  There  was  this  difference  between  the  Church 
and  the  king,  that  the  latter,  after  the  conquest,  gained 
nothing  more  but  was  always  giving,  so  that  finally  he  pos- 
sessed nothing  but  the  city  of  Laon  ;  while  the  Church, 
though  she  might  lose  a  few  domains,  which  was  however 
unlikely,  as  she  had  the  ban  of  excommunication  for  a 
weapon  of  defense,  was  always  acquiring  more  property,  as 
few  of  the  faithful  died  without  leaving  her  some  land,  so 
that  she  was  always  receiving  and  gave  little  or  nothing,  and 
only  when  forced  to  do  so. 

Thus  by  the  eleventh  century  the  Europe  of  the  Carolin- 
gian  times  was  divided  into  innumerable  fiefs,  each  of  which 


2o8  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

formed  a  state  with  a  life,  laws,  and  customs  of  its  own, 
and  with  an  almost  independent  secular  or 

Serfs  and  Villeins.  i      •      ^-       i      i  •    r 

ecclesiastical  chief. 

We  have  now  given  a  description  of  the  social  life  and 
privileges  of  the  suzerains ;  but  it  bj'  no  means  applies  to 
the  whole  feudal  society.  This  was  the  life  led  by  the  war- 
like and  fighting  part  of  society,  the  part  that  rules,  judges, 
punishes,  and  oppresses.  Below  this  was  a  society  which 
worked,  supported  the  other,  made  clothing  and  armor  for 
it,  built  its  castles  and  baked  its  bread,  the  society  of  the 
serfs,  or  rather  of  the  men  under  power,  hotnme  de  poeste 
{gens  potestatis).  Freemen  were  no  longer  to  be  found  ; 
they  had  entirely  disappeared,  some  having  raised  them- 
selves and  become  the  fortunate  lords,  and  others  having 
been  pushed  down  into  the  lower  ranks  of  society  and  be- 
come serfs  or  villeins.  The  class  of  simple  freemen  which 
had  been  almost  entirely  destroyed  by  the  invasions  in  the 
Roman  empire,  had  again  been  swallowed  up.  There  were 
no  longer  any  men  who  possessed  freeholds  (allodial  lands), 
or  at  least  so  few  that  they  are  hardly  worth  mentioning.* 

The  villeins  were  very  numerous.  The  lord  or  noble 
had  not  only  vassals  but  also  subjects  living  on  those  parts 
of  their  estates  that  they  had  not  made  into  fiefs,  and  from 
the  first  these  serfs,  or  more  properly  men  of  the  soil, 
\servi  glebce\  were  completely  at  his  mercy.  Beaumanoir 
says  :  "  The  lords  can  deprive  them  of  all  they  possess, 
imprison  them  as  often  as  they  please,  whether  justly  or 
unjustly,  and  are  responsible  only  to  God  for  their  acts."  f 

In  spite  of  this  the  condition  of  the  serf  was  better  than 
that  of  the  slave  of  antiquity.  The  improved  condition  of 
slaves  at  the  end  of  the  Roman  empire  survived  the  catas- 
trophies  of  the  invasion,  and  continued  in  feudal  society. 


*  These  statements  need  considerable  modification.  The  tendency  of 
the  feudal  system  was  toward  such  results,  but  they  were  never  completely 
attained.  There  always  remained  free  men,  and  allodial  land  continued 
to  exist  in  very  considerable  quantity  ;  there  was  indeed  a  very  strong 
tendency  to  turn  land  held  by  a  feudal  tenure  into  allodial  land  where- 
ever  circumstances  were  favorable. — Eu. 

\  In  what  follows  concerninjj  the  servile  classes  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  utmost  possible  diversity  existed  in  the  same  country  and  even 
on  the  same  domain.  There  were  innumerable  gradations  of  service  and 
of  right,  and  assertions  which  are  true  of  one  place  may  be  very  mis- 
leading as  to  the  facts  in  another. — Eu. 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  209 

The  freeman  in  ancient  times  had  been  harder  on  the  slave 
than  was  the  barbarian,  in  whom  a  certain  instinct  of  liber- 
aUty  had  been  cultivated  by  the  moral  teachings  of  the 
Christian  religion.  The  serf  was  looked  upon  as  a  man,  as 
having  family  relations  and,  like  his  lord,  descended  from 
the  Father  of  all  men,  and  like  him  made  in  the  image  of 
God.  The  serfs  could  also  enter  the  clergy,  and  in  that 
way  often  rose  to  a  higher  position  than  that  of  the  most 
powerful  lords. 

Above  the  serfs  were  those  who  had  their  lands  under  a 
mortmain  tenure,  who,  continues  the  old  jurist  Beaumanoir, 
"were  treated  more  kindly,  for  their  lord  can  claim  nothing 
from  them  unless  they  do  some  wrong,  except  the  rents  and 
services  which  custom  has  fixed  for  them  to  pay."  But  the 
mortmain  tenant  could  not  marry  without  the  consent  of 
his  lord,  and  if  he  married  a  free  woman  or  one  born  out- 
side the  seignorial  lands  he  must  pay  a  fine  according  to 
his  lord's  will.  This  is  the  right  oi  fonnm-iage  \^forismari- 
tagtum'\.  The  children  were  to  be  divided  equally  between 
the  two  lords.  If  there  were  only  one  child  it  should 
belong  to  the  lord  of  its  mother.  On  the  death  of  a  mort- 
main tenant  without  heirs  in  the  same  domain,  all  posses- 
sions belonged  to  his  lord.  There  was  no  way  in  which 
they  could  escape  from  these  claims.  No  matter  where 
they  went,  the  right  of  pursuit  followed  their  persons  and 
their  property  ;  the  lord  always  inherited  his  serf's  pos- 
sessions. 

One  step  higher  than  these  were  the  free  tenants,  called 
villeins  {roturiers).  Their  condition  was  less  uncertain. 
Unlike  the  serfs,  they  had  retained  their  liberty,  and  on 
condition  of  a  yearly  rent  and  of  services  {corvees)  they  held 
the  lands  granted  by  the  proprietor  of  the  domain,  which 
lands  and  all  they  possessed  they  were  able  to  transmit  to 
their  children.  But  while  the  beneficiary  tenures  or  fiefs 
were  guaranteed  by  a  public  and  well  determined  law,  these 
servile  or  censive  tenures  were  under  the  absolute  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  proprietor,  and  were  only  guaranteed  by  private 
agreements.  Therefore  the  villeins,  especially  those  of  the 
country  who  did  not  need  to  be  treated  with  as  much  con- 
sideration as  those  of  the  cities,  were  subject  to  a  power 
that  was  often  unbounded.  We  read  in  an  ancient  docu- 
ment in  respect  to  the  lords  :  "  They  are  lords  of  the  heav- 
ens and  the  earth,  and  they  have  jurisdiction  over  the  land 


2IO  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

and  what  is  under  it,  over  body  and  soul,  over  the  water, 
the  winds,  and  the  meadows."  The  villein  could  not  appeal 
from  a  sentence,  because  the  feudal  law  said  :  "  Between 
you,  the  suzerain,  and  you,  the  villein,  there  is  no  judge  but 
God." — "  We  acknowledge  as  belonging  to  our  gracious 
suzerain,"  says  another  formula,  "  both  ban  and  summons, 
the  great  forest,  the  bird  in  the  air,  the  fish  in  the  running 
water,  the  animal  in  the  thicket  as  far  as  our  gracious  lord 
or  his  servitors  can  hunt. — In  return  our  gracious  suzerain 
will  take  under  his  protection  and  care  the  widow  and  the 
orphan  as  well  as  the  peasant."  Thus  the  lord  possessed 
all  rights,  but  owed,  in  return,  protection  to  the  weak.  This 
was  the  principle  of  the  feudal  society  in  regard  to  its  sub- 
jects. Royalty  no  longer  performed  the  duties  for  which 
it  was  instituted,  and  the  protection  which  could  not  be 
obtained  from  the  nominal  head  of  the  State  was  now 
sought  from  the  bishops,  counts,  barons,  and  all  powerful 
men.* 

Everything  belonged  to  the  suzerain  ;  but  as  neither  in- 
dustry nor  commerce  existed,  nor  that  luxury  which  allows 
one  person  to  consume  in  a  few  moments  the  result  of  the 
work  of  many,  the  demands  of  the  lords  were  not  at  first 
oppressive,  and  these  claims,  as  far  as  they  respected  the  vil- 
leins, were  as  definitely  fixed  as  the  rights  of  a  land-owner 
in  regard  to  his  tenants  now  are.  Only,  in  considering  the 
Middle  Ages,  we  must  always  take  into  account  that  arbi- 
trary and  violent  acts,  which  the  law  would  not  tolerate  in 
the  present  times,  could  then  be  performed  with  impunity. 
The  obligations  of  the  villein  toward  his  lord  were  either 
rents  in  knid,  as  provisions,  grain,  cattle,  or  poultry,  pro- 
ducts of  the  land  and  farm  ;  or  labor,  or  services  of  the 
body,  the  corv6es  in  the  fields  or  the  vineyard  of  the  lord, 
the  building  of  the  castle  or  cleansing  of  the  moat,  the 
repairing  of  roads  and  the  making  of  furniture,  utensil;-, 
horse-shoes,  ploughshares,  carriages,  etc.  In  the  cities  and 
wherever  the  villein  was  prosperous  the  lord  was  not  spar- 
ing in  the  exaction  of  rents  in  money  and  arbitrary  taxes. 
But  a  change  was  to   come  in  time,  and  one  of  the  clergy 

*  This  sentence  states  the  great  social  and  political  cause  which  called 
the  feudal  system  into  being — the  necessity,  felt  during  all  the  interven- 
ing ages,  which  transformed  a  few  simple  practices  and  institutions  of 
the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  into  the  complicated  institutions  of  per- 
fected feudalism, — Ed. 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  21 1 

had  already  spoken  these  words  :  "The  lord  who  demands 
unjust  dues  from  his  villeins  does  so  at  the  peril  of  his 
soul."  If  the  fear  of  heaven  was  not  sufficient  restraint, 
the  communes  were  already  appearing,  and  the  law  officers 
of  the  crown  were  close  behind.  There  were  also  certain 
fantastic  feudal  dues  to  enliven  this  dreary  life  lived  by  the 
feudal  lord,  shut  up  between  the  dismal  walls  of  his  castle 
from  one  year's  end  to  another.  In  Bologna,  in  Italy,  the 
tenant  of  the  Benedictines  of  Saint  Proculus  paid  as  a 
fine  the  fumes  of  a  boiled  capon.  Each  year  he  brought 
his  capon  to  the  abbot,  placed  between  two  plates,  uncov- 
ered it,  and  as  soon  as  it  stopped  smoking,  his  rent  was 
paid  and  he  carried  off  his  capon.  Elsewhere  the  peas- 
ants brought  solemnly  to  their  lords,  on  a  cart  drawn  by 
four  horses,  a  little  bird,  or  perhaps  a  maypole  decorated 
with  ribbons.  The  lords  themselves  often  condescended 
to  take  a  part  in  these  popular  comedies.  The  Margrave 
of  Juliers,  when  making  his  solemn  entrance,  must  be 
mounted  on  a  blind  horse,  with  a  wooden  saddle  and  a 
bridle  of  linden  bark,  and  wearing  two  spurs  of  hawthorn, 
and  carrying  a  white  staff.  Whenever  the  abbot  of  Figeac 
entered  the  city  the  lord  of  Monbrun  received  him  in  a 
grotesque  costume  and  with  one  leg  bare. 

So  the  feudal  lords,  wearied  with  the  monotony  of  their 
lives,  joined  sometimes  in  the  laugh  of  the  common  people, 
as  the  Church  did  also  when  she  authorized  the  celebration 
of  the  feast  of  the  ass  in  her  basilicas.  Surely  the  power- 
ful and  the  happy,  in  these  times  of  sadness  and  poverty, 
with  misery  everywhere  and  no  security  to  be  found,  owed 
to  their  serfs  and  villeins,  at  least,  these  few  moments  of 
forgetfulness  and  gayety. 

The  Middle  Ages  were  indeed  hard  ages  for  the  poor, 
when,  in   spite  of  all   rules  and  all  agreements,  the  nobles 

...     recognized  no  right  but  that  of  force.     Theo- 

Anarcny  and  •n  ••! 

violence,  terri-  rctically  the  prmciplcs  of  the  feudal  relations 
the  ""pllsants*^  ^^^  vcry  admirable,  but  in  practice  they  led 
Some  good  re-  to  auarchy  ;  for  the  judicial  institutions  were 
so  defective  that  the  bonds  of  the  vassal  re- 
lation were  continually  disregarded.  This  was  the  cause  of 
the  interminable  wars  which  sprang  up  throughout  all 
feudal  Europe  and  which  were  the  greatest  scourge  of  the 
period.  As  every  one  at  once  appealed  to  the  sword  if  he 
had  suffered  any  wrong  or  if  he  considered  any  sentence 


212  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V, 

pronounced  against  him  unjust,  this  society  was  usually  in 
a  state  of  war.  Every  hill  became  a  fortress,  and  every 
plain  a  battlefield.  Fortified  in  their  strong  castles, 
covered  with  iron  armor,  surrounded  by  warriors,  the  feudal 
lords,  tyrants  as  they  were  called  by  a  monk  of  the  eleventh 
century,  delighted  in  combats  and  knew  no  other  way  of 
enriching  themselves  except  by  pillage.  There  was  no 
more  commerce,  for  the  roads  were  unsafe,*  no  industry, 
for  the  lords  who  were  masters  also  of  the  cities,  taxed  the 
burghers  the  moment  they  saw  the  least  sign  of  wealth. 
The  customs  were  different  everywhere,  as  there  were  no 
general  laws,  and  each  noble  possessed  the  whole  legislative 
power  over  his  fief  ;  the  profoundest  ignorance  also  pre- 
vailed everywhere  except  inside  the  walls  of  a  few  monas- 
taries.  The  clergy,  the  guardians  of  the  moral  laws,  were 
not  able  to  forbid  the  prevailing  violence,  but  only  to  regu- 
late it  somewhat  by  establishing  the  truce  of  God,  which 
prohibited  private  war  from  Wednesday  evening  till  Mon- 
day morning. 

To  the  question,  upon  whom  weighed  the  heavy  burden 
of  these  feudal  wars,  we  may  answer  that  they  were  exceed- 
ingly fatal  to  the  noble,  though  he  was  armed  with  iron ; 
but  they  were  much  more  so  to  the  serf  who  was  almost 
without  all  protecting  armor.  At  Brenneville,  where  a  battle 
took  place  between  the  kings  of  France  and  of  England, 
of  the  900  knights  who  fought,  only  three  were  killed.  At 
Bouvines  Philip  Augustus  was  unhorsed,  and  was  left 
sometime  without  defense  in  the  hands  of  the  foot-soldiers 
of  his  enemy  ;  but  they  sought  in  vain  for  some  defect  in 
his  armor  through  which  to  thrust  the  point  of  a  dagger,  and 
they  struck  him  with  many  weapons  without  being  able  to 
break  his  cuirass.  His  knights  could  take  their  time  in 
coming  to  his  rescue  and  in  replacing  him  on  a  horse. 
After  this  he  rushed  with  them  into  the  midst  of  the  tur- 

*  The  variety  of  money  was  also  a  great  obstacle  to  commerce.  One 
hundred  and  fifty  lords  coined  money  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  often 
would  only  receive  their  own  in  payment  ;  so  that  merchants  were  forced 
to  use  a  different  kind  in  almost  every  fief  to  which  they  came  ;  a 
great  disadvantage  to  them.  We  must  also  mention  as  other  impedi- 
ments to  commerce,  the  droit  d'aubaine,  by  which  any  stranger  who  lived 
a  year  and  a  day  on  the  fief  became,  in  a  sense,  the  serf  of  its  feudal  lord. 
His  possessions  fell  to  the  lord  on  his  death.  The  suzerain  also  pos- 
sessed the  right  of  obtaining  lodgment  from  his  vassal  and  the  right  of 
requiring  horses,  carriages,  food,  etc.,  when  he  was  traveling. 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  213 

moil,  and  their  long  lances  and  heavy  axes  never  struck  in 
vain.  Besides,  if  a  noble  were  taken  prisoner,  it  was  another 
calamity,  for  his  ransom  must  be  paid.  But  who  would 
pay  for  the  burned  cottage  and  harvest  of  the  serf  ?  Who 
would  bind  up  his  wounds,  and  who  would  care  for  the 
many  widows  and  orphans  ? 

Two  contemporary  authors,  historians  of  the  crusades, 
describe  these  disastrous  times  in  the  following  words. 
Guibert  of  Nogent  says  :  "  Before  the  Christians  started  for 
the  lands  beyond  the  sea,  the  kingdom  of  France  was  a  prey 
to  continual  disturbances  and  quarrels.  The  one  subject 
of  conversation  was  the  brigandage  on  the  public  ways. 
There  were  numberless  fires  and  wars  waged  in  every  direc- 
tion for  no  better  cause  than  insatiable  cupidity.  In  short, 
covetous  men  showed  no  respect  for  propert}^,  and  gave 
themselves  up  to  pillage  with  unbridled  audacity."  Wil- 
liam, the  archbishop  of  Tyre,  says  :  "  No  property  was 
secure.  If  any  one  was  thought  to  be  rich  it  was  considered 
reason  enough  for  imprisoning  him,  keeping  him  in  irons, 
and  subjecting  him  to  cruel  tortures.  Brigands,  armed  with 
swords,  beset  the  roads,  lay  in  ambush,  and  spared  neither 
foreigners  or  the  men  consecrated  to  the  work  of  God. 
Even  the  cities  and  strong  places  were  not  safe  from  these 
evils,  for  hired  assassins  made  the  streets  and  squares 
dangerous  for  men  of  property."  During  the  seventy 
years  from  970-1040  there  were  forty  years  of  either  famine 
or  plague. 

Nevertheless,  the  progress  of  civilization  is  never  so  com- 
pletely obstructed  that  three  centuries  can  pass  without 
bringing  some  good  to  mankind.  Among  the  men  of  the 
Church  there  was  a  renewed  activity  of  thought,  and  in 
secular  society  poetry  again  made  its  appearance. 

There  was  also  some  progress  in  morality,  at  least  among 
the  ruling  class.  In  the  isolation  in  which  every  one  lived 
the  soul  gained  a  new  vigor  with  which  to  face  the  ever 
present  perils.  The  consciousness  of  the  dignity  of  man, 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  despotism,  was  felt  again,  and 
this  society,  that  shed  blood  with  the  most  perfect  freedom, 
often  showed  a  moral  elevation  formed  only  during  that 
epoch.  The  low  vices  and  indolence,  the  cowardice  of  the 
Romans  of  the  age  of  decline  and  of  conquered  peoples, 
were  utterly  unknown  at  this  time  ;  and  we  have  inherited 
from  it  our  sense  of  honor.     The  nobles  of  the  feudal  ages 


214  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

knew  how  to  die,  and  this  is  the  first  step  toward  knowing- 
how  to  Hve. 

Another  happy  consequence  of  this  system  was  the  reor- 
ganization of  the  family.  -  In  the  ancient  cities  a  man  lived 
anywhere  but  in  his  own  house,  his  life  was  spent  in  the 
fields,  or  in  the  forum  ;  he  hardly  knew  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, while  he  had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  them. 
In  the  first  age  after  the  conquest,  the  custom  of  virtual 
polygamy  and  the  ease  with  which  divorces  could  be 
obtained  prevented  the  family  life  from  being  reformed. 
In  the  feudal  society,  where  men  lived  in  isolation,  the  father 
drew  nearer  to  his  family.  When  he  was  not  busy  with 
combats  he  was  idle  in  his  castle,  which  was  perched  like  an 
eagle's  nest  on  the  top  of  some  mountain,  and  had  nothing 
but  his  wife  and  children  to  occupy  his  heart  and  life.  The 
Church,  which  had  succeeded  in  making  these  rude  soldiers 
bow  down  at  the  feet  of  a  virgin,  and  had  made  them 
respect  in  the  Mother  of  the  Saviour  all  the  virtues  of 
women,  softened  the  wild  spirits  of  these  warriors  and  pre- 
pared them  to  feel  the  charm  of  the  finer  spirit  and  more 
delicate  sentiments  bestowed  by  nature  on  the  weaker  sex. 
Woman  returned  to  her  proper  place  in  the  family  and  in 
society,  the  place  assigned  her  by  the  Mosaic  law.  And 
more  than  this,  she  became  the  object  of  a  worship  which 
created  new  feelings,  which  were  celebrated  by  the  trouba- 
dours and  trouveres,  and  was  practiced  in  chivalry.  Thus, 
as  in  the  beautiful  legend  of  St.  Christopher,  the  strong 
was  overcome  by  the  weak,  the  giant  by  the  child. 

This  can  be  seen  in  an  institution  of  the  times.  Robert 
d'Arbrissel  founded  near  Saumur,  at  Fontevrault,  about  the 
year  iioo,  an  abbey  which  soon  became  famous,  and  in 
which  were  recluses  of  both  sexes.  The  women  were  clois- 
tered, and  spent  their  lives  in  prayer.  The  men  worked  in 
the  fields,  drained  marshes,  cleared  the  land,  and  were  the 
constant  servitors  of  the  women.  The  abbey  was  governed 
by  an  abbess,  "because  Jesus  Christ  at  his  death  had  given 
his  best  beloved  disciple  to  his  mother  as  her  son,"  says  the 
bull  of  confirmation. 

Except  as  regards  the  family,  the  state  was  certainly 
badly  organized.  We  must,  nevertheless,  in  spite  of  all 
things  to  the  contrary,  carefully  observe  the  political  theory 
which  this  society  represents.  Though  the  serf  had  no 
rights,  the  vassal  had,  and  very  extended  ones  too.     The 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  215 

feudal  relation  war;  never  formed  except  on  conditions  which 
were  well  known  to  him  and  accepted  by  him  ;  no  new  con- 
ditions could  be  imposed  upon  him  without  his  consent. 
From  this  fact  the  following  great  maxims  of  public  right, 
in  spite  of  a  thousand  violations  of  them,  have  come  down 
to  us  :  that  no  tax  can  be  imposed  without  the  consent  of 
the  tax-payers,  no  law  is  valid  unless  accepted  by  those  who 
are  to  owe  it  obedience,  and  that  no  sentence  is  lawful 
unless  pronounced  by  the  peers  of  the  accused.  These 
are  the  rights  maintained  by  feudal  society,  which  were  dis- 
covered under  the  ruins  of  absolute  monarchy  by  the  States- 
General  of  1789  ;  and  as  a  guarantee  of  these  rights,  the 
vassal  could  break  the  tie  which  bound  him  to  his  lord  by 
giving  up  his  fief,  or  he  could  answer  a  refusal  of  justice 
from  his  suzerain  by  war.  This  right  of  armed  resistance, 
recognized  even  by  Saint  Louis,  led,  indeed,  to  anarchy,  and 
made  the  individual  strong  at  the  expense  of  society  in 
general.  But  this  was  the  proper  place  at  which  to  begin. 
Before  the  state  could  be  well  organized  it  was  necessary 
to  raise  the  individual  and  the  family  ;  and  this  double 
task  was  the  work  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  Church  did  much  toward  this  end  by  establishing 
the  sanctity  of  the  marriage  tie,  even  for  the  serf,  by 
preaching  the  equality  of  all  men  before  God,  which  was  a 
continual  protest  against  the  great  inequalities  on  earth  ; 
by  proclaiming,  in  applying  the  principle  of  election  to  her 
highest  office,  the  rights  of  intelligence  as  opposed  to  the 
only  rights  recognized  by  the  feudal  world,  the  rights  of 
force  ;  and  finally  by  crowning  with  her  triple  crown,  and  by 
installing  in  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  a  position  higher  than 
that  of  the  kings,  a  serf,  as  was,  perhaps,  Hadrian  IV.,  or 
the  son  of  a  poor  carpenter,  as  Gregory  VII.  was  said 
to  be. 

Such  were  the  customs  which  ruled  in  all  the  countries 

comprised  within  the  limits  of  the  empire  of  Charlemagne ; 

. .    ,     that  is,  in  almost  the  whole  of  the  Germanic 

Geographical  ,  ,  '. 

description  of  world,  in  i< raucc,  Germany,  Italy,  and  the 
Feudal  Europe,  j^^^th  of  Spain.  The  political  geography  of  all 
these  counties  was  formed  on  the  lines  of  their  feudal  organi- 
zation. Since  the  words,  "no  land  without  a  lord"  were 
the  fundamental  axiom  of  feudalism,  there  was  not  a  single 
domain,  however  small,  that  was  not  to  some  extent  incor- 
porated in  the  hierarchy.     Among  all  these  rising  ranks  of 


2i6  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

suzerainties  the  royal  suzerainty  was  the  only  one  whose 
limits  in  any  way  corresponded  with  those  of  the  different 
nationalities,  which  were  already  showing  themselves 
though  in  the  vaguest  outlines. 

It  is  on  the  basis  of  this  suzerainty,  an  empty  word 
enough  at  the  time,  but  containing  all  the  future  of  the 
royal  power,  that  we  comprise,  under  the  name  of  France, 
countries  not  then  known  by  the  name,  but  which  were 
under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Duke  of  France,  in  his  quality 
of  king.  The  duchy  was  still  the  most  valuable  and  sub- 
stantial possession  of  the  king,  although  even  this  great 
fief  had  been  much  diminished  in  extent.  The  former 
vassals  of  Robert  the  Strong,  the  counts  of  Anjou,  of  Blois, 
and  of  Chartres,  had  become  powerful  feudatories  ;  and  of 
the  former  duchy  of  France  Philip  I.  possessed  only  the 
counties  of  Paris,  Melun,  Etampes,  Orleans  and  Sens,  and 
did  not  even  possess  the  right  of  free  passage  from  one  of 
these  cities  to  another.  Between  Paris  and  Etampes  there 
was  the  chateau  of  the  lord  of  Montlhery ;  between  Paris 
and  Melun  the  city  of  Corbeil,  whose  count  hoped  some- 
time to  be  able  to  found  a  fourth  dynasty  ;  and  between 
Paris  and  Orleans  the  chateau  of  Puiset,  which  was  finally 
taken  by  Louis  VI.  after  a  three  years'  war.  Still  nearer  to 
Paris  were  the  lords  of  Montmorency  and  of  Dammartin  ; 
and  to  the  west  the  counts  of  Montfort,  of  Meulan,  and  of 
Mantes,  all  of  whom  robbed  merchants  and  pilgrims,  even 
when  armed  with  the  safe  conduct  of  the  king.  These  were 
the  domains  of  the  Duke  of  France  ;  he  also  had  powerful 
vassals  in  the  counties  of  Ponthieu  between  the  Canche  and 
the  Somme,  of  Amiens,  of  Vermandois  and  of  Valois,  and 
of  Soissons  and  Clermont  in  Beauvais. 

Surrounding  the  Duchy  of  France,  now  a  royal  domain, 
and  between  the  Loire,  the  ocean,  the  Scheldt,  the  upper 
part  of  the  Meuse  and  the  Saone,  were  vast  feudal  princi- 
palities whose  possessors  rivaled  their  suzerain,  the  king, 
in  wealth  and  in  power.  These  were  the  county  of 
Flanders,  which  extended  from  the  Scheldt  to  St.  Omer  or 
beyond,  and  which  was  held  under  the  emperors,  as  well  as 
the  kings  of  France,  as  the  count  had  bought  in  the  tenth 
century  several  (German  fiefs  on  the  farther  side  of  the 
Scheldt  ;  the  duchy  of  Normandy,  which  extended  from 
the  Bresle  to  the  Coucsnon,  and  whose  owner  had  been 
master  of  England  since  1066,  and  also  claimed  to  hold 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  217 

Brittany  in  his  tenure  ;  the  county  of  Anjou,  to  which  Sain- 
tonge  and  Maine  had  been  added,  and  whose  proprietors 
often  leagued  themselves  with  the  kings  of  the  Capetian 
■Jynasty  against  Normandy,  and  in  this  way  gained  the  dig- 
nity of  grand  seneschal  ;  they  were  also  related  to  the 
Capetians  by  various  intermarriages  ;  the  duchy  of  Bur- 
gundy, which  had  been  held  since  1032  by  a  younger  branch 
of  the  family  of  France  ;  and  finally  the  county  of  Cham- 
pagne, which  was  exceedingly  powerful  under  Eudes  II. 
(1019-1037). 

Between  the  Loire  and  the  Pyrenees  the  ancient  king- 
dom of  Aquitaine  was  divided  into  four  great  fiefs  {fiefs 
dominants);  the  duchy  of  Aquitaine  at  the  north,  belonging 
since  845  to  the  powerful  counts  of  Poitiers,  at  the  south- 
west, between  the  Garonne  and  the  Pyrenees,  the  duchy  of 
Gascony,  the  title  to  which  had  been  bought  by  the  count 
of  Poitiers  in  1052  ;  the  county  of  Toulouse,  to  which  had 
been  joined  the  marquisate  of  Provence ;  and  finally  the 
»;ounty  of  Barcelona  which  lay  partly  to  the  south  and  partly 
^o  the  north  of  the  eastern  Pyrenees.  Thanks  to  their  re- 
moteness from  their  suzerain,  most  of  the  lords  of  these  fiefs 
styled  themselves  dukes  and  counts  by  the  grace  of  God. 

The  great  feudatories,  immediate  vassals  of  the  crown, 
were  called  the  peers  of  the  king.  When  the  institution 
of  the  peerage  *  was  regulated  in  the  twelfth  century,  there 
were  six  lay  and  six  ecclesiastical  peers.  The  former  were 
the  dukes  of  Burgundy,  Normandy,  and  Aquitaine,  and  tht 
counts  of  Flanders,  Champagne,  and  Toulouse  ;  the  latter, 
the  archbishop-duke  of  Rheims,  the  two  bishop-dukes  of 
Laon  and  of  Langres,  and  the  three  bishop-counts  of  Beau- 
vais,  Chalons,  and  Noyon. 

Among  the  rear  fiefs  (arrilre-fiefs)  there  were  at  least 
one  hundred  counties  and  a  great  number  of  vice-counties, 
signories,  episcopal  counties,  seignoral  abbeys,  baronies,  etc. 

It  will  not  do  to  try  to  simplify  the  aspect  of  Europe  by 
attributing  too  great  an  extent  to  the  imperial  suzerainty. 
The  emperor  at  times  pretended  to  consider  France  as  a 
vassal  state,  and  was  justified  in  this  by  the  tradition  of 
former  times  ;  but  his  right  was  never  recognized.     The 

*  The  origin  of  this  institution  is  a  matter  of  great  uncertainty.  There 
is,  however,  no  good  evidence  of  its  appearance  before  the  reig^  of 
Philip  Augustus  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. — Ed. 


2i8  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

Holy  Roman  Empire  of  the  German  Nation,  reconstituted 
b}'  Otto  the  Great  in  962,  really  only  comprised  the  king- 
doms of  Germany,  Italy,  and  Aries.  The  kingdom  of  Ger- 
many, on  becoming  an  empire,  was  directly  subject  to  the 
emperor,  as  was  Aries  since  the  union  of  1033.  The  king- 
dom of  Italy,  which  extended  as  far  as  and  included  Bene- 
ventum,  had  also  been  directly  subject  to  him  since  962, 
though  the  Pope  and  the  other  great  feudal  lords  at  the 
center  were  almost  independent.  The  popes  had  ther.i- 
selves  received  the  homage  of  the  Normans  of  Southern 
Italy.  The  kingdom  of  Aries  itself  soon  became  com- 
pletely separated  from  the  empire.  The  kingdom  of  Ger- 
many was  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Meuse  and  the 
Scheldt ;  on  the  northwest  by  the  North  Sea  ;  on  the  north 
by  the  Eider,  the  Baltic,  and  by  the  Slavic  territory  ;  on 
the  east  by  the  Oder,  with  the  kingdoms  of  Hungary  and 
Poland  ;  and  on  the  south  by  the  Alps.  It  was  divided 
into  nine  great  territorial  divisions,  namely  : 

The  great  duchy  of  Saxony,  which  extended  from  the 
Oder  almost  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  and  from 
Friesland  and  Denmark,  at  the  north,  to  Thuringia  and 
Bohemia  at  the  south. 

Thuringia,  which  lay  between  Bohemia,  Franconia,  and 
Saxony,  and  was  regarded  as  a  province  of  the  latter. 

Bohemia  and  Moravia,  subject  to  the  same  hereditary 
duke  who  had  recognized  the  suzerainty  of  the  empire, 
and  who  often  succeeded  in  having  his  own  suzerainty 
recognized  by  the  King  of  Poland. 

The  duchy  of  Bavaria,  which  lay  between  the  Alps  and 
the  mountains  of  Bohemia,  and  included  the  East  Mark, 
which  later  became  Austria. 

The  duchy  of  Carinthia,  on  the  upper  part  of  the  Drave 
and  the  Save. 

Alemannia,  which  included  Swabia,  which  latter  name 
was  beginning  to  predominate  over  the  other,  and  which 
extended  to  the  German  Switzerland  and  to  Alsace. 

Franconia,  which  lay  between  Swabia  to  the  south,  the 
Bavarian  Nordgau,  and  Thuringia  to  the  east.  Saxony  to 
the  north,  and  the  Rhine  to  the  west. 

Lorraine,  which  extended  from  Franconia  and  Saxony  to 
the  Scheldt  and  beyond  the  upper  part  of  the  Meuse. 

Friesland,  which  was  situated  on  the  shores  oi  the  North 
Sea.     These   were   the   eight   great  German  duchies,  for 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  21$ 

Thuringia,  as  dependent  on  Saxony,  did  not  count.* 
Besides  these  there  were  nine  or  ten  marken  (margra- 
vates),  a  great  number  of  counties,  and  several  prince- 
bishoprics,  and  seignorial  abbeys.  This  German  feudalism 
was  as  yet  not  very  thoroughly  organized,  but  it  was  to 
become  powerful,  while  the  royal  house,  which  was  at  this 
time  much  richer  and  stronger  than  in  France,  was  to  lose 
all  its  domains  and  power.  We  shall  see  the  causes  that 
led  to  this  result  in  later  chapters. 

The  kingdom  of  Aries,  lying  between  the  south  of  France 
on  the  west,  the  Mediterranean  on  the  south,  and  the  Alps, 
the  Reuss,  the  Rhine,  and  the  southern  part  of  the  Vosges 
on  the  east  and  north,  was  at  the  same  time  within  and 
without  the  boundaries  of  modern  PVance,  and  extended  over 
Languedoc,  Provence,  the  Dauphine,  Lyonnais,  Franche- 
Comte,  Savoy,  and  Switzerland.  Like  the  others,  it  con- 
tained both  ecclesiastical  and  lay  principalities.  The 
county  of  Savoy  was  destined  eventually  to  have  a  brilliant 
career.  The  power  of  the  kings  of  Aries  disappeared, 
however,  very  early.  It  was  first  divided  into  two  states, 
transjurane  Burgundy  and  cisjurane  Burgundy,  then  re- 
united in  933,  and  finally,  a  century  later,  was  bequeathed 
to  the  King  of  Germany.  He  made  it  nominally  a  part  of 
the  German  empire,  but  in  reality  it  only  belonged  to  its 
feudal  chiefs,  its  bishops,  and  counts. 

We  have  seen  that,  by  his  edict  of  1037,  Conrad  pre- 
vented the  formation  of  any  extended  feudal  system  in 
Italy,  and  as  a  result  many  of  the  cities  had  become  virtu- 
ally republics.  The  kingdom  of  Italy  was  composed  of  the 
following  states  and  cities  :  Lombardy,  in  which  were  the  two 
great  cities  of  Milan  and  Pavia,  around  one  or  the  other  of 
which  most  of  the  other  Lombard  cities  were  grouped  ;  on 
the  coasts  of  the  two  seas  there  were  situated  three  rich  and 
powerful  cities:  Venice, which  already  possessed  the  coasts 
of  Dalmatia  across  the  Adriatic ;  Genoa,  the  mistress  of 
Corsica  ;  and  Pisa,  the  mistress  of  Sardinia  ;  the  duchy  or 
marquisate  of  Tuscany,  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  Italian 
fiefs.  In  the  center  of  the  peninsula  were  situated  the 
domains  of  the  Church,  in  the  ancient  Exarchate  which 
was   claimed   both  by  the   Pope   and    the  Archbishop    of 

*  Nor  was  Friesland  at  any  time  under  a  duke.  Lorraine  was  divided 
into  two  duchies  under  Otto  I. — Ed. 


220  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

Ravenna,  and  also  the  republic  of  Rome,  whose  jurisdic- 
tion extended  over  the  whole  Roman  Campagna,  the  ancient 
Latium.  In  the  south  the  Lombard  Dukes  of  Benevento 
at  first  kept  a  better  hold  on  their  duchy  than  did  Charle- 
magne's successors  on  his  crown,  and  the  emperors  of  the 
Eastern  Empire  still  retained  various  points  on  the  coasts, 
which  were  continually  harassed  by  the  Arabs.  The  latter 
had  landed  in  Sicily  in  827. 

Some  newcomers,  the  Normans,  were  trying  to  reconcile 
these  various  masters  of  Southern  Italy  with  each  other  by 
subjugating  them  all  ;  and  in  the  eleventh  century  they 
founded  four  states  in  Southern  Italy,  the  principality  of 
Capua  and  Aversa,  the  duchy  of  Apulia  and  Calabria,  the 
principality  of  Tarentum,  and  the  great  county  of  Sicily. 

Spain  was  engaged  in  bitter  struggles  with  the  Moors, 
but  by  the  end  of  the  century  succeeded  m  conquering 
Oporto,  Toledo,  and  Valencia  ;  the  kingdom  of  Oviedo 
became  the  kingdom  of  Leon.  The  Carolingian  mark,  at 
the  source  of  the  Ebro,  had  also  become  a  part  of  the 
kingdom  of  Navarre  ;  that  of  Barcelona,  in  Catalonia,  "  the 
land  of  the  Goths,"  had  remained  a  county  and  was  depend- 
ant on  France,  though  very  powerful.  Since  1035  there 
had  been  a  fourth  kingdom,  the  kingdom  of  Aragon.  We 
shall  return  to  these  Spanish  kingdoms  and  give  their  his- 
tory later  on. 

The  feudal  system  had  been  carried  to  England  by  the 
Normans,  but  under  conditions  and  with  consequences 
which  were  peculiar  to  the  country,  and  which  impelled  it 
in  quite  a  different  direction  from  the  rest  of  feudal  Europe. 
As  feudalism  arose  from  the  institutions  and  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  the  Carolingian  empire,  it  did  not  exist,  strictly 
speaking,  in  the  Slavic  and  Scandinavian  countries.  We 
will,  however,  give  a  slight  sketch  of  the  political  geography 
of  these  countries  during  the  eleventh  century. 

The  kingdom  of  England,  conquered  by  William  the 
Bastard  in  1066,  extended  from  the  Channel  to  Carlisle  and 
Bamborough  in  the  north,  which  served  as  a  bulwark  against 
Scotland  ;  the  country  of  Wales  was  beyond  the  Norman 
dominion,  and  they  were  obliged  to  build  a  line  of  strong 
castles,  which  were  given  into  the  keeping  of  the  lords  of 
the  frontiers  (Marches),  to  arrest  Welsh  incursions  ;  Scot- 
land had  lost  Cumberland,  which  was  now  attached  to  Eng- 
land, and  several  of  her  peninsulas  at  the  west  and  north 


Chap.  XV.]  FEUDALISM.  221 

were  held  by  the  King  of  the  Isles.  Ireland  was  still  inde- 
pendent, and  divided  among  several  native  kings. 

Denmark  was  composed  of  Jutland,  of  the  Danish  Isles, 
and  of  Scania,  on  the  coast  of  Sweden.  Norway  was  com- 
posed of  the  county  of  Orkney,  the  Faroe  Islands,  etc. 

Sweden  had  the  islands  of  ^land  and  of  Gotland,  a  part 
of  Lapland  and  the  coasts  of  Finland.  The  piracy  of  the 
vikings  had  ceased  in  the  three  Scandinavian  kingdoms, 
and  monarchical  unity  was  re-established  ;  but  the  ambi- 
tions of  the  different  families,  internecine  wars,  and  the 
geographical  position  of  these  countries,  which  seemed  to 
put  them  outside  the  general  range  of  the  affairs  of  Christ- 
endom, prevented  their  inhabitants  for  a  long  time  from 
taking  any  part  in  European  politics. 

There  were  Slavic  states  on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  and 
we  have  also  the  duchy  of  Poland  ;  the  state  of  the  Prus- 
sians and  that  of  the  Lithuanians  ;  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Russia,  which  was  divided  into  a  number  of  rival  princi- 
palities, and  the  kingdom  of  Hungary,  which  was  separated 
from  Bohemia  by  the  Moravian  mark. 

In  Europe,  the  Empire  of  the  East  possessed  the  great 
peninsula  to  the  south  of  the  Danube  and  the  Save,  between 
the  Archipelago,  the  Adriatic,  and  the  Black  Sea,  with  the 
exception  of  Croatia,  which  had  been  recently  conquered  by 
the  Hungarians  ;  and  in  Asia  Minor  it  still  held  some  forti- 
fied cities  on  the  coast.  Menaced  by  the  Normans  of  Italy, 
who  wished  to  get  possession  of  Greece,  by  the  Arabs  of 
Egypt  and  Africa,  who  infested  the  Archipelago,  by  the 
Turks  of  Asia  Minor,  who  were  encamped  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  Bosphorus,  by  the  Russians,  who  had  besieged 
Constantinople  four  times,  and  by  the  Petchenegs,  who  had 
quite  recently  taken  possession  of  Thrace,  and  besides  this, 
ill  supported  by  the  barbarians  of  every  race  who  lived  in 
his  provinces  or  were  in  his  pay,  the  Emperor  Alexis  was 
soon  obliged  to  call  the  Christian  peoples  of  the  west  to 
the  aid  ot  the  last  remains  of  the  Roman  empire. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
CIVILIZATION  IN  THE  NINTH  AND  TENTH  CENTURIES. 


Charlemagne's  fruitless  efforts  in  behalf  of  Literature. — Second  Renais- 
sance after  the  year  looo. — Latin  language. — Language  of  the  com- 
mon People. — Chivalry,  Architecture, 


We  have  seen  how  complete  a  dissolution  of  the  social 
order  of  things  followed  Charlemagne's  death.  "Civiliza- 
,  tion  shared  the  same  fate,  though  its  ele- 
vain'^e^^t"^in  mcnts  had  begun  to  draw  together  and  take 
te^rs*^'*^  °^  '^*  shape  under  his  hands.  He  had  clearly  seen 
that  unity  of  ideas  is  the  cement  which  is  in- 
dispensable to  political  unity,  and,  like  all  great  mmds, 
he  had  a  strong  desire  to  reign  over  a  civilized  rather  than 
a  barbarian  empire.  Hence  his  letters  and  capitularies, 
in  which  he  ordains  that  "schools  for  children  shall  be 
formed,  and  the  sons,  not  only  of  serfs  but  also  of  free 
men,  shall  be  called  in";  that  is  to  say,  not  only  the  chil- 
dren of  the  poor  country  people  to  whom  the  warriors  dis- 
dainfully left  the  humble  and  peaceful  career  of  the  clerk 
and  the  monk,  but  also  those  who  were  one  day  to  take 
the  places  of  those  warriors  and  carry  the  great  swords  of 
their  fathers  in  battle.  "  You  are  counting,"  he  said  to 
the  sons  of  his  noblemen,  when,  after  examining  them  him- 
self he  found  that  they  knew  less  than  the  children  of  the 
poor,  "  you  are  counting  on  the  services  rendered  by  your 
fathers,  but  I  wish  you  to  know  that  th6y  have  had  their 
reward,  and  that  the  State  owes  nothing  except  to  him  who 
has  deserved  it  by  his  own  efforts." 

Mandates  like  those,  uttered  by  such  a  man,  could  have 
no  other  result  than  to  form  an  enlightened  community  of 
laymen  which  would  have  changed  the  character  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  Though  he  had  to  make  a  stubborn  fight 
against  the  obstinacy  and  boorishness  of  his  people,  Charle- 
magne had  already  succeeded  in  opening  public  schools 
near  every  monastery  and   every  cathedral  church   in  the 


Chap.  XVI.]  CIVILIZATION.  223 

empire.  The  counts  and  knights  sent  their  children  to 
them  whether  they  wished  to  do  it  or  not.  On  his  death 
there  was,  no  doubt,  a  feeling  of  universal  joy,  as  on  the 
death  of  Louis  XIV.  All  the  school-going  nobility  threw 
their  Latin  and  Teutonic  grammars  to  the  winds  ;  they  saw 
with  joy  a  career  of  civil  war  opening  before  them,  when 
every  one  could  do  as  he  chose,  and  where  there  was 
room  for  as  much  license  as  valor. 

All  hope  was  lost  of  forming  an  enlightened  society. 
The  ecclesiastical  body  at  least  had  retained  something  of 
the  impetus  which  Charlemagne  had  given  to  learning. 
Beneath  the  ruins  of  the  great  structure  which  he  had 
raised,  and  which  had  not  been  entirely  overthrown,  a 
refuge  was  found  for  an  intellectual  development  possess- 
ing a  certain  grandeur  of  its  own.  Alcuin's  place  was 
filled  by  Hmcmar,  and  Charles  the  Bald  endeavored  to 
imitate  Charlemagne.  In  855  the  law  and  a  council  vied 
with  each  other  in  recommending  instruction  in  both 
divine  and  humane  literature  ;  in  859  they  made  fresh 
attempts  to  restore  the  Carolingian  schools,  "  because  the 
suspension  of  study  in  this  way  leads  to  ignorance  of 
the  faith  and  to  a  dearth  of  all  knowledge."  We  find 
in  the  year  882  the  first  mention  of  the  episcopal  school  at 
Paris,  whose  later  career  was  so  brilliant,  and  in  the  cata- 
logue of  the  St.  Requier  library  for  the  year  831,  256 
volumes  are  noted,  among  which  were  the  Eclogues  of 
Virgil  and  the  Rhetoric  of  Cicero,  Terence,  IMacrobius, 
and  perhaps  Trogus  Pompeius,  which  last  is  lost  to  us. 

About  that  time  there  was  a  philosophical  movement  and 
disputes  which  foreshadowed  those  of  the  great  centuries 
of  the  Middle  Ages  ;  the  German  monk  Gottschalk  believed 
that  he  had  found  the  dogma  of  predestination  in  the  writ- 
ings of  St.  Augustine.  After  being  opposed  by  the  learned 
bishop  of  Mainz,  Rabanus  Maurus,  a  disciple  of  Alcuin, 
and  being  condemned  by  two  councils,  he  was  confined  in  a 
cloister  by  Hincmar,  until  his  death,  but  he  did  not  once 
show  a  desire  to  retract  his  words.  The  celebrated  Irish- 
man, John  Scotus  Erigena,  who  was  charged  by  Hincmar 
to  reply  to  him,  had  to  be  in  turn  suppressed  because  his 
argument  was  so  exclusively  dialectic  and  philosophical,  as 
he  himself  called  it,  and  drawn,  in  fact,  from  the  study  of  the 
ancient  philosophers.  But  the  political  confusion  was  daily 
increasing  ;   the  empire  was  entirely  broken  up  ;  the  nobles 


224  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

were  fighting,  despoiling,  and  working  havoc  at  their  will. 
There  was  no  room  for  scholarship  in  the  midst  of  such 
confusion.  So  it  vanished,  except  in  a  few  isolated  mon- 
asteries where  the  last  feeble  rays  of  science  found  their 
only  refuge  from  the  fierce  blasts  of  the  tenth  century. 
Outside  these  walls  there  reigned  profound  darkness ; 
frightful  misery,  both  physical  and  moral ;  plagues  and 
famines,  when  human  flesh,  and  flour  mixed  with  chalk, 
brought  their  weight  in  gold.  It  seemed  as  if  physical 
death  was  about  to  get  possession  of  the  world  which  had 
already  been  overcome  by  intellectual  death  ;  indeed,  man- 
kind itself  was  persuaded  of  this  fact.  As  the  year  looo 
approached  no  more  building  went  on,  no  repairing,  no 
laying  by  for  a  future  day,  at  least  for  a  future  here  below. 
They  gave  their  lands  and  their  houses  to  the  clergy,  inundi 
fine  appropi)iqiiante,  for  the  end  of  the  world  was  at  hand.* 
But,  like  all  other  hours,  this  hour  of  anguish  and 
irrepressible  terror  passed  by.     The  sun  rose  again  on  the 

^  „       first  day  of  the  year  looi.     Suspended  ani- 
se con  a    Re-  .  ■'  ,    •'   .    ,  .  ^  rT-.,  ,j 

naissance  after  mation  returned  with  new  vigor.  J  he  world 
'°°°-  gave  thanks  to  the   God  who  had  let  them 

live,  by  conceiving  a  glorious  thought  of  Christian  unity 
and  of  religious  heroism,  which  was  expressed  by  the  head 
of  Christianity :  "  Soldiers  of  Christ,"  cried  Silvester  II. 
(999-1003),  referring  to  the  ruin  of  Jerusalem,  "  Soldiers 
of  Christ,  arise,  you  must  fight  in  his  cause."  A  century 
had  not  elapsed  before  millions  of  men  had  responded  to 
this  call. 

In  the  mean  time,  all  went  to  work  ;  the  earth  seemed  to 
cast  aside  its  age  and  to  deck  itself  in  a  fine  array  of  new 
churches.  Basilicas  were  rebuilt,  monasteries  were  founded. 
Only  1 108  had  been  built  in  France  in  the  space  of  eight 
centuries,  while  326  sprang  up  in  the  eleventh,  and  702  in 
the  twelfth  century.  In  the  rest  of  Christian  Europe  the 
same  pious  duties  were  being  performed,  and  in  equal  num- 
ber, for  in  those  two  centuries  the  movement  which  put  a 
fourth  part  of  the  soil  into  the  hands  of  the  clergy  was  at  its 


*  This  dark  picture  could  easily  be  relieved  by  touches  of  another  sort. 
There  was  no  peculiar  fear  of  the  approaching  end  of  the  world  con- 
nected with  the  year  1000.  It  was  a  common  feeling  for  two  or  three 
centuries  of  this  period.  See  New  Englander  and  Yale  Review,  vol.  xii., 
p.  369.— Ed. 


Chap.  XVI.]  CIVILIZATION.  22$ 

height.  It  was  at  that  time  a  useful  measure,  though  it 
had  bad  results  later  on. 

At  the  same  time  Hfe  returned  to  the  intellectual  world. 
Silvester  II.  set  the  example.  While  yet  a  simple  monk  of 
Aurillac,  under  the  name  of  Gerbert,  he  went  to  study  liter- 
ature, algebra,  and  astronomy,  among  the  Mohammedans 
of  Spain,  and  to  open  up  to  Christian  Europe  a  new  source 
of  knowledge,  Arabian  science  ;  he  collected  a  large  library, 
constructed  globes,  and  contrived  a  pendulum-clock,  such 
a  wonderful  thing  to  the  multitude,  that  he  passed  in  their 
eyes  for  a  magician  who  had  sold  himself  to  the  devil.  In 
I022  heretical  opinions  made  their  appearance  in  Orleans  : 
it  was  not  a  symptom  of  declining  strength  but  of  a  new 
growth  of  religious  feeling  ;  the  human  mind  was  anxious  to 
be  convinced  of  what  it  believed.  Thirteen  heretics,  con- 
demned by  a  council,  perished  at  the  stake. 

Society  had  already  grown  tired  of  brigandage  ;  by  in- 
stinct it  was  led  to  emerge  from  the  general  confusion,  to 
take  its  stand  on  the  new  foundations  which  had  been 
formed  in  the  midst  of  the  chaos,  to  lead  a  more  regular 
social  life,  and  to  develop  with  some  security  the  new  civili- 
zation born  of  the  stormy  elements  and  convulsions  of  the 
tenth  century.  As  interpreter  of  the  public  need,  whence  she 
drew  the  authority  for  her  commands,  the  Church  was  not 
afraid  to  place  bounds  upon  the  violence  of  the  barons  : 
she  established  the  Truce  of  God  (1041),  which  forbade  all 
private  warfare  from  Wednesday  evening  till  Monday  morn- 
ing, and  threatened  ^all  who  transgressed  this  law  with  the 
most  severe  punishments,  both  temporal  and  spiritual. 

The  two  societies,  the  ecclesiastic  and  the  lay,  the  one 
owning  as  it  did,  but  one  master,  obeying  one  idea,  mature 
and  well  wrought  out,  and  undertaking  to 
^^language."  correct  and  repress  the  other  society  ;  the 
latter  of  recent  growth,  developing  sponta- 
neously and  having  no  guide  but  its  passion  and  instincts, 
these  two  societies  have  henceforth  their  separate  languages. 
The  speech  of  the  first  had  not  changed  ;  in  its  churches 
and  convents,  sheltered  from  the  storms  without,  it  had 
preserved  the  language  of  universal  domination  and  of 
learning,  the  Latin  language — not,  it  is  true,  in  its  pristine 
purity,  but  adapted  to  present  needs,  a  living  and  national 
language,  so  to  speak,  in  the  domain  of  the  Church.  The 
second  language,  emerging  from  its  infancy,  brought  with 


2  26  FE  UDALISM.  [Book  V. 

it  many  new  idioms,  still  imperfect,  rough,  uncertain,  and 
variable,  but  they  were  used  by  all,  they  had  life  and  vigor, 
and  were  the  expression  of  the  thoughts  and  feelings  which 
animated  all  men.  In  Germany  the  spoken  language  was 
Teutonic,  confined,  perhaps,  after  the  tenth  century,  to  the 
other  side  of  the  Meuse  ;  in  Italy,  the  Italian  language, 
which  had  not  yet  produced  anything,  though,  thanks  to 
Dante  and  Petrarch,  it  was  destined  to  reach  its  perfection 
sooner  than  the  others  ;  in  France,  the  Romance  language, 
which  was  already  divided  into  the  northern  Romance, 
{latigue  d'oil),  and  the  southern  Romance  or  Provencal, 
\langue  d'oc),  following  the  different  manners  and  charac- 
ters of  these  two  portions  of  Gaul.  The  Romance  language 
developed  from  the  Gallo-Roman  language,  which  was 
spoken  in  the  two  Gauls  at  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire, 
and  which  the  barbarians  of  Germany  and  the  north  had 
modified,  according  as  their  genius  or  their  ignorance  led 
them.  Its  foundation  is  Latin  ;  almost  no  changes  occur 
except  in  the  forms.  Analysis  takes  the  place  of  synthesis. 
Inflexion  by  terminations  to  indicate  the  case  of  substantives 
and  the  person  of  verbs  was  too  subtle  foi*  the  barbarian 
mind  and  gave  way  to  articles,  pronouns,  and  auxiliary  verbs. 
The  sonorous  quality  of  the  languages  of  the  south  took 
on  a  hard  sound  in  the  harsh  voices  of  the  north.  The  Nor- 
mans, who  adopted  the  language  of  the  conquered  nations 
among  whom  they  settled,  have  been  most  active  in  the 
work  of  language  formation.  For  instance,  out  of  charitas 
they  have  made  charitc,  while  the  southern  tribes  stopped 
at  the  first  transformation  which  this  word  underwent, 
namely,  charitad.  We  have  before  us  then  the  two  instru- 
ments of  the  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages  :  first,  the  Latin, 
imposing  in  its  unity  ;  and  second,  the  common  and  na- 
tional idioms  in  all  their  diversity  ;  one  the  organ  of  the 
spiritual,  the  other  the  organ  of  the  temporal  world.  De- 
bates on  religious  and  philosophical  subjects  were  held,  and 
the  chronicles  were  written  in  Latin,  and  no  longer,  as  in 
Charlemagne's  time,  was  it  the  will  of  one  man,  but  the  needs 
of  all,  which  caused  this  revival  in  letters.  The  monas- 
teries were  now  the  centers  of  learning. 

All  France  joined  in  this  second  renaissance,  and  espec- 
ially the  province  of  Normandy,  where  the  warlike  spirit  of 
feudal  society  had  already  showed  itself  in  its  highest  form 
of  expression.     The  magnificent  abbey  of  Fontenelle  or  of 


Chap.  XVI.]  CIVILIZATION.  227 

St.  Vandrille,  restored  by  the  duke  in  the  year  1035,  was  a 
Norman  possession  ;  also  that  of  Jumieges,  whose  imposing 
ruins  can  still  be  seen,  and  the  Abbey  of  Bee,  founded  in 
1040,  which  acquired  fame  at  the  very  beginning  of  its 
existence  owing  to  the  presence  of  two  great  doctors  there, 
Lanfranc  and  St.  Anselm,  not  to  mention  the  monasteries 
of  St.  Stephen  of  Caen,  of  Rouen,  of  Avranches,  of  Bayeux, 
of  Fecamp,  and  of  Mt.  St.  Michael,  "in  the  midst  of  the 
dangers  of  the  deep"  {in  pericido  maris).  William  the 
Bastard  was  called  the  Conqueror,  but  he  also  earned  the 
name  of  the  "great  builder."  If  the  noblemen  did  not 
know  how  to  write,  by  right  of  birth,  and  "  in  the  capacity 
of  barons,"  the  monks,  in  the  retirement  of  the  monasteries, 
were  no  longer  content  merely  to  copy  the  rare  manuscripts 
which  have  survived  the  shipwreck  of  ancient  civilization  ; 
they  took  an  interest  in  the  events  going  on  about  them, 
and  wrote  them  down,  or  they  made  great  efforts  to 
strengthen  their  faith  by  theological  discussions,  which 
again  showed  signs  of  learning.  Richer,  who  was  a  pupil 
of  Silvester  II.,  and  a  physician  as  well  as  a  monk,  wrote  in 
the  Abbey  of  St.  Remi  a  history  of  the  tenth  century,  in 
which  he  imitates  Sallust,  as  Eginhard  imitated  Suetonius. 
Abbo,  a  monk  of  St.  Germain,  sings  in  rather  limping  verse 
the  exploits  of  Count  Eudes  and  the  Parisians  against  the 
Norsemen,  while  another  monk,  William,  at  the  abbey  of 
Jumieges,  wrote  the  history  from  the  Norman  point  of  view. 
While  some  were  writing  others  were  teaching,  and 
scholars  flocked  from  far  and  near.  More  than  four  thou- 
sand gathered  to  listen  to  the  Italian  Lanfranc  (1005- 
1089)  at  St.  Stephen's  of  Caen.  He  tried  in  vain  to  find  a 
refuge  in  the  solitude  of  Bee  from  the  reputation  which 
followed  him  even  there  ;  in  spite  of  himself  he  was  raised 
to  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury.  The  intellectual 
activity  thus  reviving  sometimes  turned  aside  from  the 
beaten  track.  The  heresy  which  led  thirteen  unfortunate 
beings  to  the  stake  in  1022  has  already  been  mentioned. 
Another  heresy,  stirred  up  by  Berengar  of  Tours,  troubled 
the  Church  for  more  than  thirty  years  (10501080).  Beren- 
gar, like  Scotus  Erigena,  looked  upon  the  Eucharist  as  a 
symbol  merely,  and  subjected  the  articles  of  his  faith  to  a 
process  of  reasoning.  "  You  must,  however,  be  resigned 
not  to  understand,"  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  his  friend,  said  to 
him,  •'  for  can  you  ever  understand  the  mystery  of  God  ?  " 


228  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

But  Berengar  wished  to  account  to  himself  for  his  belief 
and  boldly  carried  his  reasoning  powers  into  the  midst  of 
the  mysteries.  He  is  one  of  the  forerunners  of  Luther, 
though  Luther  did  not  know  any  of  his  writings.  Lan- 
franc  was  his  principal  adversary. 

St.  Anselm,  an  Italian  like  Lanfranc,  and  his  successor  at 
the  Abbey  of  Bee  and  in  the  see  of  Canterbury,  gave  a  fresh 
impulse  to  dogmatic  theology,  which  had  been  almost  neg- 
lected since  the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  that  is,  for  six  cen- 
turies. He  took  his  stand  upon  the  dogmas  of  Christianity, 
with  an  absolute  faith  in  them,  and  employed  all  the  force 
of  his  powerful  intellect  and  all  the  resources  of  dialectics, 
that  is  to  say,  of  the  art  of  reasoning,  to  demonstrate  their 
truth.  He  has  sometimes  Descartes'  power  of  close  reason- 
ing, and  the  famous  proof  of  the  existence  of  God,  which 
was  given  by  the  father  of  modern  philosophy  when,  start- 
ing from  the  sole  fact  of  thought,  he  reached  the  absolute 
being  who  is  in  himself  the  cause  and  origin  of  thought,  is 
in  fact,  one  of  St.  Anselm's  arguments. 

Like  Lanfranc,  St.  Anselm  had  to  cope  with  bold  inno- 
vators who,  with  the  aid  of  dialectics,  so  dangerous  an  ally 
of  theology,  shook  the  foundations  of  the  dogmas  in  their 
desire  to  submit  them  to  the  tests  of  reasoning  according 
to  the  rules  of  Aristotle's  logic.  Berengar  had  attempted 
to  interpret  the  mystery  of  the  Eucharist ;  Roscelin,  about 
the  year  1085,  attacked  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,  and  the 
growing  scholasticism  began  with  the  quarrels  between 
Realists  and  Nominalists,  those  subtle  discussions  which 
wasted  the  efforts  of  many  hard-working  minds. 

While  the  human  mind  was  being  led  back  by  scholasti- 
cism to  the  exercises  of  its  noble  speculative  functions,  and 
while  the  cool  shades  of  the  cloisters  of  Bee  and  of  St.  Vic- 
tor resounded  with  the  Latin  argumentations 
"^ifanguageY  ^^  Christian  philosophers,  other  voices,  other 
subjects,  and  another  language  roused  the 
echoes  in  the  castles  or  mingled  with  the  clashing  of  arms 
on  the  field  of  battle. 

The  barbarian  warriors  loved  the  songs  of  their  bards, 
which  stimulated  their  courage,  and  doubtless,  also,  opened 
new  fields  to  their  imagination  in  the  inevitable  periods  of 
repose.  The  feudal  warriors,  who  were  equally  eager  for 
battle  and  the  adventures  of  war,  but  who  were  condemned 
bometimes  to  shut  themselves  up  for  long  seasons  in  their 


Chap.  XVI.]  CIVILIZATION:  229 

dull  castles,  loved  to  hear  tales  of  warlike  deeds.  They  had 
their  bards,  called  in  the  north  troiiveres,  and  in  the  south 
troubadours,  and  also  the'xx  Jongleurs.  The  trouvere  and  the 
troubadour,  as  their  names  indicate,  invented  and  composed 
the  poem,  the  jongleur  [joculator)  recited  it.  Sometimes 
the  same  man  combined  both  functions.  The  jongleurs  are 
seen  in  very  early  times  ;  there  were  some  attached  to  the 
court  of  Charlemagne  and  to  that  of  Louis  the  Pious  ;  a 
capitulary  of  the  year  789  forbade  all  bishops,  abbots,  and 
abbesses  to  have  them  in  their  service.  Later,  their  numbers 
multiplied.  They  wandered  from  castle  to  castle  with  a 
musical  instrument  on  their  back  or  attached  to  their  saddle 
bows,  if  they  were  able  to  afford  a  mount.  The  barons, 
the  chatelains,  the  squires  and  noble  ladies  all  welcomed 
the  trouvere  with  joy ;  he  brought  diversion  with  him  and 
romance,  which  shortened  the  long  evenings  when  books 
were  rare  things,  and  usually  he  went  away  again  richly  re- 
warded. Such  was  the  first  noble  use  to  which  the  popular 
language  came. 

The  trouveres  drew  their  songs  from  many  sources,  and 
their  long  epic  poems,  or  chansons  de  gestes,  of  twenty, 
thirty,  or  fifty  thousand  verses  each,  may  be  classified  in 
several  cycles.  First  came  the  Carolingian  cycle,  of  a 
religious  and  at  the  same  time  feudal  character.  Here  the 
principal  hero  is  Charlemagne,  glorified  in  story.  He  is  no 
longer  the  energetic  and  skillful  leader  of  the  Austrasians, 
who  makes  himself  Emperor,  fights  the  Saxons,  and  signs 
capitularies  ;  he  is  a  monarch  for  the  fancy,  like  the  figures 
in  a  confused  dream,  which  extend  and  expand  until  their  out- 
lines are  lost  in  uncertainty.  Charlemagne  is  the  type  con- 
ceived of  by  the  popular  imagination ;  other  kings  of  earlier  or 
later  times  are  rarely  if  ever  mentioned;  and  their  great  deeds 
are  almost  always  imputed  to  him  ;  according  to  them  he 
gained  the  great  victory  at  Tours.  Hatred  toward  the 
Saracens  is  the  ruling  religious  feeling  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, the  century  which  gave  birth  to  the  crusades.  Ac- 
cordingly the  popular  epic  forgets  Charlemagne's  long-con- 
tinued eft'orts  to  establish  his  markgrafen  on  the  banks  of 
the  Ebro,  but  makes  him  victorious  over  the  Saracens 
even  as  far  as  Asia,  and  leads  him  in  triumph  from  Jerusa- 
lem to  Constantinople.  Nevertheless  this  colossus  who 
bestrides  the  seas  is  at  the  same  time  a  weak  creature, 
almost    a    nonentity,  and    much  abused  ;    it  is  his  twelve 


230  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

peers  who  do  the  work.  It  is  a  picture  of  the  rebellious 
feudal  society  of  the  eleventh  century,  a  flattery  of  the  lord 
of  the  castle  by  the  trouvere.  Though  the  monotonous  pro- 
lixity of  these  poems  is  wearying,  yet  some  of  the  passages 
which  breathe  of  heroism  can  thrill  us,  even  to  this  day. 
For  instance,  in  the  Chanson  de  Roland,  to  mention  but 
one,  where  the  hero,  taken  by  surprise  in  the  valley  of 
Roncevaux  and  unable  to  make  the  sound  of  his  olifant 
reach  the  ears  of  Charlemagne,  bids  farewell  to  his  good 
sword  Durandal,  and  lies  down  to  die  with  his  face  toward 
Spain.  Such  passages,  when  sung  with  spirit,  incited  the 
warriors  to  great  deeds.  Thus  at  the  battle  of  Hastings 
(1066),  the  jongleur  Taillefer  went  before  the  army  of 
William  the  Conqueror  and 

Sur  un  cheval  ki  tost  alloit 
Devant  li  Dues  alloit  cantant 
De  Karlemaine  et  de  RoUant 
Et  d'Oliver  e  des  vassals 
Qui  moururent  en  Renchevals. 

(On  a  fleet-footed  horse, 
Before  the  Dukes  he  rode,  and  sang 
Of  Charlemagne  and  of  Roland, 
Of  Oliver  and  of  the  vassals 
Who  died  at  Roncevals.) 

Another  poem  of  the  same  cycle,  the  Roman  des  Loh^- 
rains,  is  remarkable  for  giving  an  energetic  account  of  the 
struggle  which  we  have  already  described  between  the  two 
feudal  races,  namely,  the  Lorraine  or  German  and  the 
Picard  or  French  races.  The  second  epic  cycle  was  the 
Armorican  cycle,  whose  hero  is  Arthur,  the  famous  de- 
fender of  British  independence.  Robert  Wace,  in  the 
twelfth  century,  collected  the  many  legends  scattered  among 
the  people,  in  his  Roman  de  Brut,  which  gave  expression  to 
the  sentiments  and  customs  of  the  period. 

A  third  cycle  followed  closely  after,  which  took  Alexan- 
der for  its  hero,  and  influenced  by  the  revival  in  the  study 
of  the  classics,  transported  the  romance  of  chivalry  over  to 
the  field  of  antiquity. 

The  epic  poets  addressed  their  verses  to  the  chivalrous 

class  of  society.     This  class  of  men  had  been  in  existence 

chivair  '"    '^'^    '''^   g'^fy  cven  as   early  as   Philip  I. 

and    the   first  crusade.      Chivalry  is  one  of 

those   facts  which  seem  to  belong  rather  to  romance  than 


Chap.  XVI.]  CIVILIZATION.  231 

to  real  history.  Nevertheless  it  really  existed,  in  all  its 
phases.  Even  in  the  customs  of  the  German  tribes  we 
can  trace  its  faint  beginning,  in  that  ceremony  where  the 
young  man  publicly  received  his  shield  and  javelin,  and 
became  a  warrior  and  a  citizen  by  virtue  of  these  insignia. 
Since  then  the  sword  had  always  been  the  symbol  of  a  sort 
of  investiture  ;  in  791,  at  Ratisbon,  Charlemagne  with  great 
solemnity  girded  his  son  Louis  the  Pious  with  the  sword  ; 
in  838  Louis  conferred  the  same  honor  on  Charles  the  Bald, 
adding :  "  In  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the 
Holy  Ghost."  Here  we  see  an  element  of  religious  con- 
secration already  added  to  the  simple  ceremony  of  arming. 

Now  it  happened  that  the  noble  lords,  who  were  cut  off 
from  the  rest  of  the  world  and  yet  had  sovereign  power  in 
their  castles,  took  pleasure  in  forming  little  courts  for 
themselves  and  drawing  around  them  their  vassals,  who 
were  expected  to  render  personal  services,  which  were  not 
considered  humiliating  but  rather  a  mark  of  distinction. 
These  vassals  formed  a  hierarchy,  comprising  constable, 
marshal,  seneschal,  chamberlain,  butler,  cup-bearer,  etc. 
But  the  vassals  did  not  come  alone  to  the  court  of  their 
sovereigns,  but  were  accompanied  by  their  sons,  who  were 
to  receive  there  the  education  and  accomplishments  of  the 
great  castles,  and  to  render  services  of  a  certain  kind,  as,  for 
instance,  those  of  a  page,  squire,  etc.  When  a  young  man 
seemed  to  be  sufficiently  accomplished  in  the  art  of  setting 
and  serving  a  table  and  in  that  of  clothing  and  arming  the 
knight,  he  was  himself  made  a  knight,  by  a  sort  of  ordina- 
tion which  he  received  at  the  hands  of  his  feudal  lord,  in  a 
solemn  ceremonial. 

First  came  a  bath,  the  symbol  of  the  purity  which  ought 
to  distinguish  a  knight ;  a  red  robe,  of  the  blood  he  ought 
to  spill  ;  a  black  robe,  of  the  death  that  awaited  him.  A 
fast  of  twenty-four  hours  followed,  and  after  that  a  night 
passed  in  prayer  in  the  church.  The  next  day,  after  the 
rites  of  confession,  communion,  and  a  sermon,  a  conse- 
crated sword  was  hung  about  the  neck  of  the  applicant, 
who  knelt  down  before  his  lord  and  begged  for  knightliood. 
Then  the  knights,  or  sometimes  the  ladies,  invested  him 
with  spurs,  and  the  hauberk  or  coat  of  mail,  the  cuirass,  the 
armlets,  the  gauntlets,  and  finally  the  sword,  after  which 
the  lord  gave  him  the  accolade,  by  striking  him  upon  the 
shoulders  three  times  with  the  flat  of  the  sw-ord  and  saving  : 


232  FEUDALISM.  [Book  V. 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  of  St.  Michael,  and  of  St.  George,  I 
make  thee  a  knight."  The  next  minute  the  young  cavalier 
sprang  upon  his  courser,  in  the  middle  of  the  crowd  assem- 
bled in  the  court-yard  of  the  castle.  A  knight's  duties 
were  to  pray,  to  avoid  sin,  to  defend  the  church,  the  widow 
and  the  orphan,  to  protect  the  people,  to  travel  far  and 
wide,  to  make  war  loyally,  to  fight  for  his  lady,  to  love  his 
lord,  and  to  listen  to  good  and  true  men  ;  "  as  of  old  King 
Alexander,  so  ought  a  knight  to  conduct  himself." 

The  society  of  that  time,  though  lawless,  had  been  able  to 
create  an  ideal  of  perfection  for  itself.  The  man  of  the 
Middle  Ages  looked  up  to  his  patron  saint  as  a  model  in 
the  religious  life,  and  to  the  knight  in  civil  and  political  life. 

A  new  style  of  architecture  had  arisen  by  the  side  of 
the  new  science  of  scholasticism,  the  new  poetry  of  the 
A    I.-.    .  chansons  de  s:estes  and  the  new  military  regime 

of  chivalry.  "  About  three  years  after  the 
year  looo,"  said  Rodulf  Glaber,  "  the  churches  were  reno- 
vated almost  throughout  the  whole  world,  especially  in 
Italy  and  the  Gauls,  although  the  greater  part  were  still 
in  good  enough  condition  not  to  need  repairing."  The 
public  buildings,  whose  construction  until  then  showed 
signs  of  ignorance  and  haste,  with  no  thought  of  the  future, 
were  built  more  solidly  and  with  grander  proportions. 
Societies  of  builders  were  formed  about  this  time,  and  their 
numbers  included  bishops  and  abbots ;  in  the  church, 
especially,  the  architectural  art  was  cultivated,  and  the 
monks  above  all  others  lent  their  assistance  ;  some  artists 
from  Italy,  where  the  arts  had  never  been  completely  neg- 
lected, took  part,  it  is  true,  in  the  work  and  introduced  the 
methods  of  Byzantine  artists.  In  the  south,  especially,  the 
Roman  style  of  architecture,  which  had  left  many  monu- 
ments there,  exercised  a  great  influence  upon  the  concep- 
tions of  the  period.  The  modern  Greek,  the  Roman,  and 
sometimes  a  mixture  of  the  two,  are  the  characteristic  forms 
of  Romance  architecture,  also  called  Byzantine,  Lombard, 
Saxon,  etc.  Their  buildings  show  the  semicircular  arch  and 
columns,  also  the  steep  roofs,  due  to  the  climate,  and  great 
towers  for  the  defense  of  the  church. 

Most  of  the  cliurches  of  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries 
preserved  the  original  arrangement  of  the  Latin  basilica. 
After  that  time,  however,  a  change  took  place  which  ushered 
in  a  new  period.     Various  new  forms  or  combinations  of 


Chap.  XVI.]  CIVILIZATION.  233 

forms  were  introduced.  At  the  head  of  the  church  rose 
the  bell  tower,  a  marked  characteristic  of  the  western 
churches,  at  first  broad  and  low,  later  slender  and  pointing 
heavenward.  In  the  interior,  the  general  system  of  vault- 
ing was  substituted  for  the  ceilings  and  woodwork  of  the 
old  Christian  basilicas  ;  the  choir  and  galleries  were  extended 
beyond  the  cross,  the  passage  ran  around  the  apse,  and 
accessory  chapels  came  to  be  grouped  about  the  sanc- 
tuary. These  successive  modifications  lead  us  little  by 
little  to  the  arrangement  of  the  so-called  Gothic  churches. 
The  state  of  society  which  we  have  been  reviewing  was 
complete  in  itself  and  new,  for  it  lacked  none  of  the  quali- 
fications necessary  to  social  existence,  and  in  each  of  its 
manifestations  it  showed  an  original  character.  Church 
and  feudalism,  the  scholastic  philosophy  and  the  songs  of 
the  trouveres,  chivalry  and  the  Gothic  churches  all  belong 
exclusively  to  this  state  of  society,  have  never  been  seen  in 
any  other,  and  will  never  be  seen  again.  It  no  longer 
resembled  the  abortive  attempts  even  of  a  Theodoric  or  a 
Charlemagne  ;  the  strange  joining  of  barbarism  and  civili- 
zation, the  shafts  of  antique  columns  stolen  from  Ravenna 
and  badly  patched  together  in  the  imperial  palace  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  ;  it  was  a  creative  society  and  an  organic  period 
in  the  life  of  humanity. 


BOOK  VI. 

THE  STRUGGLE  BETWEEN  THE  PAPACY 
AND  THE  EMPIRE  (1059-1250). 


CHAPTER   XVII. 
THE  QUARREL  OVER   INVESTITURES  (1059-1122). 


Complete  supremacy  of  the  Emperor  Henry  III.  (1039-1056). — Hilde- 
brand's  effort  to  regenerate  the  Church  and  emancipate  the  Papacy  ; 
Regulation  of  1059. — Gregory  VII.  (1073).  His  great  Plans. — Bold- 
ness of  his  first  Acts. — Humiliation  of  the  Emperor  (1077). — Death 
of  Gregory  VII.  (1085),  and  of  Henry  IV.  (1106).  Henry  V.  (1106). 
— The  Concordat  of  Worms  (1122)  ;  End  of  the  quarrel  over  Investi- 
tures. 


Otto  the  Great  had  revived  the  empire  of  Charlemagne 
and  had  resumed  the  rights  attached  to  the  imperial  crown  ; 
among  others  those  of  using  the  ancient  city 
the^fi'^^'p^e'^r'o'r  o{  Romc  as  Capital  of  the  new  empire,  of  con- 
Henry  III.  firming  the  election  of  the  sovereign  pontiff, 
(1039-1056).  J      ?  •   ■  ^    ■    a  u 

and  of  exercismg  a  great  umuence  over  all 

the  affairs  of  the  Church.  Henry  III.,  son  of  Conrad  the 
Salic  ^^1039),  ^vas  the  one  of  the  German  emperors  who  made 
the  most  of  his  power,  and  who  best  succeeded  in  making 
the  imperial  authority  respected  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps. 
He  forced  the  Duke  of  Bohemia  to  acknowledge  his  supre- 
macy and  to  pay  him  a  sum  of  money  ;  he  reinstated  Peter, 
the  king  of  Hungary,  in  his  kingdom  and  received  his  hom- 
age for  it.  The  two  duchies  of  Lorraine  had  been  united, 
but  he  separated  them  ;  and  when  the  duchies  of  Bavaria, 
Swabia,  and  Carinthia  fell  vacant,  he  felt  sure  enough  of 
his  power  to  re-establish  the  ducal  office  in  order  to  give 
these  provinces  a  m.ore  direct  government,  and  one  more 
capable  of  enforcing  the  truce  of  God,  which  was  still  only 
an  empty  name. 

235 


236  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE   PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

In  southern  Italy,  however,  the  Emperor  came  into  colli- 
sion with  an  enemy  who  seemed  weak  enough,  but  who  was 
able  to  defy  him.  Some  Norman  pilgrims,  who  had  come 
to  Rome  toward  the  year  iot6,  had  been  employed  by  the 
Pope  against  the  Greeks  who  were  attacking  Benevento  ; 
others,  returning  from  Jerusalem,  helped  the  inhabitants  of 
Salerno  to  drive  away  the  Saracens,  who  were  besieging 
them.  The  fame  of  their  success,  and  of  the  booty  which 
they  had  gained,  brought  many  other  Normans  to  join  them. 
So  many  came  that  they  were  soon  strong  enough  to  make 
themselves  masters  of  the  country.  William  of  the  Iron 
Arm,  the  oldest  of  the  twelve  sons  of  Tancred  of  Hauteville, 
a  gentleman  of  Coutances,  was  in  1043  elected  chief  of  the 
country,  with  the  title  of  Count  of  Venossa  and  Apulia. 
His  brothers  Drogo  (1046),  Humphrey  (105 1),  and  Robert 
Guiscard  (1057)  succeeded  him.  The  Papacy  was  not  slow 
to  repent  having  brought  such  warlike  neighbors  upon 
itself.  Leo  IX.  collected  troops,  obtaining  some  from 
Henry  III.,  and  uniting  his  efforts  with  those  of  the  Greek 
Emperor  Constantine  Monomachus  marched  against  the 
Normans,  who  defeated  him  and  made  him  prisoner.  But 
these  wise  people  thought  of  Pippin  and  of  Charlemagne  ; 
and  said  to  themselves  that  the  popes  could  give  a  legal 
existence  to  what  had  before  only  existed  by  right  of  force. 
They  knelt  before  their  prisoner,  declared  themselves  his 
vassals,  and  received  all  they  had  conquered  as  a  fief  from 
his  hands  (1053).*  The  Pope  left  his  captivity  the  suzerain 
of  a  new  state,  of  the  duchy  of  Apulia,  to  which  the  Nor- 
mans soon  added  Sicily,  which  was  conquered  by  Roger, 
another  brother  of  Robert  Guiscard  ;  these  provinces  were 
all  united  finally  into  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  (made  a  king- 
dom in  1 130),  and  a  Norman  dynasty  reigned  at  Naples, 
where  the  counts  of  Anjou  have  also  reigned,  and  where 
until  recently  the  house  of  Bourbon  was  still  sovereign. 

So  Henry  IH.  met  with  a  check  in  that  direction  ;  al- 
though he  did  not  attach  any  great  importance  to  this  war, 
and  though  after  all  it  appeared  to  terminate  to  his  advan- 
tage, as  the  suzerainty  gained  by  the  Pope  came  back  to 
the  Emperor,   on   whom  the   Pope   depended.     No  other 

*  The  conqueror  of  the  Pope  knelt  before  him  and  bcf^ged  his  forgive- 
ness and  absolution,  but  the  vassal  relation  was  not  established  till  1059, 
under  Nicholas  II.  Both  Leo  IX.  and  Stephen  IX.  planned  further  war 
against  the  Normans. — Eu. 


Chap.  XVII.]  GREGORY   VII.  237 

emperor  made  more  use  of  his  right  of  interfering  in  ecclesi- 
astical elections,  whether  of  the  pope  or  of  the  bishops,  and 
no  one  used  it  more  wisely.  He  deposed  three  popes  who 
were  disputing  the  possession  of  the  See  at  the  same  time, 
and  three  times  awarded  the  tiara  to  German  priests,  and 
awarded  it  wisely  to  Clement  II.,  Damasus  II.,  and  Leo. 
IX.  The  council  of  Sutri  had  again  acknowledged  that  no 
pope  could  be  elected  without  the  consent  of  the  emperor. 

Nevertheless,  since  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  the  Church 
had  not  ceased  to  grow  in  power  and  in  moral  authority. 
She  possessed  temporal  authority,  for  she  owned  a  large 
part  of  the  soil  of  Christian  Europe ;  she  had  moral 
authority,  for  every  one,  great  and  small,  accepted  her 
commands  submissively,  and  by  her  weapon  of  excommu- 
nication she  could  force  even  kings  to  obey  her  ;  finally, 
she  had  the  advantage  of  unity,  for  the  whole  Church  of 
the  West  recognized  the  Roman  pontiff  as  her  head.  Thus, 
during  the  eleventh  century  there  were  two  great  powers 
in  existence,  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor,  the  temporal 
power  and  the  spiritual  power,  both  of  them  very  ambi- 
tious, as  they  could  not  fail  to  be  considering  the  customs, 
institutions,  and  beliefs  of  the  epoch.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  the  great  question  came  up  as  to  who  should  be  the 
master  of  the  world,  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  or  the  suc- 
cessor of  Augustus  and  Charlemagne. 

The  Church  had  never  before  had  so  lofty  an  ambition, 
at  least  never  in  so  clear  and  fixed  a  form.  At  the  time  of 
Efforts  made  ^^^  Iconoclasts,  and  under  the  successors  of 
by  Hiidebrand  Charlemagne,  the  Church  aspired  to  emerge 
th*e  c'hur "h  a^nd  from  the  trammels  of  the  state  so  as  to  de- 
to  emancipate    yclop  her  own  life  with  freedom.     Now  she 

the     Papacy.  .'^  111  •  , 

Regulation  of  aspircd  to  control  the  lay  society,  and  even 
'°59-  its  rulers. 

The  Papacy  was  started  on  this  new  career  by  a  monk 
of  humble  origin,  Hiidebrand,  the  son  of  a  carpenter  of 
Soana,  in  Tuscany,  who  had  resided  in  the  monastery 
of  Cluny  for  some  time,  when  Leo  IX.,  stopping  there  on 
his  way  to  take  possession  of  the  Holy  See,  carried  him 
away  with  him.* 

*  Hildebrand"s  family  was  of  very  humble  position,  but  his  father  was 
not  a  carpenter.  He  spent  his  youth  in  a  monastery  in  Rome,  which 
was  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  reform  ideas  of  the  monastery  of 
Cluny,  but  he  was  in  Cluny  itself  only  a  few  months. — Ed, 


238  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

This  was  not  the  first  time  that  a  simple  monk,  by  the 
force  of  his  character  and  genius,  gained  a  supreme  ascen- 
dency over  the  whole  Church.  Just  then  a  feeling  of  vio- 
lent disapproval  was  felt  in  the  convents  of  the  ambition  of 
a  certain  number  of  bishops,  of  their  intrigues,  their  vices, 
and  their  worldly  lives,  of  the  traffic  they  made  of  ecclesias- 
tical dignities — a  traffic  called  "simony" — and  of  their 
very  worldly  passions.  At  the  festivities  of  Whitsuntide, 
in  the  year  1063,  the  mitred  abbot  of  Fulda  and  the  bishop 
of  Hildesheim  disputed  with  their  daggers  the  right  of 
precedence  in  the  middle  of  the  church.  The  Emperor 
just  escaped  being  killed,  and  the  altar  was  covered  with 
blood. 

Many  voices  were  lifted  up  against  these  disorders,  and 
among  others  that  of  Peter  Damiani,  the  cardinal  bishop 
of  Ostia,  who  demanded  a  radical  reform  in  the  Church,  a 
return  to  simplicity,  to  primitive  poverty,  and  to  the  elec- 
tions made  by  the  priests  and  people.  Hildebrand  threw 
himself  into  this  reaction  with  all  the  ardor  of  an  austere, 
eager,  and  sincere  character.  He  was  not  only  impelled 
by  his  interest  for  religion,  but  also  by  an  interest  for  his 
Italian  fatherland.  He  hoped,  by  means  of  a  papacy  which 
should  be  supreme  over  Italy  and  all  Christendom,  to 
reform  the  Church  and  set  Italy  free.  But  the  Church  her- 
self must  first  be  set  free.  We  have  seen  that  the  defeat  of 
Leo  IX.  at  Civitella  (1053)  was  worth  more  to  him  than  a 
brilliant  success  would  have  been  ;  for  as  the  Normans  had 
declared  themselves  vassals  of  the  Holy  See,  resolved  to 
defend  it,  the  Pope  henceforth  had  valiant  warriors  close 
at  hand  who  were  at  his  disposal. 

Henry  III.  died  in  1056,  leaving  a  son,  Henry  IV.,  whose 
minority  was  very  stormy,  a  fact  which  greatly  assisted  the 
projects  of  the  Court  of  Rome.  In  1059,  a  new  Pope, 
Nicolas  II.,  also  under  Hildebrand's  influence,  published 
a  decree  which  regulated  the  election  of  the  popes  in  a 
new  manner.  They  were  to  be  elected  by  the  cardinal 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  of  the  Roman  territory  ;  the 
people  were  to  give  their  consent  afterward  ;  the  Em- 
peror was  to  retain  his  right  of  confirmation  ;  and,  finally, 
the  pope  was  to  be  chosen  by  preference  from  the  Roman 
clergy.  Another  decree  forbade  the  clergy  to  receive  the 
investiture  to  any  ecclesiastical  fief  from  any  temporal 
lord. 


Chap.  XVII.]  GREGORY   VII.  239 

These  decrees  were  of  the  highest  importance,  as  they 
withdrew  the  Pope  from  the  Emperor's  authority,  and 
placed  the  immense  temporal  power  of  the  Church  in  the 
now  free  hand  of  the  pontiff.  A  number  of  bishops,  chiefly 
those  of  Lombardy,  who  disliked  the  authority  of  the  Pope, 
especially  in  its  new  severity,  still  more  than  that  of  the 
Emperor,  and  who,  besides,  were  troubled  by  the  anathemas 
pronounced  against  the  simoniacal  and  married  priests, 
brought  about  a  schism  and  obtained  an  anti-pope,  Hono- 
rius  II.,  from  the  imperial  court,  which  was  also  much  irri- 
tated by  the  decrees.  Hildebrand  had  on  his  side  all  the 
citizen  class  and  the  nobility  also,  except  at  Rome,  where 
the  nobles  feared  lest  his  power  should  prove  dangerous  to 
their  independence.  In  the  struggle  that  followed  between 
the  two  factions,  Hildebrand  was  victorious,  and  his  tri- 
umph was  complete,  when  he  was  chosen  to  the  Holy  See 
under  the  name  of  Gregory  VII.  (1073).  He  is  the  last 
Pope  whose  election  was  submitted  to  the  Emperor's  sanc- 
tion.* 

As  Pope,  Gregory  now  completed  the  work  he  had  begun 

as  monk.     His  plans  grew  with  his  power.     Charlemagne 

and   Otto  the  Great  had  made  the  Papacy 

Gregory  VII.     subordinate    to    them,    and    had    joined    the 

(1073)  and   his_,  ,-,ir~.T-.  i  i 

projects.  Bold-  Church  With  the  State.  But  now  the  royal 
ness  of  his  first  authority,  the  centralizing  power,  was  declin- 
ing throughout  all  Europe  in  proportion  as 
feudalism,  or  the  local  powers,  those  of  the  dukes,  counts, 
and  barons,  increased.  The  Church,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
seen  the  faith  of  her  people  growing  even  stronger  in  this 
century.  It  seemed  to  her  chief  that  the  time  had  now 
come  for  her  to  grasp  the  government  of  the  bodies  as  well 
as  of  the  souls  of  men,  or  at  least  to  draw  closer  the  ties 
that  bound  all  Christendom  to  the  Holy  See,  and  to  exer- 
cise a  constant  surveillance  and  activity,  in  order  to  put 
down  the  licentiousness  of  manners,  violations  of  justice, 
and  all  the  causes  that  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  soul. 
His  aim  was  a  lofty  one,  and  his  great  ambition  was  natural 
enough  in  a  priest.  It  is  fortunate,  however,  that  he  did 
not  succeed,  and  that  the  European  nations  preserved  their 
independence,  which  they  would  have  lost  under  such  an 
absolute  papal  authority. 

*  This  was  probably  not  done  in  iiis  case. — Ed. 


240  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

Gregory  aimed  at  four  things  :  to  emancipate  the  Pa- 
pacy from  German  supremacy  ;  to  reform  the  Church  in  her 
customs  and  discipline  ;  to  make  her  independent  of  any 
temporal  power  ;  and  to  rule  the  laity,  both  people  and 
princes,  in  the  name  and  in  the  interest  of  their  salvation. 

The  first  point  was  gained  by  the  decree  of  Nicholas  II ; 
the  second  by  the  many  acts  of  Gregory  VII.  for  the  re- 
formation of  the  clergy,  which  were  especially  directed 
toward  the  celibacy  of  the  priests  and  against  simony  ; 
the  third,  by  prohibiting  the  temporal  princes  from  giving 
and  the  clergy  from  receiving  from  them  the  investiture 
of  any  ecclesiastical  benefice  ;  the  fourth,  by  the  inter- 
vention of  the  popes  in  the  government  of  the  kingdoms 
of  Europe. 

The  kings  of  Germany  and  of  France,  Henry  IV.  and 
Philip  I.,  openly  carried  on  a  trafific  in  ecclesiastical  digni- 
ties ;  Gregory  threatened  to  excommunicate  them,  and  fur- 
ther than  that,  to  release  their  vassals  from  their  oath  of 
fealty.  In  England  he  forced  William  the  Conqueror  to 
pay  him  Peter's  pence.  He  claimed  the  suzerainty  over 
kingdoms  of  Hungary,  Denmark,  and  Spain,  which  had 
been  conquered  from  the  pagans  or  infidels  "  by  the  grace 
of  God,"  and  he  made  the  Duke  of  Croatia  king  of  the 
Dalmatians,  on  the  condition  of  his  paying  homage  to  the 
Holy  See.  Nevertheless,  the  Pope,  though  supreme  in 
distant  regions,  was  not  so  in  Italy.  In  Rome,  even,  the 
prefect  Censius  seized  Gregory  VII.  in  a  church  and  kept 
him  prisoner  for  some  time.  In  Milan  the  citizens  drove 
out  Herlembald,  who  under  the  pretext  of  supporting  the 
reforms  of  Gregory  VII.  was  exercising  a  genuine  tyranny 
in  the  city,  and  demanded  an  archbishop  of  Henry  IV.,  who 
sent  them  a  noble  of  Castiglione.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  the  struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire,  one  of 
the  greatest  dramas  in  history. 

All  the  circumstances  of  the  times  were  very  favorable 

to  Gregory  VII.,  and   promised  him  support  in  Germany. 

_.      .      ...      Feudal  rebellions  had    shaken    that   country 

The     humili-  .  i      ,  r      i  r    tt 

at  ion  of  the  duruig  the  wholc  of  the  muiority  of  Henry 
Emperor  (1077;.  jy.,  who  was  Only  six  years  old  at  the  death 
of  his  father  in  1056.  The  bishops  and  nobles  had  wrested 
the  regency,  and  even  the  care  of  the  young  king,  from  the 
Empress  Agnes.  On  his  majority,  Henry  IV.  attempted  to 
repress  the  revolt  of  which  Saxony  was  always  the  center. 


Chap.  XVII.]  GREGORY   VII.  241 

A  great  victory  gained  by  him  in  Thuringia  seemed  to 
insure  his  success,  when  suddenly  he  heard  the  voice  of  the 
Pope  resounding  in  his  ears,  who  commanded  him  to  sus- 
pend the  war,  to  leave  the  decision  of  his  quarrel  with  the 
Saxons  to  the  Holy  See,  and  to  renounce  his  claims  to  all 
his  ecclesiastical  investiture  under  pain  of  excommunica- 
tion ;  the  legates  added  to  this  a  summons  to  appear  at 
Rome  and  there  to  justify  his  private  misconduct.*  Henry 
IV.  was  equally  vigorous  in  his  reply  to  this  furious  attack. 
In  the  synod  of  Worms  {1076),  which  was  composed  of 
twenty-four  bishops,  partisans  of  his  cause,  the  deposition 
of  Gregory  VII.  was  solemnly  pronounced. 

Instead  of  being  alarmed  by  this  the  Pope  redoubled  his 
attacks.  Though  only  just  rescued  by  a  popular  movement 
from  his  enemy  Censius,  he  made  use  of  all  his  weapons  ; 
he  published  against  the  Emperor  a  bull  of  excommunica- 
tion which  declared  him  deposed  for  rebelling  against  the 
Holy  See,  and  he  released  his  subjects  from  their  oath  of 
fealty.  Agents,  to  execute  this  bull  without  mercy,  were 
easily  found  in  the  Saxons  and  the  Swabians,  who  were 
both  hostile  to  the  house  of  Franconia.  They  had  at  their 
head  Rudolf  of  Swabia,  and  Welf,  an  Italian,  of  the  house 
of  Este,  whom  Henry  himself  had  made  Duke  of  Bavaria. 
They  convoked  a  diet  at  Tibur,  suspended  the  Emperor 
from  the  exercise  of  his  functions,  and  threatened  to  de- 
pose him  if  he  did  not  get  absolution  from  the  anathemas 
of  Rome.  Henry  consented  to  the  humiliation,  and  a 
general  diet  was  determined  upon,  to  meet  at  Augsburg, 
at  which  the  Pope  was  to  appear  to  decide  upon  his  absolu- 
tion. But  as  he  felt  the  danger  of  letting  his  enemies 
come  together  he  resolved  to  anticipate  the  promised  diet 
and  go  himself  to  Rome  to  implore  the  pardon  of  the  Pope. 

Gregory  VII.  forced  him  to  purchase  his  absolution  at 
the  price  of  humiliations  such  as  no  other  sovereign  has 
ever  undergone.  The  Pope  was  then  staying  at  the  castle 
of  Canossa,  on  the  lands  of  the  celebrated  Countess 
Matilda,  the  most  powerful  suzerain  in  Italy,  as  the  posses- 
sor of  the  Marquisate  of  Tuscany  and  of  many  other  im- 
portant feudal  possessions  in  Central  Italy,  and  who  was  a 
devoted  adherent  of  the  Holy  See.     Here  Henry  IV.  came 

*  It  is  doubtful  whether  some  of  the  points  of  the  papal  demand  were 
as  here  stated,  but  the  spirit  is  indicated. — Ed. 


242  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI, 

to  beg  an  audience,  and  waited  during  three  days  outside 
the  wall,  standing  barefooted  in  the  snow.  On  the  fourth 
day  he  was  admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  Pope,  and  his 
ban  of  excommunication  removed.  But  Gregory  was  too 
wise  to  give  up  all  his  weapons  at  once,  and  made  it  a  con- 
dition of  his  absolution  that  Henry  should  come  to  an 
agreement  with  his  enemies  in  Germany.  So  that  the  Pope 
still  reserved  some  means  of  embarrassing  Henry's  move- 
ments. It  is  not  strange  that  Henry  should  have  trembled 
before  a  man  who  was  recognized  as  the  direct  representa- 
tive of  the  Deity,  and  who  was  so  sure  of  the  approval  of 
Heaven,  that,  as  it  was  said  after  taking  half  the  Host  and 
abjuring  God  to  destroy  him  at  once  if  he  was  guilty  of  the 
crimes  of  which  he  was  accused,  he  gave  Henry  the  other 
half  and  proposed  that  he  should  make  the  same  declara- 
tion ;  the  latter  drew  back  and  refused  the  test  (1077). 

By  yielding,  Henry  had  avoided  the  blow  aimed  at  him 
by  the  enemies  who  were  allied  against  him.  As  soon  as 
this  moment  of  danger  had  passed,  he  re- 
G^e^gVr'y  vu.  tricvcd  his  losses.  He  certainly  had  no  other 
(1085) ;  of  Hen-  alternative  but  that  of  again  taking  every  risk, 
^^      ■  or  else  of   renouncing  his   throne ;    for   the 

German  princes  who  were  opposed  to  him  had  taken  the 
final  and  decisive  step.  They  elected  as  their  king  Rudolf 
of  Swabia,  who  had  bought  the  support  of  the  legate  by 
promising  to  give  up  his  claims  to  the  appointment  of 
bishops  (1077),  but  whose  solemn  recognition  the  Pope  had 
wisely  delayed.  Henry  IV.,  gathering  together  all  his  par- 
tisans, made  war  upon  them  with  great  success.  A  battle, 
not  far  from  Merseburg,  where  Rudolf  was  killed,  it  is 
said,  by  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  afterwards  duke  of  Lower 
I^orraine,  made  him  master  of  Germany  [1080.]  He  wished 
also  to  be  supreme  in  Italy,  and  he  met  with  varying  suc- 
cess there  in  different  expeditions.  He  seemed  at  one  time 
about  to  destroy  the  power  of  the  Countess  Matilda  ;  he 
took  Rome  and  made  the  Archbishop  of  Ravenna  Pope, 
under  the  name  of  Clement  III.,  and  was  crowned  Emperor 
by  him.  (Gregory  himself  would  have  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  man  he  had  so  insulted  if  Robert  Guiscard  and  his 
Normans,  the  faithful  allies  of  the  Holy  See,  had  not 
rescued  him.  He  died  among  them  (1085),  saying  :  "  I  have 
loved  justice  and  hated  iniquity,  and  therefore  I  die  in 
exile."     He  seemed  to  think,  to  his  last  moment,  that  the 


Chap.  XVII.]  GREGORY    VII.  243 

universal  dominion  of  the  Holy  See  was  her  strict  right,  an 
idea  which  is  certainly  logical  in  many  respects. 

Gregory  died  too  soon,  for  if  he  had  lived  a  few  years 
longer  he  would  have  seen  his  enemy  dying  in  even  greater 
misery  than  he  had  suffered  at  the  gates  of  Canossa.  Under 
Urban  II.  who  became  Pope  in  1088  the  actual  power  of 
the  Papacy  reached  a  very  high  point.  He  renewed  the 
decrees  of  Gregory  VII.  against  the  Emperor.  After  a 
fleeting  triumph,  Henry  IV.  was  successively  attacked  by 
his  two  sons  whom  the  Church  had  armed  against  him,  was 
taken  prisoner  by  the  younger  and  stripped  of  the  imperial 
insignia,  and  though  he  recovered  his  liberty  and  again 
assumed  the  title  of  Emperor,  he  could  not  recover  his 
power.  He  vainly  besought  the  aid  of  the  King  of  France, 
"  the  most  faithful  of  his  friends,"  who  made  no  response. 
But  few  of  the  German  princes  gave  him  their  support, 
and  he  died  in  1106  at  Liege,  Emperor  scarcely  mo're  than 
in  name,  but  forgiving  his  enemies  and  sending  his  ring  and 
his  sword  to  his  rebellious  son.  "  His  body  remained  five 
years  without  a  tomb,  until  finally  the  ban  of  the  Church 
was  removed  by  the  Pope. 

Nevertheless,  it  was  this  parricide  son,  Henry  V.,  who 

brought  the  quarrel  over  investitures  to  a  conclusion.     The 

final  decision  was  somewhat  retarded  by  the 

(ii^ef.  Vhecon-     discussiou  concerning  the   succession  of  the 

cordat      of    great  Couutcss  Matilda,  who  had  wishcd  to  bc- 

vv  orms    C1122)  * 

endof  thequar-  queath  her  property  to  the  Holv  Scc.  Henry 
(u'res."*"""^'"  claimed  all  she  had  left,  the  fiefs  as  head  of 
the  empire,  the  allodial  lands  as  the  acknowl- 
edged heir  of  the  countess,  and  took  possession  of  every- 
thing. This  became  a  cause  of  new  quarrels  in  the  future, 
AS  we  shall  see.  When  this  point  of  the  inheritance  had  been 
settled  for  the  time  being,  the  two  opposing  parties,  at  last 
vecognizing  that  the  dispute  over  investitures  served  only 
to  weaken  themselves,  agreed  to  conclude  it  by  a  just 
and  nearly  equal  division  of  the  disputed  rights.  The  Con- 
cordat of  Worms  was  drawn  up  in  the  following  words 
(1122).  From  Pope  Calistus  II.  to  the  Emperor  :  "  I  agree 
that  the  elections  of  the  bishops  and  the  abbots,  who  hold 
immediately  from  the  kingdom,  shall  be  made  in  your  pres- 
ence, but  without  violence  or  simony  ;  so  that  if  any  dis- 
pute shall  arise,  you  may  give  your  assent  and  protection 
to  the  better  side,  following  the  opinion  of  the  metropolitan 


244  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE   PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

and  the  bishops  of  that  provhice.  The  one  elected  shall 
receive  from  you  through  investiture  with  the  sceptre,  the 
regalia,  excepting  those  which  belong  to  the  Roman  Church, 
and  shall  render  to  you  all  the  services  which  you  have  a 
right  to  deriiand."  The  Emperor  returns:  "I  leave  to  the 
Pope  all  investiture  by  the  ring  and  staff ;  and  I  permit  in 
the  churches  of  my  kingdom  and  empire,  canonical  elections 
and  free  consecrations."  This  wise  compromise,  assigning 
the  temporal  authority  to  the  temporal  sovereign  and  the 
spiritual  to  the  spiritual  sovereign,  was  accompanied  by 
words  of  reconciliation.  But  Gregory  VII. 's  full  plan  had 
not  been  carried  out.  The  vassal  bond  between  the 
prince  and  the  clergy  was  not  broken  ;  all  the  members  of 
the  Church,  if  not  her  head,  were  still  subject  to  the  State.* 
The  house  of  Franconia  became  extinct  with  Henry  V. 
(1125),  who  died  after  having  temporarily  settled  the  con- 
test between  the  papacy  and  the  empire.  The  reign  of  his 
successor,  Lothar  II.  (11 25-1 137),  seemed  like  an  inter- 
lude, during  which  the  world's  stage  was  being  arranged 
for  a  new  era  of  struggle. 

*  The  full  importance  of  this  investiture  strife  for  the  state  cannot  be 
understood  without  noticing  how  vitally  important  it  was  that  the  govern- 
ment should  have  some  means  of  controlling  and  securing  the  fidelity  of 
those  who  had  possession  of  such  a  large  proportion  of  the  area  of  the 
State.  While  the  plans  of  Gregory  VII.  are  not  accomplished  in  any 
detail,  still  the  age  does  see  an  enormous  increase  of  the  independence  of 
the  Papacy  and  of  its  actual  power  throughout  Europe.  The  days  of 
Otto  I.  and  of  Henry  III.  are  no  longer  possible.  Those  of  Innocent 
III.  are  approaching. — Ed. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
STRUGGLE  BETWEEN  ITALY  AND  GERMANY  (1152-1250). 


Three  Epochs  in  the  struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire. — 
Strength  of  German  Feudalism;  Weakness  of  Lothar  II.  (1125); 
the  Hohenstaufen  (113S). — Division  of  Italy  ;  Progress  of  the  small 
Nobles  and  of  the  Republics.— Arnold  of  Brescia  (1144). — Frederick 
I.,  Barbarossa  (1152);  Overthrow  of  Milan  (1162);  the  Lombard 
League  (1164);  Peace  of  Constance  (1183). — Emperor  Henry  VI. 
(1190) ;  Innocent  III.  (1198)  ;  Guelfs  and  Ghibellines  in  Italy. — 
Frederick  II.  (1212-1250).  Second  Lombard  League  (1226). — Inno- 
cent IV.  (1243) ;  Fall  of  German  Power  in  Italy  (1250). 


While  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  were  contending  for 
the  mastery  of  the  world,  France,  which  had  kept  out  of  the 
great  debate,  was  carrying  on  the  first  crusade, 
tween^th'e  Pap-     '-i-'here  are,  as  it  were,  two  parallel  series  of 
acy  and  the     important  cveots  taking  place  at  this  period 
™^"^^'  of  the  world's  history,  both  of  which  began  at 

the  same  time,  toward  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  and 
ended  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  A  chrono- 
logical order  of  events  would  demand  that  the  two  histories 
should  be  carried  on  together,  while  a  good  understanding 
of  them  requires  that  they  should  be  treated -separately. 
We  shall,  accordingly,  continue  our  description  of  the 
struggle  between  Italy  and  Germany,  up  to  the  time  of  the 
final  solution  of  the  difficulties,  then  we  shall  return  to  the 
crusades.  This  method  will  disturb  the  sequence  of  time, 
but  it  will  be  to  the  advantage  of  logical  sequence. 

The  quarrel  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire  is  a 
drama  in  three  acts.  In  the  first  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor 
dispute  for  the  supremacy  over  Christian  Europe  ;  the  Con- 
cordat of  Worms  (1122)  requires  mutual  concessions  and  a 
division  which  modern  times  have  kept  sacred  though  at 
the  same  time  seeking  the  solution  of  the  problem  in  another 
direction,  namely,  a  free  church  within  a  free  state.  In  the 
second  act  of  the  great  debate,  the  action  centers  around 

245 


246        ..  r.,  T'HE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

the  struggle  for  independence  in  Italy,  which  the  emperors 
of  the  Svvabian  house  wish  to  make  subject  to  their  power, 
and  which  is  freed  by  the  peace  of  Constance  (1183);  in 
the  third  act,  the  independence  of  the  Holy  See  is  in  peril, 
the  death  of  Frederic  II.  saves  it  (1250).  The  first  struggle 
has  already  been  described,  the  second  and  third  now 
follow. 

The  Franconian  dynasty  had   felt  the   power  of  German 

feudalism  growing  under  its  sway  and  had  made  vain  efforts 

to  arrest  its  progress.     It  was  in  vain  that,  in 

GermarTfeud-    ^^c  midst  of  the  duchies,  a   host  of  smaller 

aiism;  weak-     immediate  lordships  and  imperial  cities  were 

ness   of  Lothar  .      i     i      i  i  ■  i  •  i  r      i         -i-. 

II.  (,1125);  the  Created,  holding  directly  of  the  Emperor;  it 
Hohenstaufen  ^^^g  j,-,  yj2iA\\  that  the  right  of  heredity  was 
granted  to  the  smaller  nobles,  a  policy  fol- 
lowed in  Italy,  too,  and  embodied  in  the  edict  of  1037  ;  the 
great  vassals,  who  had  long  had  the  right  of  hereditary  suc- 
cession, had  preserved  or  recovered  their  advantage  over 
the  elective  royalty  by  continual  revolts.  Even  the  Empe- 
ror's agents,  the  palatine  counts,  sent  by  him  to  the  great  fiefs 
or  to  his  own  domains,  there  to  represent  his  authority,  even 
the  burggrafen  holding  the  same  trust  in  the  cities,  began 
to  imitate  the  royal  officers  of  the  time  of  the  Carolingian 
emperors,  in  making  themselves  independent  and  their 
offices  hereditary.  The  result  of  these  continued  efforts 
was  that  feudalism,  on  the  acsession  of  Lothar,  was  a  very 
formidable  force,  and  became  more  so  during  his  reign. 
He  was  a  weak  prince  and  bowed  his  head  low  before  the 
Holy  See.  Innocent  II.  gave  him  the  imperial  crown,  while 
presuming  to  call  himself  master  of  it,  to  dispose  of  it  at 
will ;  he  went  so  far  as  to  commemorate  his  claim  in  a  pic- 
ture wiiere  the  Emperor  was  represented  on  his  knees  in 
the  attitude  of  one  doing  homage  to  the  pontiff.  Under- 
neath is  written  in  Latin  verse  :  "  The  King  becomes  the 
man  of  the  Pope,  who  bestows  the  crown  upon  him." 
Lothar  humbled  himself  again  on  a  question  fully  as  im- 
portant ;  he  consented  to  hold  in  fief  of  the  Holy  See  the 
lands  of  the  Countess  Matilda. 

Within  the  empire  Lothar  was  hard  pressed  by  two 
powerful  houses  :  the  house  of  Swabia,  which  he  fought, 
but  was  not  able  to  put  down  ;  and  that  of  Bavaria,  whose 
power  he  increased  by  marrying  his  daughter  to  the  duke, 
Henry  the  Proud,  who,  on   the  death  of   Lothar,  inherited 


Chap.  XVIII.]        ITALY  AND   GERMANY.  247 

all  his  domains,  the  duchy  of  Saxony  in  Germany,  and  in 
Italy  the  fiefs  of  the  great  countess.  The  power  of  Henry 
the  Proud  extended  then  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Tiber,  but 
his  fiefs  were  separated  and  the  division  was  fatal  to  his 
strength.  The  Hohenstaufen  lands,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  more  closely  united  ;  they  consisted  of  the  duchy  of 
Swabia,  and    large  possessions  in    Franconia. 

When  Lothar  died  in  1137,  it  was  evident  that  the  crown 
would  pass  to  one  of  these  two  great  houses.  Saxony 
seemed  sure  of  obtaining  it,  but  many  of  the  German 
vassals  began  to  think  it  unwise  to  put  too  strong  a  master 
over  them,  and  they  elected,  almost  surreptitiously,  in  a 
diet  convoked  at  Coblenz,  in  the  absence  of  the  Saxon 
and  Bavarian  princes,  Conrad  of  Hohenstaufen,  lord  of 
Waiblingen.  Henry  the  Proud  protested.  He  was  the 
head  of  the  Welf  house,  and  their  respective  partisans 
adopted  party  cries  from  these  names,  which  also  crossed 
the  Alps  and  became  fixed  in  Italy  as  Guelfs  and  Ghibel- 
lines.  As  the  house  of  Swabia  was  hostile  to  the  Holy  See, 
the  Ghibelline  party  was  favorable  to  the  Emperor,  while 
the  Guelfs  were  friends  of  Italian  independence  and  the 
papacy. 

Henry  the  Proud,  who  was  placed  by  Conrad  under  the 
ban  of  the  empire,  was  despoiled  of  his  duchies  ;  his  son, 
Henry  the  Lion,  recovered  Saxony  it  is  true,  but  it  was 
Saxony  curtailed  of  the  mark  of  Brandenburg,*  which  was 
converted  into  a  fief  direct  of  the  empire,  for  the  benefit  of 
Albert  the  Bear  of  the  Ascanian  house,  while  Bavaria  was 
given  to  the  markgraf  of  Austria,f  and  kept  by  him  until 
1 156.  It  reverted  then  to  Henry  the  Lion,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Austria,  which  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  an  imme- 
diate duchy.  The  brilliant  dynasty  of  the  Hohenstaufen 
began  with  Conrad  III.  His  reign  in  a  manner  was  dedi- 
cated to  establishing  his  family  upon  the  throne  which  they 
held  for  more  than  a  century  with  great  glory  ;  accordingly 

*  The  descendants  of  Albert  I.,  the  Bear,  kept  this  great  fief  until 
1320,  when  it  passed  to  the  house  of  Wittelsbach  (Bavaria),  and  later  to 
that  of  Luxemburg.  The  Emperor  Sigismund  sold  it,  in  141 7,  to  the 
house  of  HohenzoUern  (Prussia),  which  still  holds  it.  Albert  the  Bear 
enlarged  its  territory  by  the  annexation  of  lands  lying  between  the  Elbe 
and  the  Oder. 

f  The  East  mark  (Austria)  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  house  of  Haps- 
burg  in  1282. 


248  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

he  was  not  able  to  visit  Italy.  But  when,  on  the  return  of 
the  second  crusade,  his  death  gave  the  crown  to  his  son, 
Germany  began  to  interest  itself  in  Italy  again,  and  the 
struggle  which  had  been  suspended  since  1122  broke  out 
more  violently  than  ever. 

Italy's  aspect  had  entirelychanged.  The  edict  of  1037 
had  borne  its  fruit.  Dukes,  margraves,  counts,  bishops, 
...  and  abbots,  all  had  lost  their  sovereignty  and 

Italy.  Progress  their  jurisdiction.  The  last  representative  of 
an/^the  repub^  ^'^^  great  feudal  nobles  had  disappeared,  on 
lies.  Arnold  of  the  Couutcss  Matilda's  death.  Nothing  but 
rescia  (1144).  ^  mixture  of  little  independent  lords  and 
republican  cities  was  to  be  seen  from  the  Alps  to  Bene- 
vento,  where  the  Norman  monarchy  began,  renowned  not 
only  for  the  brilliancy  of  its  victories  but  also  for  the  poetry 
which  the  troubadours,  attracted  from  the  south  of  France, 
sang  at  the  court  of  its  kings.  Just  at  that  time  the  Italian 
republics  were  taking  shape  and  giving  a  new  life  to  the 
ruins  of  Roman  municipal  government.  They  had  each 
their  consuls,  varying  in  number  :  twelve  at  Milan,  six  at 
Genoa,  four  at  Florence,  six  at  Pisa,  etc.,  usually  invested 
with  executive  and  judiciary  powers.  Generally,  also,  a 
kind  of  senate  {credetiza)  assisted  them.  The  general 
assembly  of  free  citizens,  ox  parliament,  gathering  by  wards 
at  the  sound  of  the  bell  from  the  belfry  tower  on  the  public 
square,  was  the  only  sovereign  power  and  judge  in  the  last 
resort.  The  nobles  of  the  neighboring  castles  were  ad- 
mitted to  it  as  citizens,  though  they  continued  to  hold  their 
domains  and  their  serfs  outside  the  walls. 

Rome  had  as  yet  been  saved  the  revolution  which  had 
changed  the  other  Italian  cities,  by  the  influence  of  her 
bisliop,  the  sovereign  pontiff  ;  but  her  turn  came  in  the 
middle  of  the  twelfth  century.  A  monk  named  Arnold  of 
lirescia,  a  disciple  of  Abelard,  the  doctor  who  preached 
the  distinction  between  reason  and  faith,  was  the  first  to  de- 
mand the  separation  of  church  and  state,  the  suppression 
of  government  by  priests  and  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Roman  Republic.  In  1143,  a  republican  government  was 
organized  for  Rome  in  opposition  to  the  Pope,  Innocent  II. 
A  senate  of  56  members  was  formed,  the  four  sacred  letters, 
S.  P.  Q.  R.,  reappeared  in  the  public  documents,  and  the 
date  was  reckoned  "  from  the  restoration  of  the  sacred 
senate."     Lucius  II.,  successor  to  Innocent,  who  tried  to 


Chap.  XVIII.]        ITALY  AND   GERMANY.  249 

use  force  in  resistance,  was  thrown  down  from  the  steps  of 
the  capitol,  and  the  revolution  triumphed.  Throughout  the 
peninsula,  except  for  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  from  Rome 
to  the  least  and  smallest  city,  the  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment prevailed.  The  nobility  considered  themselves 
fortunate  if  they  were  included  within  this  organization, 
Everything  had  worked  together  toward  this  end,  the  force 
of  arms,  the  prosperity  born  of  commerce,  affection  for  past 
memories  and  the  power  of  new  ideas.  St.  Bernard  re- 
signed himself  to  the  position  accorded  to  the  Pope,  and 
wrote  to  his  disciple  Eugenius  to  leave  the  Romans  alone, 
that  stiff-necked  generation,  and  to  exchange  Rome  for  the 
world.      (  Urbam  pro  orbe  mutataui). 

But  Frederick  I.,  called  Barbarossa,  was  not  disposed  to 

give  up   Italy  so  easily  ;  no  emperor  yet  had  shown  such 

energy  of  character  joined  to  so  much  obsti- 

Frederick  I.,     nacy  in   his  claims  to    the  peninsula.     It  is 

or     Barbarossa  -^     ,  ,  ,  .  ,  •  ,  i    • 

(1152).  Fall  of  very  hard  to  say  what  he  did  not  claim. 
The  ^Lombard  Royal  rights  ovcr  all  the  towns,-  imperial 
League  (1164):  rights  at  Rome,  the  heritage  of  the  Countess 
stamTe  "'(iiSs)"'  Matilda,  Naples,  Sicily,  Corsica,  and  Sardinia. 
He  crossed  the  Alps  ;  Italy  welcomed  him 
with  a  naive  confidence  which  had  more  than  once  delivered 
her  into  the  hands  of  a  stranger.  But  the  sky  was  soon  over- 
cast. He  burned  Chieri  and  razed  Tortona  to  the  ground, 
because  the  one  refused  to  submit  to  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
ferrat  and  the  other  to  break  its  alliance  with  Milan,  which 
city  was  the  head  and  front  of  Lombard  independence.  He 
advanced  toward  Rome,  whither  Hadrian  IV.  called  him  ; 
seized  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  Pope,  Arnold  of 
Brescia, who  was  burned  at  the  stake;  and  on  the  same  day  on 
which  he  received  the  imperial  crown  his  soldiers  killed 
1000  men  in  defending  him  against  the  revolted  city.  He 
showed  such  harshness  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority  in 
Italy,  that  soon  the  whole  country  rose  in  revolt.  Hadrian, 
whose  power  the  Emperor  had  restored,  quarreled  with  him 
for  the  sake  of  reconciling  himself  with  his  subjects. 

Nothing  is  more  curious  than  the  dialogues  carried  on  by 
those  three  great  historical  personages,  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  the  Pope,  and  the  Roman  People,  all  three  invok- 
ing in  their  defense  the  mere  memories  of  the  past  ;  all 
three  reproaching  each  other  and  revealing  only  the  decay  of 
their  power  to  the  world.     The  Romans  had   sent  ambas- 


25°  THE   EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

sadors  to  Barbarossa  to  say  that  the  empire  belonged  to 
them,  and  that  they  would  offer  it  to  him  provided  he  would 
swear  to  respect  their  rights  and  customs  and  give  them 
5000  marks  of  silver.  The  Emperor  replied  :  "  You  exalt 
the  ancient  glory  of  your  city,  and  I  can  well  appreciate  it ; 
but,  as  one    of  your  writers  has  said,   '  Rome  was,'  ftiit. 

Your  Rome  is  ours Your  senate,  your  consuls,  your 

knights,  are  now  reckoned  among  the  Germans.  Charles 
the  Great  and  Otto  have  conquered  your  empire.  .  .  .  Your 

duty  is  to  obey "     The  Pope  claimed  the  lands  of 

Matilda,  and  desired  that  no  Imperial  envoy  should  enter 
Rome  without  his  consent  ;  the  Emperor  wrote  to  him : 
"What  did  the  Church  possess  at  the  time  of  Constantine, 
before  the  donations  of  the  emperors  ?  The  demon  of 
pride  is  stealing  into  the  chair  of  St.  Peter."  And  the  Pope 
replied  :  "  The  Emperor  is  pretending  to  equal  power  with 
ourselves,  as  if  we  were  restrained  to  a  little  corner  of  the 
earth,  like  Germany,  the  smallest  of  kingdoms  until  the 
moment  when  the  popes  raised  her  to  eminence.  Did  not 
the  Prankish  kings  ride  in  carts  drawn  by  oxen  before 
Charlemagne  was  consecrated  by  Zacharias  ?  Just  as 
Rome    is   superior   to  Aix-la-Chapelle,   in    the    forests   of 

Gaul,  so  we  are  superior  to  this  king "     And  he 

promised  him,  if  he  would  be  obedient  toward  the  Church, 
that  he  would  confer  still  greater  benefits  upon  him.  Those 
words,  majora  beneficia,  which  might  be  understood  as 
meaning  benefice  in  the  technical  sense,  and  seemed  to  in- 
dicate that  the  imperial  crown  was  held  by  a  feudal  tenure, 
roused  the  indignation  of  the  German  diet  where  they 
were  pronounced.  The  legate,  who  was  present,  raised 
their  wrath  to  the  highest  pitch  when  he  cried  out,  "  From 
whom  then  does  the  Emperor  hold  his  crown  if  not  from 
the  Pope  ?  " 

The  claim  of  the  Roman  people  was  the  merest  shadow  ; 
the  other  two  were  still  living  forces,  powerful  and  ab- 
solute. 

Frederick  came  back  in  1158.  The  reaction  against  him 
was  general,  and  he  punished  it  with  cruelty.  Milan  was 
the  chief  victim.  After  raising  up  the  rival  of  that  city, 
Lodi,  which  they  had  destroyed,  he  imposed  upon  them  a 
tribute  of  9000  marks  of  silver.  Then,  in  the  diet  of  Ron- 
calia,  near  Piacenza,  he  had  his  pretensions  to  absolute 
power  confirmed  by  the  doctors  of  the  Roman  law,  in  the 


Chap.  XVIII.]        ITALY  AND   GERMANY.  251 

school  of  Bologna  :  "  Know  that  all  power  of  the  people  to 
enact  laws,"  said  their  spokesman,  the  Archbishop  of  Mi- 
lan, "  has  been  accorded  to  you.  Your  will  is  law,  accord- 
ing to  the  words  of  the  text  :  Everything  that  pleases  the 
prince  has  the  force  of  law."*  In  virtue  of  those  principles 
of  a  former  age,  Frederick  played  the  master,  and  tried  to 
place  imperial  podestas  over  the  Italian  towns.  Milan, 
Brescia,  Piacenza,  and  Cremona  rebelled.  Hadrian  IV. 
was  dead,  and  the  cardinals  were  divided  :  there  was  an 
imperialist  pope  Victor  IV.,  and  a  patriot  pope  Alexander 
III.  The  ensuing  struggle,  involving,  as  it  did,  all  inter- 
ests, was  terrible,  especially  at  Milan.  That  heroic  city 
held  out  against  a  two  years'  siege,  and  yielded  only  to 
famine.  The  Milanese  were  forced  to  break  their  carroccio 
which  carried  the  standard  of  independence  ;  they  were 
scattered  among  four  villages.  All  the  neighboring  cities, 
who  were  filled  with  deadly  hatred  toward  this  town,  were 
allowed  to  exercise  their  vengeance  upon  it,  and  it  was 
totally  destroyed  (1162).  Alexander  III.,  driven  from 
Italy,  took  refuge  in  France,  where  he  was  recognized  by 
Louis  VII.  and  by  Henry  II.  of  England. 

After  having  learned  by  cruel  experience  that  division  is 
fatal,  Italy  tried  to  unite  while  Frederick  was  away  seeking 
new  forces  in  Germany.  The  Lombard  league  was  formed, 
and  rapidly  increased,  gaining  over  to  its  cause  the  whole 
valley  of  the  Po,  little  by  little,  from  Venice  to  Piedmont, 
including  even  cities  that  had  been  hostile  to  Milan. 
That  city  was  restored ;  Alexander  III.  took  his  place  at 
the  head  of  Italy  to  resist  the  German  domination  which 
was  continually  raising  new  rivals  against  him.  A  city 
called  by  his  name,  Alexandria,!  was  built  at  the  confluence 
of  the  Tanaro  and  Bormida  rivers,  to  threaten  the  Marquis 
of  Montferrat  and  the  imperial  town  of  Pavia.  The 
Ghibellines  named  it,  in  derision,  Alexandria  of  Straw  ;  but 
it  proved  the  rock  on  which  they  split.  In  11 74  Frederick 
returned  to  Italy  with  only  one-half  of  Germany's  forces  ; 
Henry  the  Lion,  chief  of  the  Welfs,  had  refused  to  follow 
the  Emperor,  who  had  thrown  himself  on  his  knees  before 
him  in  vain.     From  this  moment  the  Welfs  were  beloved  by 

*  Quod  principi  placuit,  legis  habet  vigorem.    Institutes,  i.,  ii.,  vi. — Ed. 
f  This  origin  for  the  city  of  Alexandria  is  now  questioned,   but  the 
objections  are  not  entirely  conclusive. — Ed. 


252  THE  EMPIRE  AND   THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

Italy,  which  was  in  fact  their  native  country.  Alexandria 
of  Straw  stopped  Frederick  for  four  months  ;  during  that 
time  the  army  of  the  confederates  assembled.  He  attacked 
it  near  Legnano  to  the  northwest  of  Milan  (1176).  Two 
Milanese  corps,  the  battalion  of  the  Great  Flag  and  the 
battalion  of  Death,  led  by  the  gigantic  Albert  Giussano, 
gave  the  victory  to  the  Italians.  Frederick  was  thrown 
from  his  horse  and  for  many  days  he  was  reported  as  dead. 
It  was  fortunate  for  him  that  he  could  obtain  a  truce  by 
recognizing  Alexander  III.,  whom  he  went  to  meet  at 
Venice.* 

Six  years  after  (1183),  the  treaty  of  Constance  definitely 
determined  the  quarrel  between  the  empire  and  Italian 
independence,  as  the  concordat  of  Worms  had  decided  that 
between  the  empire  and  the  papacy.  The  Pope  practically 
recovered  the  freehold  lands  of  the  Countess  Matilda.  The 
cities  preserved  the  regal  rights  which  they  had  formerly 
possessed  :  the  right  to  raise  armies,  to  fortify  themselves 
with  walls,  to  administer  civil  as  well  as  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion within  their  walls,  and  to  form  alliances  among  them- 
selves. The  Emperor  kept  only  the  right  of  confirming 
their  consuls  by  his  legates,  and  of  establishing  a  judge 
of  appeals  in  each  town  for  certain  cases.  The  imperial 
authority  had  again  lost  ground  as  in  the  year  11 22,  and 
the  spirit  of  Gregory  VII.  might  rejoice  in  this  two-fold 
triumph. 

Beyond  the  mountains,  however,  Frederick  was  all-power- 
ful. Henry  the  Lion  was  put  down,  despoiled  of  his  fiefs, 
the  duchies  of  Saxony,  and  Bavaria,  and  reduced  to  his 
patrimonial  lands  of  Luneburg  and  Brunswick,  where  he 
founded  a  house  which  still  reigns  in  England  ;  the  kings 
of  Denmark  and  Poland  acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of 
Frederick,  and  foreign  ambassadors  came  to  take  part  in 
his  diets.  The  most  celebrated  of  these  assemblies  was 
held  at  Mainz  (1184)  ;  from  40,000  to  70,000  knights  were 
gathered  together  in  an  immense  field  bordering  the  Rhine 
on  a  beautiful  plain  ;  the  feudal  lords  of  Germany,  Italy,  and 
the  Slavic  countries  all  repaired  thither.  The  Emperor 
himself  broke  a  lance  in  a  brilliant  tournament  in  spite  of 
his  sixty-three  years.     Soon  after  the  glorious  old  man  was 

*  This  famous  pope,  who  joined  the  cause  of  the  Holy  See  to  that  of 
Italy,  died  in  1181,  after  twenty-two  years  in  the  pontificate. 


Chap.  XVIII.]        ITALY  AND   GERMANY.  253 

drowned  in  the  Seleph  (Calycadnus)  while  going  to  the 
conquest  of  Jerusalem  (1190). 

The  northern  part  of  Italy  had  escaped  the  Emperor,  but 
he  had  got  possession  of  the  south.  By  marrying  his  son 
to  Constance,  daughter  of  Roger  II.,  king 
H  e  rTr^y^  Vl  of  Sicily,*  Barbarossa  had  gained  for  him  a 
(1190);  i^nnoj:ent  ^.jgj^j.  ^.^  this  Iciugdom.  Henry  VI.  (1190- 
Gueif  and  Ghi-  1197)  spcnt  his  rcign  in  making  good  his 
ta  y.  (,]^ij^5^  2,VidL  his  efforts  were  crowned  with  suc- 
cess. He  conquered  the  Norman  kingdom  (1194),  dis- 
playing great  cruelty,  and  he  tried  to  exalt  again  through- 
out Italy  the  feudalism  which  his  predecessors  had  made  a 
point  of  lowering.  His  death,  the  minority  of  his  son, 
aged  four  years,  and  the  accession  of  Innocent  III.  in  1198, 
changed  the  aspect  of  affairs. 

Innocent  III.  was  of  the  family  of  the  Counts  of  Segna, 
and  only  thirty-seven  years  old  when  he  was  elected  pope, 
in  spite  of  his  resistance  and  even  tears.  But  when  the 
power  he  had  not  sought  was  put  into  his  hand,  he 
conducted  himself  from  the  first  like  another  Gregory 
VII. 

The  question,  what  should  be  the  limits  of  the  two  powers, 
spiritual  and  temporal,  was  a  difficult  one  for  the  ardent 
believers  of  those  times.  The  head  of  the  Church,  who 
held  the  keys  of  St.  Peter,  had  jurisdiction  over  the  actions 
of  the  faithful,  and  could  decide  whether  they  were  righteous 
or  sinful.  But  the  question  arises  at  once,  what  actions 
performed  by  kings  fall  or  do  not  fall  under  this  juris- 
diction ?  What  actions  are  those  which  do  not  lead  to  the 
eternal  safety  or  destruction  of  the  princes  themselves  and 
of  their  subjects?  Thus  it  was  not  wrong  ambition  but  the 
force  of  doctrine  and  a  sort  of  obligation  imposed  upon  the 
shepherd  of  all  souls  which  led  to  the  interference  of  the 
popes  in  the  state  government  of  those  times. 

The  new  Pope,  who  was  going  to  show  such  haughtiness 
of  spirit,  was  not  even  master  of  his  own  episcopal  city. 
He  had  to  reduce  the  senate  of  the  city  to  subjection,  to 
abolish  its  consulate,  and  to  oblige  the  prefect  of  Rome  to 
acknowledge  that  he  received  his  authority  from  the  Pope 
and  not  from  the  Emperor.  In  order  to  give  back  to  the 
Holy  See  the  prestige  of  the  time  of  Urban  II.,  Innocent 

*  Roger  I.  as  king.  Roger  II.  as  count. — Ed, 


254  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

had  a  crusade  preached,  the  fourth  in  number,  which  the 
Venetians  turned  off  upon  Constantinople.  Finally,  on  the 
strength  of  his  being  entrusted  with  the  moral  direction  of 
the  world,  as  he  claimed  that  he  was,  he  interfered  in  all  the 
quarrels  of  the  sovereigns  of  his  day,  and  hurled  his  thunder- 
bolts upon  the  heads  of  all  the  kings,  threatening  some  and 
striking  others. 

By  his  anathemas  he  forced  the  King  of  France  to  take 
back  his  wife,  Ingeborg,  and  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Portu- 
gal to  make  peace,  and  unite  against  the  Moors  ;  he  excom- 
municated a  usurping  king  in  Norway  ;  and  in  Aragon  a  king 
who  was  guilty  of  false  coinage.  In  England  he  humbled 
John  Lackland  and  exalted  him  by  turns.  The  King  of 
Hungary  detained  one  of  the  Pope's  legates  ;  he  was  threat- 
ened with  seeing  his  son  dispossessed  of  the  throne.  In 
Germany  two  powerful  princes  were  disputing  the  empire, 
Philip,  brother  of  Henry  VI.,  and  Otto  of  Brunswick, 
son  of  Henry  the  Lion  of  the  Guelf  family  ;  he  claimed 
the  decision  of  this  question,  having  the  right  "to  examine, 
approve,  anoint,  consecrate,  and  crown,  if  he  be  found 
worthy,  the  emperor  elect  ;  to  reject  him  if  unworthy."  It 
is  terrible  to  think  what  would  have  happened  if  such  pre- 
tensions as  these  had  been  made  good,  if  all  the  kingdoms 
of  Europe  had  become  fiefs  of  the  Holy  See,  and  Christ- 
ianity a  sacerdotal  autocracy  where  all  liberty  would  have 
been  dead  and  all  life  extinguished. 

In  the  German  conflict  Innocent  declared  for  Otto,  who 
had  no  possessions  in  Italy,  and  against  Philip,  a  member 
of  that  Hohenstaufen  family  which  had  tried  to  get  the 
mastery  of  the  Peninsula  and  which  was  still  in  possession  of 
the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  It  was  then  that  the  famous  quar- 
rel between  the  Guelfs  (Welfs)  and  the  Ghibellines  (Waib- 
linger)  began.  In  the  struggle  which  followed,  and  which 
was  first  confined  to  the  two  German  houses,  but  afterwards 
included  all  Italy,  the  peninsula  no  longer  retained  the 
unity  which  had  been  enjoyed  for  a  brief  space  under  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa.  The  towns  were  divided  among  them- 
selves and  were  each  of  them  torn  by  factions.  Inno- 
cent III.  had  nothing  on  his  side  but  his  genius  and  the 
great  influence  he  had  over  Europe.  The  Guelf  Emperor 
chosen  by  him,  and  who  since  the  assassination  of  Philip  in 
1208  had  no  rival  in  power,  was  not  slow  in  showing  him- 
self as  self-willed  in  his  pretensions  as  the  emperors  of  the 


Chap.  XVIII.]        ITALY  AND  GERMANY.  255 

Swabian  house.  Though  the  name  had  changed,  yet  the 
same  crown  brought  the  same  ambition  with  it  to  all  heads 
aUke.  Otto  refused  to  give  back  the  freehold  lands  of 
Matilda  which  the  popes  had  not  ceased  to  claim,  and  he 
clearly  indicated  his  determination  to  maintain  all  imperial 
rights.  The  danger  grew  on  this  side  :  Innocent  excom- 
municated his  former  favorite  (12 10),  and,  raising  the 
Ghibelline  family  which  he  had  before  overthrown,  he 
presented  young  Frederick  to  the  Germans  as  their  future 
emperor.  Nevertheless  he  stipulated  that  Frederick  should 
abandon  all  claim  to  the  two  Sicilies  so  soon  as  he  should 
have  the  imperial  crown,  for  he  felt  how  great  was  the  peril 
for  Italy,  and  especially  for  the  Holy  See,  in  allowing  both 
Germany  and  the  southern  part  of  the  Peninsula  to  remain 
in  the  same  hands. 

The  third  and  last  struggle  between  the  empire  and  the 
papacy  and  Italy  began  with  the  accession  of  Frederick  II., 
and  assumed  an  entirely  new  character. 
(iri2-il5on''sic-  Frederick  II.,  who  was  a  Sicilian  through 
ond  Lombard  his  mother  and  through  the  place  of  his 
eague  122 ;.  ^jfth,  had  been  entrusted  in  his  youth  to  the 
care  of  Innocent  III.  He  had,  accordingly,  an  Italian 
and  ecclesiastical  education.  Otto  of  Brunswick  called 
him  the  priests'  king,  and  he  was,  in  fact,  very  different 
from  such  men  as  Henry  IV.  and  Barbarossa.  He  was  as 
active  and  energetic  as  they,  but  he  had  none  of  their  Ger- 
man roughness  ;  his  mind  was  fastidious  and  cultivated,  and 
full  of  cunning,  sharpness,  and  incredulity.  He  preferred 
to  gain  his  ends  by  diplomacy  and  was  very  skillful  at  it. 
It  was  no  longer  the  north  but  the  south  that  threatened 
the  Holy  See  and  Italian  independence.  Frederick  had 
indeed  pledged  himself  to  live  in  Germany  and  to  give  the 
two  Sicilies  to  his  son  ;  but  he  very  much  preferred  the 
sky,  the  customs,  and  the  poets  of  Italy,  and  very  soon  ap- 
pointed his  son  regent  of  Germany  in  his  place,  while  he 
returned  to  dwell  in  Sicily  or  Naples,  which  latter  place  he 
endowed  with  a  university.  The  struggle  was  slow  in  be- 
ginning, because  Frederick  was  not  really  emperor  until 
1 218,  after  the  death  of  his  rival  Otto,  of  Brunswick,  who 
had  been  conquered  four  years  previously  by  Philip 
Augustus  at  Bouvines.  That  same  year  Frederick  renewed 
his  vow  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land,  and  in  1220  Pope  Hono- 
rius  III.   (1216-1227)  crowned   him   emperor.      His  mar- 


256  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

riage  to  Yolande,  daughter  of  John  of  Brienne,  the  lately 
dispossessed  King  of  Jerusalem,  was  a  new  incentive  to  a 
crusade.  But  Frederick  found  fresh  excuses  for  remain- 
ing at  home  whenever  he  was  urged  to  set  out.  Instead  of 
proceeding  to  Jerusalem,  he  delivered  Sicily  from  the 
hands  of  a  certain  Mourad-bey  who  had  stirred  up  the 
Saracens  on  the  island,  and  he  transported  20,000  of  the 
infidels  to  the  fortified  town  of  Lucera,  in  Apulia,  feeling 
sure  that  the  excommunications  of  the  Church  would  not 
unsettle  their  allegiance,  which  he  had  secured  by  means  of 
great  benefits  conferred.  At  the  same  time  he,  in  con- 
junction with  the  lawyer  Peter  of  Vinea,  was  at  work  or- 
ganizing his  kingdom  of  Sicily,  which  had  never  yet  been 
well  organized  under  Norman  sway. 

Honorius  III.  was  succeeded  in  1227  by  an  imperious 
and  inflexible  old  man,  Gregory  IX.,  who  reached  his  hun- 
dredth year  while  on  the  pontifical  throne.  He  did  not  feel 
satisfied  with  Frederick's  excuses,  and  he  obliged  him  to 
embark  in  order  to  rid  Italy. of  his  presence.  The  Emperor 
departed,  but  returned  a  few  days  after,  giving  as  his 
excuse  a  serious  illness,  which  had  made  it  impossible 
for  him  to  go  farther.  Gregory  anathematized  him,  and 
Frederick  thought  it  more  prudent  this  time  to  make  the 
journey  to  Jerusalem  (1228).  When  he  arrived  in  the  Holy 
City,  which  had  been  offered  and  granted  to  him  by  a 
treaty  with  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  he  took  in  his  own  hands 
the  crown  which  no  priest  dared  to  place  upon  his  excom- 
municated head.  He  soon  found  out  why  his  absence  had 
been  so  much  desired  in  Italy. 

The  second  Lombard  league,  formed  about  the  year 
1226,  was  quietly  gaining  strength,  and  his  father-in- 
law,  John  of  Brienne,  a  soldier  in  the  employ  of  the  Holy 
See,  was  leading  his  forces  into  the  kingdom  of  Sicily. 
Frederick,  on  his  return,  gathered  his  Saracens  together, 
drove  out  John  of  Brienne,  and  held  a  diet  at  Ravenna,  in 
which  he  won  over  to  his  party  Eccelino  da  Romano,  lord 
of  Verona  and  the  most  dreaded  of  the  nobles  of  the  Mark 
Treviso.  He  thought  then  that  he  had  restored  peace  to 
the  north,  and  he  caused  it  to  be  preached  by  the  monk 
John  of  Vicenza.  All  he  asked  for  was  the  repose  which 
would  allow  him  to  dwell  in  his  palaces  at  Naples,  Mes- 
sina, and  the  "trilingual"  Palermo,  in  the  midst  of  his 
people,  who  were  made  up  of  Greeks,  Germans,  Normans, 


Chap.  XVIII.]        ITALY  AND   GERMANY.  257 

and  Saracens,  and  in  the  midst  of  his  court  of  artists,  poets, 
astrologers,  and  lawyers.  He  was  himself  a  poet,  and 
wrote  verses  in  a  new  language,  the  so-called  lingua  cor- 
tigiana,  which  was  the  language  of  his  court. 

He  suddenly  learned  that  his  son  Henry,  King  of  the 
Romans,  had  revolted  against  him  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Holy  See.  His  indignation  was  roused,  and  he  marched 
toward  Lombardy  with  his  Saracens,  defeated  his  son,  and 
gained  the  great  victory  of  Cortenuova  (1237),  over  the 
Lombard  league.  Ten  thousand  Lombards  were  killed  or 
taken  prisoners,  and  the  carroccio  was  sent  in  derision  to 
the  Pope  and  the  people  of  Rome.  Frederick  was  now 
master  of  Italy,  and  he  appointed  his  second  son,  Enzio, 
King  of  Sardinia,  drove  out  from  Sicily  the  Dominicans 
and  Franciscans  who  had  conspired  against  him,  and  was 
pronounced  by  his  lawyers  the  living  law  upon  the  earth 
{lex  animal  a  in  lerris). 

That  the  Emperor  should  make  such  a  claim  exasperated 
the  Pope,  who  spoke  of  him  as  the  "beast  full  of  names 
and  blasphemies,"  mentioned  by  St.  John.  Frederick, 
replying,  used  the  names  of  anti-Christ  and  of  the  great 
dragon  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  the  struggle  between  the 
Church  and  the  Empire  broke  out  again  with  the  same  vio- 
lence that  it  had  shown  on  two  previous  occasions — due 
less  to  the  passions  of  the  two  adversaries  than  to  the  irre- 
concilable opposition  of  the  great  principles  represented  by 
them.  Gregory  IX.  proclaimed  Frederick  deposed,  roused 
up  the  towns  of  Tuscany  and  the  Romagna  against  him,  and 
offered  the  imperial  crown  to  Robert  d'Artois,  the  brother 
of  St.  Louis.  The  latter  refused  for  his  brother,  and  even 
reproached  the  Pope  for  "  wishing,  in  the  person  of  the 
Emperor,  to  trample  all  kings  beneath  his  feet."  The  war 
brought  success  to  Frederick.  He  conquered  the  Tuscans 
and  the  Romagna.  The  Pope  aroused  Genoa  and  Venice 
in  vain.  Most  of  the  towns  tendered  their  submission. 
Gregory  IX.  then  built  his  hopes  upon  a  council  which  he 
convoked  for  the  year  1241  at  the  Lateran.  But  Frederick 
blockaded  Rome,  and  ordered  his  ships,  joined  with  those 
of  Pisa,  to  attack  the  Genoese  fleet  which  bore  the  council. 
The  Genoese  were  conquered  at  Meloria,  and  lost  twenty- 
four  ships  ;  two  cardinals  and  a  host  of  bishops,  abbots, 
and  deputies  from  the  Lombard  towns  fell  into  the  hands 


258  THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY.     [Book  VI. 

of  Frederick,  who  had  the  prelates  bound  with  silver  chains. 
Gregory  died  of  grief. 

The  Holy  See  was  left  vacant  for  two  years.  Finally  the 
Cardinals  appointed  in  1243,  Sinibald  Fieschi    of   Genoa, 

under  the  name  of  Innocent  IV.  Frederick 
(i243)°'^^Fai/ of  '^^^  divined  what  he  might  expect  of  him  ; 
the  German  "  Sinibald  was  my  friend,"  he  Said,  "  the  Popc 
(1250^!  *"    ^^  ^     will  be  my  enemy."     Innocent  IV.  did  not  try, 

like  Gregory,  to  convoke  a  council  at  Rome, 
but  made  his  escape  from  that  city  and  sent  out  from  Genoa 
a  demand  to  St.  Louis,  and  then  to  the  kings  of  England  and 
Aragon  for  a  refuge  in  their  states.  The  man,  before  whom 
the  whole  world  trembled,  had  not  where  to  lay  his  head  ; 
one  proof  among  many  that  his  strength  was  neither  in  sol- 
diers nor  in  fortresses.  He  decided  to  retreat  to  the  town 
of  Lyons,  which  was  at  that  time  practically  independent 
under  its  archbishop.  He  charged  the  prelates  to  meet  him 
there.  The  council  opened  on  the  26th  of  June,  1245. 
Frederick  had  been  condemned  before,  nevertheless  he  sent 
his  chancellor,  Peter  of  Vinea,  and  Thaddeus  of  Suessa,  to 
present  his  justification.  Peter  maintained  a  silence  that 
looked  very  much  like  treason,  and  let  his  master  be  de- 
posed.* Thaddeus,  after  a  long  and  useless  defense,  vigor- 
ously protested  against  the  sentence.  "  I  have  done  my 
duty,"  said  the  Pope,  "  the  rest  is  with  God." 

When  Frederick  heard  that  his  crown  had  been  disposed 
of  he  took  it  in  his  hands  and  placed  it  more  firmly  on  his 
head,  crying,  "  It  shall  not  fall  from  my  head  until  blood  has 
flowed  in  streams."  He  called  upon  the  sovereigns  of  Europe 
for  assistance  :  "  If  I  perish,  you  will  all  perish."  He  sent  his 
Saracens  out  into  Italy,  while  Innocent  IV.  stirred  up  Lom- 
bardy  and  Sicily  through  his  monks,  appointed  a  new  King 
of  the  Romans,  and  preached  a  new  crusade  against  Fred- 
erick II.  St.  Louis  vainly  interposed  in  the  furious  contest. 
The  event  was  at  first  uncertain  ;  but  when  Enzio,  P'red- 
erick's  beloved  son,  was  taken  prisoner,  betrayed  in  his 
flight  by  a  lock  of  his  beautiful  hair,  and  kept  in  confine- 
ment by  the  Bolognese  until  he  died,  the  Emperor's  spirit 
was  broken.     He  saw  all   his  friends  falling  around  him, 


*  Peter  does  not  become  chancellor  till  1247.  The  story  here  given  is 
doubtful,  and  all  attempts  to  account  for  his  sudden  downfall  are  con- 
jectures.— El). 


Chap.  XVIII.]         ITAL  Y  AND    GERMANY.  259 

like  Thaddeus  of  Suessa  and  Enzio,  or  else  becoming  trait- 
ors like  Peter  of  Vinea,  who  tried  to  poison  him,  and  who, 
when  his  eyes  were  put  out  by  the  Emperor's  order,  dashed 
his  brains  out  against  a  wall.  He  thought  of  submitting, 
and  begged  St.  Louis  to  intercede  for  him  with  the  Pope  ; 
he  offered  to  abdicate,  to  go  and  die  m  the  Holy  Land  ;  he 
consented  to  the  division  of  Germany  and  Sicily  provided 
they  should  be  given  to  his  legitimate  children.  Innocent 
did  not  swerve  from  his  course  of  annihilating  that  "  race  of 
vipers  "  and  conquering  Sicily  ;  he  was  inexorable.  The 
Emperor,  broken  in  spirit  and  sick  with  rage,  summoned 
more  Saracens  from  Africa  to  avenge  himself  on  Rome  ; 
he  almost  called  upon  the  Mongolians  and  Turks.  Ec- 
celino  da  Romano,  tyrant  of  Padua,  tried  to  force  his  way 
through  to  Frederick  with  fearful  carnage,  but  the  sudden 
death  of  the  Emperor  at  Fiorentino,  in  Apulia  (December 
13,  1250),  spared  Italy  a  last  struggle,  which  would  have 
reached  a  paroxysm  of  fury.  It  also  brought  about  the 
fall  of  the  German  power  and  imperial  authority  in  Italy. 
A  new  era  began  for  the  Peninsula,  an  era  of  independence. 


26o 


THE  EMPIRE  AND    THE  PAPACY. 


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BOOK  VII. 
THE   CRUSADES  (1095-1270). 


CHAPTER    XIX. 
THE  FIRST   CRUSADE  TO   JERUSALEM  (1095-1099). 


Condition  of  the  World  before  the  Crusades  ;  the  Greek  Empire. — Peter 
the  Hermit,  the  Council  of  Clermont  (1095)  and  the  first  Crusaders. — 
Departure  of  the  great  army  of  Crusaders  (1096)  ;  Siege  of  Nicsea 
and  battle  of  Dorylseum. — Siege  and  taking  of  Antioch  (1098)  ;  De- 
feat of  Kerboga  ;  Siege  and  taking  of  Jerusalem  (1099). — Godfrey, 
Baron  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.     Organization  of  the  new  Kingdom. 


Within  this  world  of  the  ISIiddle  Ages,  there  were  two 
entirely  distinct  worlds  :  that  of  the  Gospel  and  that  of  the 
Koran.  They  had  already  come  sometimes 
the°wor°d  be-  ioto  colUsion,  but  finding  that  thev  werc  nearly 
^re  the  first  equal  in  strength,  they  had  been  content  with 
tacitly  dividing  the  known  world  between 
them.  The  Koran  ruled  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Ganges  ;  the  Gospels  ruled  the  whole  of  Europe,  with 
the  exception  of  Spain.  Only  the  outer  edges  of  these  two 
worlds  had  come  into  contact  with  each  other  in  the  fron- 
tier wars,  but  the  time  had  now  come  when  they  were  to  be 
involved  in  a  general  war. 

We  have  already  seen  what  an  important  part  the  Ger- 
manic society  played  in  Christendom,  of  which  it  was  the 
leading  spirit.  Though  complete  unity  could  not  be  main- 
tained, division  had  not  proved  fatal  to  it  ;  its  life  and 
activity  were  immense,  and  it  proved  a  fruitful  soil  for  the 
propagation  of  new  ideas. 

The  Greek  society,  which  made  up  the  remainder  of 
Christendom,  isolated  as  it  was  between  the  Germans  and 
the  Arabs,  like  an  island  surrounded  by  the  floods  of  inva- 
sion, dragged    out   a   barren    and    insignificant   existence. 

261 


262  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Since  the  time  of  Justinian,  the  same  story  had  been  re- 
peated over  and  over  of  court  intrigues,  interspersed  with 
acts  of  cruelty,  theological  disputes  which  excited  the  peo- 
ple, wars  against  the  masters  of  Asia  and  against  the  bar- 
barians who  sometimes  appeared  in  the  north,  and  occa- 
sionally, among  all  these  disturbances,  some  legislative 
achievements.  The  separation  between  the  Empire  of  the 
East  and  the  German  peoples  had  become  even  wider, 
since  it  had  become  a  religious  separation  also.  The 
schism  of  the  two  churches,  which  began  with  the  quarrel 
of  the  Iconoclasts,  continued  through  the  two  following  cen- 
turies, though  the  Greeks  under  Irene  and  Theodora  (787 
and  842)  had  returned  to  the  orthodox  worship  of  images. 
The  installation  of  Photius  as  Patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
which  was  disapproved  of  by  Pope  Nicholas  I.,  widened  the 
breach  ;  a  point  of  dogma,  the  admission  by  the  Latin 
church  of  \\\*t  filioque  in  that  passage  of  the  Nicene  Creed 
where  it  says  that  the  Holy  Spirit  proceeds  from  the  Father  ; 
some  differences  in  matters  of  observance  ;  the  use  of  leav- 
ened instead  of  unleavened  bread,  the  marriage  of  the  priests, 
the  use  of  the  vulgar  tongue  in  the  celebration  of  the  church 
services,  baptism  by  immersion,  the  Saturday's  fast,  and 
above  all  the  rivalry  of  the  two  churches  over  the  kmg  of 
Bulgaria,  whom  the  patriarch  finally  succeeded  in  winning 
to  his  communion,  put  the  finishing  stroke  to  the  separa- 
tion, which  was  complete  in  1054  after  the  papal  legates 
had  placed  on  the  altar  of  Saint^Sophia  an  anathema  which 
branded  "  The  seven  mortal  heresies  of  the  Greeks." 

Though  separated  from  the  rest  of  Christendom,  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that  the  Empire  of  the  East  had  resources 
enough,  besides  sometimes  possessing  princes  who  were 
able  to  guard  their  own  frontiers  and  even  to  gain  advan- 
tages over  her  enemies  and  the  neighboring  peoples,  espe- 
cially over  those  of  the  north,  the  Russians  and  the  Bulga- 
rians. Attacks  were  first  made  by  the  Russians  upon  the 
empire  m  865.  They  descended  the  Borysthenes  in  their 
vessels  and  reached  Constantinople  by  the  Black  Sea.  The 
Greek  fire  drove  them  away  both  this  first  and  many  other 
times.  Toward  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  they  formed 
another  project  and  made  an  attempt  to  establish  themselves 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube,  but  John  Zimisces  drove 
them  off  (972).  Discouraged  by  these  fruitless  efforts,  the 
Russians  decided  to  have  the  Greeks  for  their  friends,  and 


Chap.  XIX.]  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE.  263 

after  the  marriage  of  their  chief  Vladimir  with  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  Emperor  Basil  II.  (980),  peace  reigned  between 
the  two  peoples.  Vladimir  became  a  convert  to  the  religion 
of  his  wife. 

In  their  struggle  with  the  Bulgarians,  the  Greeks  were 
even  more  successful.  It  is  true  that  Constantinople  was 
besieged  several  times,  and  that  the  Empire  was  invaded 
twenty-six  times  by  the  Bulgarian  king,  Samuel  ;  but  in 
10 1 9  Basil  II.  overthrew  their  kingdom,  and  the  Empire  was 
again  victorious. 

After  the  first  great  attack  of  the  Arabs,  the  Greek  Em- 
pire was  able  to  repel  them  successfully.  The  Greek  navy 
recovered  its  old  force  in  the  ninth  century,  and  took  the 
islands  of  the  Archipelago  and  several  points  in  the  Morea, 
which  had  been  occupied  by  the  infidels,  dividing  the  latter 
as  far  as  the  latitude  of  Sicily.  In  the  tenth  century, 
Nicephorus  Phocas  led  the  Greek  army  again  to  Cilicia 
and  Syria,  countries  which  had  been  lost  to  the  empire  long 
before.  John  Zimisces  went  still  farther  and  crossed  the 
Euphrates,  striking  terror  into  the  heart  of  Bagdad.  The 
Greek  Empire  showed  a  singular  vitality,  and  though  always 
on  the  point  of  dissolution  survived  the  barbarians  who  had 
so  often  overwhelmed  it. 

Since  Heraclius,  the  throne  of  Byzantium  had  been  oc- 
cupied by  three  different  dynasties,  the  Isaurian  from  717 
to  802,  the  Phrygian  from  820  to  867,  and  the  Macedonian 
from  867  to  1056.  The  last  of  these,  which  produced  the 
three  remarkable  men,  Nicephorus  Phocas,  Zimisces,  and 
Basil  II.,  revived  some  of  the  ancient  glory  of  the  Empire. 
We  must  remember  however,  that  this  family  came  to  the 
throne  when  the  Bulgarians  and  the  Abbasides  were  utterly 
exhausted.  The  dynasty  of  the  Comneni,  on  the  contrary, 
which  came  to  the  throne  in  1057  with  Isaac,  had  to  con- 
tend against  new  and  formidable  enemies,  the  Turks,  who 
had  recently  become  the  masters  of  Asia.  Romanus 
Diogenes,  the  only  prince  of  any  valor  who  sprung  from 
this  family  in  the  second  half  of  the  eleventh  century,  de- 
feated the  Seljuk  Alp-Arslan,but  was  taken  prisoner  by  him 
in  a  second  battle  {1071).  Alexis  Comnenus  (108 r),  feeling 
too  weak  to  resist  them  alone,  called  the  Germans  to  his  aid 
and  thus  contributed  something  to  the  first  crusade.  In 
the  crusades,  the  great  events  of  the  time,  the  Greek  Em- 
pire, which  no  longer  possessed  any  real  strength  or  vigor, 


264  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

let  the  Franks  take  the  lead,  and  when  the  rough-hewn 
civilization  of  the  West  was  brought  into  contact  with  the 
exhausted  civilization  of  the  East,  it  was  easy  to  see  to  which 
empire  the  future  belonged. 

Such  was  the  Christian  world.  In  reviewing  the  Mussul- 
man world,  it  must  be  born  in  mind  how  greatly  its  powef 
had  declined.  At  one  time  there  had  been  three  great 
empires  :  that  of  the  Ommiades  in  Spain,  of  the  Fatimites 
in  Africa,  and  of  the  Abbasides  in  Asia.  Then  the  Ommi- 
ades  of  Cordova,  shaken  by  the  double  attack  of  the  small 
Christian  states  at  the  north,  and  of  the  Moorish  people 
from  Africa  at  the  south,  had  disappeared  ;  the  dominion  of 
the  Fatimites  was  reduced  to  the  limits  of  Egypt  by  the 
aggressions  of  the  African  dynasties  on  the  west  and  the  vic- 
torious Seljuk  Turks  on  the  east  ;  and  finally,  in  1058,  the 
Abbasides  of  Bagdad  had  been  almost  overthrown  by  these 
same  Turks.  Thus  the  Arab  society  had  not  had  the  good 
fortune  possessed  by  the  Germanic  society  of  being  able  to 
set  a  definite  limit  to  all  later  invasion  of  its  territory,  and 
to  organize  itself  during  times  of  peace  behind  some  mighty 
barrier. 

The  Turks  founded  a  great  empire  under  Alp  the  Lion 
(Arslan)  (1063),  and  Malek-Shah  (1075),  successors  of 
Togrul-Beg.  The  first  took  the  Greek  Emperor,  Romanus 
Diogenes,  prisoner  in  107 1,  and  conquered  Armenia.  The 
second  sent  troops  to  invade  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Jerusalem, 
and  even  pushed  his  armies  as  far  as  Egypt  ;  while  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Seljuk  family  conquered  Asia  Minor  from  the 
Greeks,  and  founded  the  kingdom  of  Iconium,  which  ex- 
tended from  the  Taurus  to  the  Bosphorus,  and  which  con- 
tinued its  growth  under  his  son  Kilij-Arslan,  who  took  the 
title  of  Sultan  of  Roum  [Rome].  At  the  death  of  Malek- 
Shah  (1093),  according  to  a  Persian  poet,  "A  cloud  of 
princes  rose  from  the  dust  of  his  feet,"  by  which  is  meant 
that  the  power  of  his  empire  was  broken.  Persia,  Syria,  and 
Kerman  became  distinct  sultanates,  sharing  the  fate  of  all 
Asiatic  conquests.  Nevertheless,  tlie  whole  of  Asia  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Turks  when  the  Christians  arrived. 

The  Christian  of  Europe,  confined  in  a  limited  space, 
without  any  large  horizon  save  that  of  his  thoughts,  and 
with  no  food  for  thought  except  what  he  found  in  his 
holy  books  and  their  stories,  concentrated  all  his  poetical 
feelings  on  the  localities  continually  mentioned    in   these 


Chap.  XIX.]  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE.  265 

books,  where  his  Saviour  lived  and  died  and  accomplished 

on  the  cross   the  great  mystery  of  the  redemption.     His 

ideal  country — the    place   toward    which  he 

Peterthe  ■ 

Hermit;  the  was  impelled  by  all  his  most  serious  and 
monuiML^and  swectcst  thoughts — was  Jcrusalcm,  where  the 
the  first  crusa-  Holy  Sepulchre  was,  and  where  the  Empress 
^"^^^  Helena  had  devoutly  collected  the  relics  of 

the  Passion  ;  and  next  to  Jerusalem,  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
Golgotha,  and  Bethlehem.  Happy  would  he  be  who  might 
see  Jerusalem,  and  doubly  happy  he  who  should  die  there. 
The  common  people  did  not  even  hope  for  such  blessed- 
ness. Palestine  was  so  far  away.  A  very  few  pilgrims 
went  there,  and  on  their  return  their  narratives  were  listened 
to  with  the  greatest  eagerness.  Cries  of  horror  and  hatred 
were  lifted  up  against  the  infidels  when  they  described  the 
tyranny  exercised  in  the  Holy  City  by  the  Fatimite  Caliph 
Hakim,  or  later  by  the  Sultan  Malek-Shah.  Even  pilgrims 
were  not  admitted  except  on  the  payment  of  a  piece  of 
gold,  and  many,  having  exhausted  all  their  means  on  the 
journey,  were  obliged  to  wait  at  the  gate  of  the  Holy  City 
till  the  charity  of  some  rich  noble  arriving  from  Europe 
allowed  them  to  enter.  Nevertheless  the  numbers  of  the 
travelers  increased  and  gradually  became  quite  consider- 
able. During  the  eleventh  century  sometimes  as  many  as 
3000  started  at  once,  sometimes  even  7000.  These  were 
still  armies  of  peaceful  men,  but  they  prepared  the  way 
for  armies  of  a  different  kind. 

The  Greek  Emperor  Alexis  Comnenus,  alarmed  by  the 
appearance  of  the  Turks  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Bos- 
phorus,  directly  in  front  of  Constantinople,  sent  forth  a 
cry  for  help,  which  was  heard  in  all  the  courts  of  Europe. 
But  the  western  Christians  were  indifferent  to  the  dangers 
threatening  this  last  remainder  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Pope 
Silvester  H.  had  already  written  in  vain  an  eloquent  letter 
to  the  princes  in  behalf  of  abandoned  Jerusalem.  Greg- 
ory VH.,  whose  soul  was  always  filled  with  great  thoughts, 
wished  to  go  himself  with  50,000  knights  to  deliver  the 
Holy  Selpulchre.  Emperors  and  popes  were  powerless, 
but  what  they  were  unable  to  perform  was  accomplished 
by  a  poor  monk. 

Jerusalem  had  just  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  savage 
horde  of  Turks,  who,  instead  of  treating  the  pilgrims  with 
the  indulgence  shown  them  by  the  Caliphs  of  Bagdad  and 


266  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Cairo,  overwhelmed  them  with  insults,  and  it  was  only  by 
running  great  risks  that  the  pilgrims  could  approach  the 
holy  places.  Peter  the  Hermit  made  all  France  resound 
with  the  melancholy  accounts  of  their  distress,  and  the 
people  were  fired  with  a  devout  enthusiasrn  and  everywhere 
took  arms  to  rescue  the  tomb  of  Christ  from  the  hands  of 
the  infidels.*  The  Council  of  Clermont,  which  came  to- 
gether in  1095,  with  the  French  Pope  Urban  II.  at  its  head, 
proclaimed  the  crusade  ;  the  number  of  those  who  in  that 
and  the  following  year  fixed  upon  their  breasts  the  cross  of 
red  cloth,  the  sign  of  their  enlistment  in  the  holy  project, 
was  almost  a  million.  The  Church  put  them  under  the 
protection  of  the  Truce  of  God,  and  granted  them  various 
privileges  for  their  property,  which  were  to  last  through 
the  whole  time  of  the  expedition. 

Men  came  from  the  most  distant  countries.  Guibert  of 
Nogent  says  :  "  Men  landed  at  all  the  ports  of  France,  who, 
as  they  were  unable  to  make  themselves  understood,  placed 
their  fingers  over  each  other  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  to  sig- 
nify that  they  wished  to  take  part  in  the  holy  war."  The 
most  impatient  were  the  poor,  putting  their  trust  in  God 
alone,  and  with  the  cry  of  "  God  wills  it,"  {Dicii  le  veut)  they 
were  the  first  to  start,  though  without  any  preparation  and 
almost  without  weapons.  Whole  families  went,  men  and 
women,  old  and  young  together,  and  the  little  ones,  who 
were  placed  on  carts  drawn  by  oxen,  could  be  heard  to 
exclaim  whenever  they  saw  a  castle  or  a  city,  **  Is  not  that 
Jerusalem?"  A  vanguard  of  15,000  men,  with  only  six 
horses  among  them,  were  the  first  to  take  the  road,  led  by  a 
poor  Norman  knight,  Walter  the  Penniless.  Peter  the  Her- 
mit followed  with  100,000  men.  Another  troop,  led  by  a 
German  priest  Gotteschalk,  brought  up  the  rear.f  They 
passed  through  Germany,  slaying  any  Jews  they  met,  living 
by  pillage  and  accustoming  themselves  to  violence.  In 
Hungary  they  caused  such  disturbances  that  the  popula- 

*  The  stories  of  Peter  the  Hermit's  sufferings  and  visions  in  the  Holy 
Land,  which  led  him  to  preach  the  crusade,  are  now  known  to  be  the 
inventions  of  later  times.  To  the  Pope  belongs  the  credit  of  beginning 
the  movement.  He  roused  Peter  the  Hermit,  not  Peter  the  Hermit 
him. — En. 

f  There  were  several  comjianies  of  this  sort  which  preceded  the  crusade, 
but  they  were  without  any  common  organization  or  connection  with  one 
another. — Ed. 


Chap.  XIX.j  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE.  267 

tion  took  to  arms  and,  after  having  killed  many  of  them, 
drove  them  into  Thrace.  Only  a  very  few  of  them  got  as 
far  as  Constantinople.  The  Emperor  Alexis,  in  haste  to 
get  rid  of  such  allies,  sent  them  on  into  Asia  as  soon  as 
possible.  There  they  fell  under  the  sabre  of  the  Turks,  on 
the  plain  of  Nicsea,  and  their  bones  were  said  to  have  been 
used  by  the  Crusaders  who  followed  them  in  fortifying  their 
camp. 

While  this  reckless  vanguard  was  marching  to  its  death, 
the  knights  were  arming  themselves  and  being  organized. 
They  finally  started  with  100,000  horsemen 
th?  g^ea\"arrny  ^"d  6oo,ooo  foot  soldicrs,  as  wc  are  told,  going 
ofcrusaders  ^y  different  routes  and  under  different  lead- 
Ni°caa' a^nd^ba°-  crs.*  The  men  from  the  North  of  France 
?'^  °^ r^r.ZX^'    and  from  Lorraine  passed  through  Germany 

laeum  (1097).  t^  r^      -ic  c 

and  Hungary.  Among  them  was  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,  Duke  of  Lower  Lorraine,  the  bravest,  strongest, 
and  most  devout  of  the  crusaders,  and  his  two  brothers, 
Eustach  of  Boulogne,  and  Baldwin.  Led  by  the  Count  of 
Toulouse,  the  men  of  Southern  France  crossed  the  Alps 
and  passed  through  Dalmatia  and  Thrace.  Adhemar,  the 
bishop  of  Puy  and  the  legate  of  the  Holy  See,  the  spiritual 
chief  of  the  crusade  was  with  this  army.  The  Duke  of 
Normandy  and  the  Counts  of  Blois,  of  Flanders,  and  of 
Vermandois,  went  to  join  the  Normans  of  Italy,  who  were 
led  by  Bohemond,  Prince  of  Tarentum,  and  his  nephew, 
Tancred,  who,  after  Godfrey,  was  the  most  perfect  knight  of 
the  times  ;  and  these  together  crossed  the  Adriatic  and 
passed  through  Greece  and  IMacedonia. 

The  place  of  general  meeting  was  at  Constantinople. 
The  Emperor  was  alarmed  lest  they  should  begin  their 
crusade  there  by  taking  possession  of  the  great  city.  Some, 
indeed,  thought  of  doing  so,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the 
treacheries  "  of  these  Grecules,  the  meanest  o^  men,"  but 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon  opposed  it.  He  agreed  beforehand  to 
do  homage  to  the  Emperor  Alexis  for  all  the  lands  of  which 
he  might  gain  possession,  f  After  he  had  done  this  no 
one  else  dared  refuse. 

*  These  numbers  are  of  course  e.xaggerated.  The  number  of  armed 
men  may  possibly  have  reached  300,000. — Ed. 

f  Godfrey,  however,  did  not  do  this  willingly,  but  only  because  he  was 
forced  by  the  Emperor  to  do  so,  and  some  of  the  leaders  did  not  take  this 
feudal  oath  at  all. — Ed. 


268  THE    CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Alexis,  however,  did  not  feel  secure  until  the  last  of  these 
proud  warriors  had  passed  into  Asia.  The  first  place 
reached  by  the  Crusaders  as  they  entered  the  Asiatic  penin- 
sula was  the  great  city  of  Nicsea,  and  this  they  besieged. 
Nothing  could  be  more  striking  than  the  appearance  of 
their  camp,  where  there  were  so  many  languages,  so  many 
war-cries,  and  so  many  different  styles  of  arms,  but  where, 
nevertheless,  all  were  inspired  by  one  idea.  At  the  sight 
of  people  gathered  together  from  all  parts  of  western 
Europe  into  one  camp,  the  men  of  the  time,  who  were 
accustomed  to  the  isolation  of  the  feudal  system,  there  felt 
the  force  of  new  and  broader  ideas,  and  gained  their  first 
conception  of  nationality  and  of  patriotism. 

"  O  France,"  wrote  one  of  the  chroniclers,  "  thou  country 
which  shouldst  rank  higher  than  all  others,  how  beautiful 
were  the  tents  of  thy  soldiers  in  the  land  of  Rome  !  "  Nicaea 
was  about  to  surrender,  after  some  violent  attacks,  when 
the  Greeks  who  were  in  the  army  of  the  crusaders  persuaded 
the  inhabitants  to  raise  the  standard  of  Alexis,  and  having 
raised  the  colors  of  the  Greek  Empire  they  could  not  be 
attacked.  The  crusaders  were  outraged  by  this  treachery, 
and  withdrew,  passing  on  into  Asia  Minor. 

They  had  found  the  road  to  Nicaea  still  covered  with  the 
bodies  of  the  soldiers  of  Peter  the  Hermit ;  and  it  was  now 
their  turn  to  strew  the  plains  with  dead  and  dying.  Their 
most  terrible  enemy  was  not  the  Turk  ;  for  though  Kilij-Ars- 
lan,  who  had  recently  been  beaten  near  Nicasa,  attempted  to 
make  good  his  defeat,  he  was  overcome  by  them  on  the  plains 
of  Doryloeum  and  his  camp  was  taken  (1097).  But  when  the 
crusaders  came  to  the  part  of  Phrygia  called  by  the  an- 
cients Burning  Phrygia,  they  were  overcome  by  hunger  and 
thirst.  Most  of  the  horses  died,  many  of  the  knights  were 
obliged  to  ride  asses  and  oxen,  and  the  luggage  was  carried 
upon  beasts  of  all  sorts.  These  misfortunes  were  increased 
by  fatal  discord  within  the  army  ;  the  different  nations 
quarreled  with  one  another.  Baldwin,  brother  of  Godfrey, 
and  Tancred,  the  nephew  of  Bohemond,  were  contending 
for  the  city  of  Tarsus.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  all  these 
misfortunes,  the  march  continued.  Baldwin  succeeded  in 
gaining  an  entrance  into  Edessa,  on  the  Euphrates,  and 
became  the  prince  of  that  city.  This  advanced  position 
gave  protection  to  the  crusaders  and  brought  them  into 
communication  with  the  Christians  of  Armenia. 


Chap.  XIX.]  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE.  •  269 

On  October  18,  1097,  they  reached  the  great  city  of  An- 
tioch,  with  its  450  towers.  The  siege  lasted  a  long  time, 
and  while  it  was  going  on  the  crusaders  be- 
takinVof^Anti^  Came  greatly  weakened  ;  on  the  banks  of  the 
f'^VfK^n  ^^  Orontes  and  under  the  shade  of  the  garden  of 
er  oga.  j^^pj^j^g^  g^  celebrated  in  antiquity,  they  for- 
got their  valor  and  gave  themselves  up  to  dissipation. 
The  winter  rains  deluged  the  camp,  and  famine  forced 
them  to  eat  thistles  and  dead  animals.  Bohemond  saved 
them  by  throwing  Antioch  open  to  them,  which  he  accom- 
plished by  means  of  a  secret  correspondence  he  kept  up  with 
Firuz,  an  Armenian  renegade,  within  the  city.  During  a 
stormy  night,  when  the  noise  of  the  wind  and  thunder  deaf- 
ened the  sentinels,  the  Christians  scaled  the  walls  by  means 
of  rope  ladders  which  were  let  down  to  them,  and  threw 
themselves  upon  the  city,  crying:  "  God  wills  it  !"  Bohe- 
mond's  efforts  to  save  the  army  were  not  entirely  disinter- 
ested ;  he  had  stipulated  that,  if  successful,  he  should  be 
the  prince  of  Antioch. 

The  crusaders,  reduced  to  half  their  original  numbers, 
underwent  the  same  suffering  inside  the  city  that  they  had 
had  to  bear  outside  the  walls,  for  they  were  besieged  by 
200,000  Turks  led  by  Kerboga,the  lieutenant  of  the  Caliph 
of  Bagdad.  Godfrey  had  his  last  war-horse  killed,  and 
despair  had  settled  down  upon  them,  when  a  Marseillais 
priest,  Peter  Barthelemy,  announced  to  the  leaders  of  the 
army  that  Saint  Andrew  had  revealed  to  him  in  his  sleep 
that  the  spear  which  pierced  the  side  of  Christ  was  under 
the  high  altar  of  the  church,  and  that  the  possession  of  this 
would  give  the  victory  to  the  Christians.  They  dug  under 
the  altar,  found  the  spear  ;  and  the  crusaders,  filled  with 
enthusiasm,  marched  against  the  army  of  Kerboga  and  cut 
it  to  pieces. 

Instead  of  starting  at  once  for  Jerusalem  they  stayed  six 
months  longer  in  Antioch,  where  great  numbers  died  of  the 
plague.  When  they  finally  left  the  city,  of  the  600,000  who 
had  started,  only  50,000  were  left  ;  though  it  is  true  that  a 
number  of  them  had  settled  down  in  the  various  cities 
through  which  the  crusade  had  passed.  They  followed 
along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  in  order  to  keep  in 
communication  with  the  fleets  from  Genoa  and  Pisa  which 
brought  them  supplies.  Inadditiontothis,  as  they  were  pass- 
ing through  the  rich  valleys  of  the  Lebanon  range  they  soon 


2^0  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

recovered  from  their  sufferings  and  regained  their  strength. 
Their  enthusiasm  grew  as  they  approached  the  Holy  City, 
and  began  to  traverse  places  hallowed  by  the  narratives  of 
the  Gospels  ;  and  in  speaking  of  the  moment  when  they 
had  finally  crossed  the  last  hill  and  Jerusalem  lay  before 
their  eyes,  one  of  the  monks  in  the  army  exclaimed,  "  O 
blessed  Jesus,  when  the  Christians  saw  thy  holy  city,  what 
floods  of  tears  flowed  from  all  eyes  !"  Cries  broke  forth  on 
every  side  of  "  Jerusalem  ;  Jerusalem  !  God  wills  it,  God 
wills  it  !  "  They  stretched  out  their  arms,  fell  on  their 
knees,  and  kissed  the  ground. 

The  next  thing  was  to  take  this  city,  the  object  of  so 
many  vows.  Jerusalem  was  defended  by  the  soldiers  of  the 
Fatimite  Caliph  of  Cairo,  who  had  lately 
taki'ng^ol^  /eru-  captured  it  from  the  Turks.  When  the 
saiem  (1099;.  crusaders  were  in  Antioch  this  caliph  had 
offered  to  let  them  enter  Jerusalem  if  they  would  come  in 
unarmed,  but  the  Christians  had  rejected  this  offer  with 
indignation.  They  wished  to  conquer  Jerusalem  with  their 
blood.  They  had  to  endure  great  sufferings  under  the 
walls  of  the  city.  The  earth  was  parched  by  the  summer 
suns,  the  brook  of  Cedron  was  dried  up,  and  the  cisterns 
were  either  filled  up  or  poisoned  by  the  enemy  ;  only  a 
little  stagnant  water  could  be  found,  and  this  even  the 
horses  refused  to  drink.  To  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the 
army,  a  solemn  procession  was  made  around  the  city. 
All  the  crusaders  stopped  and  prostrated  themselves  on  the 
Mount  of  Olives.  On  the  fifteenth  day  of  July,  1099,  a 
general  assault  was  made  at  early  dawn,  and  three  great 
rolling  towers  were  pushed  up  against  the  walls  of  the  city, 
but  they  fought  all  day  without  gaining  any  advantage. 
The  next  day,  after  new  vicissitudes,  the  crusaders  were 
finally  victorious.  Tancred  and  Godfrey,  at  two  different 
points,  were  the  first  to  enter  the  city.  They  had  still  to 
fight  their  way  through  the  streets  and  to  get  possession  of 
the  Mosque  of  Omar  where  the  Mohammedans  took  shelter. 
Blood  flowed  in  streams,  and  inside  the  mosque  it  came  up 
to  the  breasts  of  the  horses.  The  massacre  was  suspended 
for  a  while,  in  order  that  all  might  go  barefooted  and  un- 
armed and  kneel  down  at  the  holy  sepulchre  ;  but  it  began 
again  and  lasted  a  whole  week. 

The  crusaders  lost  no  time  in  organizing  their  new  con- 
quest.    Godfrey  was   unanimously  elected   King  of   Jeru- 


Chap.  XIX.]  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE.  271 

salem,  but  he  would  only  accept  the  title  of  Defender  and 

Baron  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  refusing  "  to  wear  a  crown 

^  j^r  J      of  gold  where  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God, 

Godfrey  made  p    ,  ^^ .  -'    ,     ,  .  '  I 

Baron  of  the  and  the  King  of  kmgs,  wore  a  crown  or 
cVre^.  o^rga^nil  thorns  OH  the  day  of  his  passion."  The 
zation  of  the  victory  of  Ascalon,  won  by  the  crusaders  a 
new  ing  om.  n^j-ig  later,  ovcr  an  Egyptian  army  which  had 
been  sent  to  recapture  Jerusalem,  secured  their  conquest  to 
them.  The  Mussulman  poets  mourned  :  "  How  much 
blood  has  been  shed  ;  what  blows  have  been  inflicted  on 
the  true  believers.  Their  wives  have  been  obliged  to  flee, 
hiding  their  faces.  Their  children  have  fallen  prey  to  the 
sword  of  the  victor.  For  our  fathers,  once  masters  of 
Syria,  there  is  now  no  refuge  but  the  backs  of  their  camels 
and  the  entrails  of  the  vultures."  Islamism  was  indeed 
paying  for  its  ancient  conquests.  But  the  Christians  were 
already  weary  of  so  much  hardship.  Almost  all  the  nobles 
were  in  haste  to  return  to  their  own  firesides  ;  and,  with 
Godfrey  and  Tancred,  hardly  more  than  300  knights  re- 
mained in  Jerusalem.  The  ones  who  remained,  with  tears 
in  their  eyes,  begged  those  who  departed  never  to  forget 
them,  saying  :  "  t)o  not  forget  your  brothers  whom  you 
leave  in  exile.  When  you  get  back  to  Europe,  arouse  in 
all  Christians  the  desire  to  visit  the  holy  places  which  we 
have  delivered,  and  exhort  the  warriors  to  come  and  fight 
the  infidel  nations."  But  the  enthusiasm  of  Europe  was 
chilled  when  so  few  returned  from  the  enormous  number 
that  started,  and  fifty  years  elapsed  before  another  crusade 
of  any  importance  was  undertaken  to  relieve  the  kingdom 
founded  at  Jerusalem. 

When  left  to  its  own  resources  the  little  kingdom  was 
organized  for  defense,  and  was  regularly  constituted  on  the 
principles  of  feudalism  transported,  ready-made,  into  Asia. 
It  was  regulated  by  a  code,  called  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem, 
which  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  had  drawn  up  in  French,  and 
which  gives  us  a  complete  picture  of  the  feudal  system 
which,  until  then,  had  not  been  embodied  anywhere  in 
any  great  legislative  monument.*  Fiefs  were  established, 
namely,  the  principalities  of  Edessa  and  of   Antioch,   in- 


*  The  code  called  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem  was  drawn  up  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  in  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus.  If  any  account  of  the  feudal 
usages  was  written  out  under  Godfrey,  it  has  not  been  preserved. — Ed. 


272  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

creased  later  by  the  county  of  Tripoli  and  the  marquisate 
of  Tyre  and  other  smaller  seignories* — a  strange  mixture  of 
biblical  names  and  feudal  institutions,  which  is  very  charac- 
teristic of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  which  shows  the  close  union 
of  religious  faith  with  the  military  life  of  the  times. 

The  country  was  put  under  three  jurisdictions:  the 
court  of  the  king,  that  of  the  Vicount  of  Jerusalem,  and  for 
the  natives,  the  Syrian  tribunal.  The  country  was  defended 
by  two  great  military  institutions  :  the  order  of  the  Hos- 
pitalers of  Saint  John  of  Jerusalem,  organized  upon  an 
earlier  institution,  in  iioo,  and  that  of  the  Templars, 
founded  in  1118  by  Hugh  de  Payens,  institutions  character- 
istic both  of  the  era  and  of  the  circumstances  in  which  they 
were  founded.  In  them  can  be  discerned  both  the  chival- 
rous and  the  monastic  spirit. 

The  new  state  at  first  continued  in  search  of  conquest,  as 
if  obedient  to  the  original  impulse  it  had  received.  Under 
the  two  first  successors  of  Godfrey,  Baldwin  I.  (i  loo-i  1 18), 
and  Baldwin  H.  (1118-1131},  Acre,  Cesaraea,  Ptolemais, 
Beirut,  Sidon,  and  Tyre  were  all  taken.  But  after  these 
reigns  dissensions  broke  out  and  the  decline  of  the  king- 
dom began.  The  Atabeks,  rulers  of  Mosul  and  Damascus, 
took  Edessa  and  massacred  the  inhabitants  (i  144).  This 
bloody  disaster,  which  left  Palestine  unprotected,  impelled 
Europe  to  renew  the  crusade. 

*  The  feudal  subdivisions  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  varied  greatly 
at  different  times,  and  the  relation  of  the  larger  principalities  to  it  was 
always  merely  nominal.  The  kingdom  was  scarcely  more  than  a  name^ 
—Ed. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  LAST  CRUSADES    IN  THE  EAST  ;  THEIR  RESULTS. 
(1147-1270.] 


Second  Crusade  (1147). — Jerusalem  taken  by  Saladin  ;  Third  Crusade 
(11S9). — Fourth  Crusade  (1201-1204) — Foundation  of  an  Empire  at 
Constantinople  (1204-1261). — The  last  Four  Crusades  in  the  East  ; 
the  Mongols  of  Jenghiz  Khan. — Seventh  and  Eigh;:h  Crusades 
(1248  and  1270). — Effects  of  the  Crusades. 


The  first  crusade  was  very  different  from  the  other  seven  ; 
it  affected  the  whole  of  Europe,  stirred  the  masses  to  their 
Second  Cru-  depths,  both  commoners  and  lords,  and  indi- 
sade  CII47-;  catcd  a  great  movement  in  the  field  of  senti- 
ment and  ideas.  Those  fought  in  the  two  following  centu- 
ries had  no  longer  that  character.  They  were  almost  all 
led  by  kings  who  had  stood  aloof  from  the  first,  and 
though  faith  was  still  an  inspiring  influence,  yet  it  was  often 
overruled  by  motives  of  policy.  The  spirit  of  the  second 
crusade  still  bore  a  close  resemblance  to  that  which  had 
animated  the  first  ;  it  was,  however,  no  longer  the  work  of 
the  people,  but  of  princes,  of  the  Emperor  Conrad  III.,  and 
of  the  King  of  France,  Louis  VII.,  the  last  of  whom  took 
the  cross  in  spite  of  the  prudent  counsels  of  his  minister,  the 
Abbot  Suger.  The  crusade  was  preached  in  France  and 
Germany  by  St.  Bernard  ;  but  the  zeal  had  already  cooled. 
Murmurs  of  discontent  were  heard  when  a  general  tax  war. 
levied  on  all  the  kingdom  of  France  and  on  all  conditions  of 
men,  whether  nobles,  priests,  or  peasants ;  *  at  Sens,  the  burg- 
ers killed  the  abbot  of  St.  Peter  le  Vif,  the  feudal  lord  of  a 
part  of  their  city,  because  of  a  tax  he  wished  to  impose  on 
them.  "  The  king,"  said  a  contemporary,  "  started  out  in 
the  midst  of  imprecations."  The  command  of  the  expedition 
was  offered  to  St.  Bernard  ;  but  he  remembered  the  fate  of 

*  Feudal  levies  must  be  understood  here  rather  than  a  tax  in  our  sense 
of  the  word. — Ed. 

273 


274  THE    CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Peter  the  Hermit,  and  refused.  The  Emperor  was  the  first 
to  start  with  the  Germans.  The  Greeks  of  Constantinople, 
who  hated  the  Latins  as  much  as  they  did  the  Turks,  had 
deceived  him  in  every  way,  even  selling  him  flour  mixed 
with  lime,  and  had  urged  him  to  go  over  into  Asia.  While 
Louis  was  at  a  distance  with  his  Franks,  the  Emperor 
Manuel  sent  deputies  to  meet  him.  The  feudal  lords  were 
disgusted  with  the  fulsome  flattery  of  the  Greeks,  and  in- 
terrupted them  by  saying  :  "  Do  not  tell  us  so  often  of  the 
glory,  piety,  and  wisdom  of  the  king.  He  knows  himself 
and  we  know  him.  State  briefly  what  you  wish."  What 
Manuel  wished  for  in  his  fright,  was  that  the  crusaders 
should  swear  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  him.  They  con- 
sented again,  though,  as  in  the  first  crusade,  they  let  some 
threatening  words  escape  their  lips.  The  Germans  were 
already  in  the  middle  of  Asia  Minor,  but  betrayed  by  their 
Greek  guides  they  strayed  into  the  defiles  of  the  Taurus 
and  there  fell  by  the  sword  of  the  Turk.  Conrad  came 
back  almost  alone  to  Constantinople. 

Louis,  who  had  been  warned  of  the  danger,  followed  a 
course  along  the  sea  and  secured  his  route  by  a  victory  on 
the  Meander.  But  near  Laodicea  the  country  grew  moun- 
tainous. There  the  folly  of  the  chiefs  and  the  lack  of  dis- 
cipline among  the  soldiers  brought  on  the  first  disaster. 
The  king  just  escaped  being  killed,  and  for  a  long  time  he 
fought  alone,  as  all  the  nobles  who  formed  his  body-guard 
had  been  killed.  "  Noble  flowers  of  France,"  said  one  of 
the  chroniclers,  "who  faded  away  before  they  could  bear 
fruit  beneath  the  walls  of  Damascus."  At  Attalia  it  was 
decided  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  proceed.  The  king 
and  his  chiefs  embarked  in  Greek  ships  to  accomplish  their 
pilgrimage  by  sea,  leaving  the  multitude  of  pilgrims  to 
perish  by  the  arrows  of  the  Turks,  or,  accusing  Christ  of 
having  deceived  them,  to  become  Mohammedans.  Three 
thousand  escaped  death  in  this  way. 

When  Louis  arrived  at  Antioch  he  no  longer  thought  of 
fighting,  but  only  of  accomplishing  his  pilgrim's  vow,  of 
praying  at  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  of  ending  the  unlucky 
expedition  as  soon  as  possible.  He  hurried  his  march  to 
Jerusalem,  paying  no  heed  to  the  prayers  of  the  Prince  of 
Antioch  and  the  Count  of  Tripoli,  who  wished  to  detain 
him.  The  people,  princes,  and  prelates  went  before  him, 
carrying  olive  branches  and  singing :    "  Blessed  is  he  who 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  275 

comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  !  "  He  thought  it  necessar)', 
however,  to  do  something  and  to  draw  his  sword  once  at  least 
in  the  Holy  Land.  It  was  proposed  to  attack  Damascus. 
Damascus  is  one  of  the  holy  cities  of  Islamism  and  the  pearl 
of  the  East.  It  stands  surrounded  by  great  gardens  which 
are  watered  by  the  different  branches  of  the  Barradi,  and 
which  form  a  forest  of  orange  and  lemon  trees,  cedars,  and 
trees  of  delicious  fruits.  It  is  the  capital  of  the  desert,  and 
for  Syria  either  a  bulwark  or  a  perpetual  menace,  according 
as  it  is  in  friendly  or  in  hostile  hands.  The  attack  seemed 
at  first  to  succeed  ;  they  gained  possession  of  the  gardens, 
but  the  Christian  princes  fell  to  fighting  over  the  skin  of 
the  bear  before  they  had  killed  him,  and  they  were  finally 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege  and  go  back  to  Palestine.  Conrad 
and  Louis  had  exhausted  their  patience  ;  they  returned  to 
Europe,  meeting  with  fresh  misadventures  on  their  way,  for 
the  King  of  France  fell  into  the  hands  of  Greek  pirates  and 
owed  his  deliverance  to  the  Normans  of  Sicily.  Europe 
again  welcomed  very  few  of  those  who  had  started  out. 
The  first  crusade  had  at  least  attained  its  end,  it  had 
delivered  Jerusalem  ;  the  second  had  spilt  the  blood  of 
Christians  to  no  purpose.  After  that  Palestine  was  weaker 
and  Islamism  stronger,  and  the  crusaders  brought  nothing 
back  from  their  expedition  but  shame,  or,  as  in  the  case  of 
Louis  VII.,  dishonor. 

St.  Bernard  was  deeply  afflicted  by  the  unsuccessful  result 
of  the  enterprise  he  had  advised,  and  tried  to  start  another  ; 
but  when  people  have  made  one  unfortunate  expedition 
they  do  not  soon  renew  the  attempt.  Suger  himself,  by  a 
singular  contradiction,  tried  to  organize  another  crusade 
afterwards,  but  he  died  in  the  midst  of  the  preparations. 

Nearly  half  a  century  passed  before  another  expedition 

set  out  for  the  Holy  Land  ;    the  pilgrims'   zeal  had  grown 

very  cool.     Moreover  the  advantage  gained 

taken  by \aia^    by  the  first  expedition  had   not  as  yet  been 

din  ;  third  cru-    entirely  lost :  Jerusalem  was  still  in  Christian 

sadeCiiSg).  ijt-,^-  ^r  i  r 

hands.  But  m  1171  a  Mussulman  of  great 
genius,  named  Saladin,  took  Egypt  from  the  Fatimites,  and 
soon  after  obtained  possession  of  the  dominions  of  his  former 
sovereign  Noureddin,  in  Syria.  Under  him  a  great  Mussul- 
man power  grew  up  which  covered  all  the  country  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  Nile  and  shut  in  the  Christians  of  the 
East  on  all   sides.     The  latter  were  overwhelmed  at  the 


276  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

battle  of  Tiberias,  where  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  Guy  de 
Lusignan,  was  taken  prisoner.  Even  the  Holy  City  fell. 
Great  blows  like  this  alone  could  rouse  Europe.  The  Pope 
begged  for  a  crusade,  and  laid  a  tax,  the  Saladin  tithe,  on 
all  lands,  even  those  belonging  to  the  Church.  The  three 
most  powerful  Christian  monarchs  set  out :  Frederick  Bar- 
barossa,  Philip  Augustus,  and  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion 
(1189). 

Barbarossa  entered  Asia  by  way  of  Hungary  and  Con- 
stantinople. His  journey  was  similar  in  all  respects  to  those 
of  the  preceding  crusaders.  The  troubles  with  the  Greek 
emperors  were  repeated,  disguised  as  before  by  hypocritical 
ceremonies.  It  seemed  as  if  the  German  army,  which  was 
well  supplied  with  money  and  well  equipped,  would  arrive 
at  the  end  of  the  journey  in  much  better  condition  than  had 
been  the  fate  of  any  previous  army,  in  spite  of  meeting  the 
same  difficulties  in  Asia  Minor.  But  a  most  unlooked-for 
event  changed  the  course  of  affairs.  While  crossing  the 
mountains  of  Cilicia  on  a  hot  June  day,  the  Emperor  wished 
to  shorten  the  route  and  refresh  himself  by  swimming 
across  a  little  river  called  the  Selph  or  Calycadnus.  The 
ice-cold  water  was  fatal  to  him.  Mohammedans  saw  the 
finger  of  God  in  his  death.  "  Frederick  was  drowned," 
they  said,  *'  in  a  place  where  the  water  was  only  waist  deep, 
which  proves  that  God  wished  to  deliver  us  from  his  hands." 
His  army,  crushed  by  this  blow,  broke  up  or  perished,  leav- 
ing, out  of  the  100,000  Germans  who  had  started,  only  5000 
to  reach  the  Holy  Land,  where  the  kings  of  France  and 
of  England,  Philip  Augustus  and  Richard,  arrived  the  next 
year.  Richard  had  arranged  to  start  out  with  Philip  Aug- 
ustus, whose  fast  friend  he  had  been  so  long  as  his  father 
lived.  They  started  by  sea — a  new  route.  Philip  em- 
barked at  Genoa,  Richard  at  Marseilles,  and  putting  into 
Sicily,  they  spent  the  winter  there.  They  were  friends 
when  they  arrived  on  the  island,  enemies  when  they  left. 
A  little  more  and  they  would  have  come  to  blows.  Their 
misunderstanding  doomed  the  crusade  to  failure  from  the 
first. 

Philip  was  the  first  to  arrive.  He  found  Ptolemais  be- 
sieged by  Guy  de  Lusignan  and  the  remains  of  the  German 
army.  He  courteously  refused  to  do  anything  before 
Richard's  arrival.  The  latter  had  been  detained  on  his 
way  to  seize  and  to  bind,  as  it  was  said,  with  silver  chains, 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  277 

Isaac  Comnenus,  who  had  styled  himself  Emperor  of  Cyprus, 
and  who  had  had  the  audacity  to  shut  his  gates  against  the 
crusaders.  By  the  time  he  reached  Palestine,  Saladin  had 
been  able  to  reassemble  his  forces.  Ptolemais,  valiantly  de- 
fended, resisted  for  more  than  two  years  ;  nine  battles  were 
fought  before  her  walls.  But  it  is  remarkable  to  see  what 
changes  the  relations  between  the  Christian  and  the  Mussul- 
mans had  undergone  since  the  first  crusade.  The  frequent 
intercourse  between  Christians  and  infidels  had  weakened 
the  force  of  fanaticism  on  both  sides.  "  We  are  not  without 
religion,"  said  the  Mohammedans,  begging  for  life  on  their 
knees,  "  and  we  are  descended  from  Abraham,  and  we  call 
ourselves  Saracens  after  his  wife  Sara."  The  fierce  hatred 
of  former  days  had  given  way  to  a  sort  of  chivalrous  cour- 
tesy among  the  chieftains.  Saladin  sent  fruits  from  Da- 
mascus to  the  Christians  and  they  sent  him  jewels  from 
Europe.  The  opposed  camps  began  to  entertain  respect 
for  one  another,  but  on  the  field  of  battle  their  desire  for 
blood  returned,  and  great  cruelty  was  still  shown  toward 
the  conquered.  Richard  is  said  on  one  day  to  have  had 
2700  prisoners  put  to  death. 

The  want  of  harmony  between  the  kings  of  France  and 
England  had  retarded  the  capture  of  Ptolemais  (1191),  and 
finally  caused  the  departure  of  Philip  Augustus.  Richard 
remained  in  Palestine  to  wage  a  useless  war.  His  pride 
estranged  the  leading  crusaders  and  many  of  them  left 
him  on  that  account.  He  himself  finally  left  Palestine, 
having  been  warned  that  his  brother  John  was  plotting 
against  him.  He  had  but  seen  the  Holy  City  from  afar,  and 
he  sighed  as  he  left  it  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels.  He  was 
able,  however,  to  obtain  an  entrance  into  the  city  for  pil- 
grims, and  to  make  amends  to  Guy  de  Lusignan,  by 
giving  him  the  island  of  Cyprus  for  a  kingdom.  On  his 
return  he  was  driven  by  storm  upon  the  coasts  of  Dalmatia  ; 
Leopold,  the  duke  of  Austria,  who  was  his  personal  enemv. 
seized  him  and  sold  him  to  Emperor  Henry  VI.,  who  did 
not  set  him  at  liberty  until  he  had  secured  an  enormous 
ransom.* 

The  fourth  crusade  was  an  enterprise  of  a  peculiar  char- 


*  Richard's  imprisonment  in  Germany  is  to  be  accounted  for  on  po- 
litical grounds.  He  was  brother-in-law  of  Henry  the  Liou,  and  in  close 
alliance  with  the  Cuelfs, — Ed. 


i?7S  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

acter.     After  the  unsuccessful  result  of  the  third,  Jerusalem 

was  forgotten,  and   instead  of  pious  expedi- 

sade"(i2oi-i204")"    tioHs,  wc  hear  only  of  wars  between  Christian 

Foundation  ofa     kings  and  peoples.     England,  Germany,  and 

Frank     Empire       -r^     '='  u    ^    i    ..    i  ,.    a     ■     \\,    ■       a       ■ 

at  constan-  France,  but  lately  united  m  their  desire  to 
1261?^'°^"°'*  deliver  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  were  now  taking 
up  arms  against  each  other ;  the  Emperor 
Otto  IV.  was  excommunicated,  Philip  Augustus  had  been, 
and  John  was  soon  to  be,  and  they  naturally  thought  little 
about  the  Holy  Land.  The  great  Pope  Innocent  HI.  wished 
to  recall  it  to  their  minds.  He  had  a  crusade  preached, 
promising  remission  of  all  their  sins  to  those  who  would 
serve  God  for  a  year.  Fulk,  a  priest  of  Neuilly-sur-Marne, 
was  the  one  to  preach  this  crusade.  He  went  to  a  tourna- 
ment held  in  Champagne,  and  his  burning  words  inspired 
all  the  princes  and  knights  assembled  there  to  take  the 
cross.  The  kings  stood  aloof,  as  they  did  the  first  time, 
and  the  people  did  also.  Chivalry  alone  entered  the  lists 
more  to  indulge  iu  feats  of  arms  than  from  ardent  piety,  as 
was  clearly  shown  by  the  character  of  this  crusade.  It  was 
a  great  piratical  expedition  and  nothing  else.  Baldwin  IX; 
Count  of  Flanders,  and  Boniface  II.,  Count  of  Montferrat, 
were  at  its  head.  As  it  had  been  proved  that  the  route  by 
sea  was  much  to  be  preferred  to  that  by  land,  the  crusaders 
went  to  Venice  to  demand  ships. 

Venice  was  then  the  Queen  of  the  Adriatic.  The  in- 
habitants had  been  driven  by  Attila's  invasions  from  the 
main  land  to  the  islands  in  the  lagunes,  and  had  found 
safety  and  prosperity  in  that  situation,  which  is  alone  of  its 
kind  in  the  world. 

Not  one  of  the  ruling  powers  which  had  passed  over  Italy 
had  been  able  to  touch  them.  Their  commerce  was  ex- 
tensive ;  the  islands  and  coasts  of  Istria  and  Illyria  had 
recognized  their  supremacy.  They  seconded  the  crusades 
partly  from  rehgious  conviction,  and  partly  from  a  spirit  of 
gain.  The  Mussulmans  and  the  Greeks  were  their  rivals 
in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Mediterranean.  They  con- 
sidered it  a  good  opportunity  to  dispossess  them.  The 
interested  services  which  they  rendered  to  the  crusaders 
procured  for  them  in  1130  the  privilege  of  establishing  a 
(juartcr  exclusively  to  themselves  in  each  town  of  the  new 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  At  the  same  time  they  took  pos- 
session of  the  Greek  islands  of  Rhodes,  Samos,  Scio,  Lesbos 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  279 

and  Andros.  In  Venice  the  interview  between  the  Pope 
Alexander  III.  and  Frederick  Barbarossa,  in  1177,  took  place 
after  a  victory  gained  by  the  doge  over  the  imperial  fleet. 
A  slab  of  red  porphyry  still  marks  the  place  in  the  vestibule 
of  St.  Mark,  to  the  right  of  the  door  of  entrance,  where  the 
reconciliation  was  effected,  which  restored  peace  to  Italy. 
In  memory  of  that  great  event  and  of  his  last  victory, 
Alexander  III.,  gave  the  chief  of  Venice  that  ring  which  the 
doge  threw  into  the  sea  as  a  token  of  marriage  with  the 
Adriatic,  and  after  that,  he  repeated  this  ambitious  betrothal 
every  year  with  a  pomp  that  exalted  the  pride  and  patriot- 
ism of  the  Venetians.  Four  years  before,  Venice  had  made 
the  ofifice  of  doge  elective,  and  with  its  great  council  had 
organized  the  aristocratic  government  which  created  its 
greatness. 

Such  was  Venice  when  the  crusaders  appeared.  God- 
frey of  Villehardouin,  seneschal  of  the  Count  of  Champagne, 
himself  gives  an  account  of  the  embassy  in  which  he  took 
part.  It  was  a  strange  sight  to  see  those  feudal  lords 
obliged  humbly  to  request  a  favor  of  the  people.  "We  will 
grant  it,  we  will  grant  it,"  cried  the  sovereign  people.  The 
mercantile  and  maritime  city  of  Venice  could  not  do  other- 
wise than  make  so  great  a  service  a  matter  of  business, 
and  demanded  eighty-five  thousand  marks  of  silver,  which 
would  be  worth  to-day  more  than  $800,000,  but  whose 
purchasing  power  was  even  more  at  that  day.  Knights  did 
not  handle  such  sums  of  money.  The  Venetians  consented 
to  receive  in  payment,  instead  of  money,  a  hostile  town 
which  the  crusaders  should  capture  for  them.  They  had 
recently  taken  away  from  the  Greeks  the  principal  towns 
on  the  Dalmatian  coast,  Spalato,  Ragusa,  and  Sebenico. 
In  order  to  control  these  shores  and  the  Adriatic,  they 
needed  one  more  town,  namely,  Zara,  which  was  held  by 
the  King  of  Hungary.  Innocent  III.  hurled  his  anathe- 
mas at  them  for  turning  aside  from  the  crusade  in  this 
manner,  but  in  vain  ;  the  Venetians  would  have  Zara  ; 
their  doge,  Dandolo,  ninety  years  of  age,  had  himself  taken 
the  cross  (1202). 

Now  that  the  first  account  had  been  settled  they  were 
ready  to  start.  But  where  should  they  go,  was  the  ques- 
tion. The  experiences  of  the  two  last  crusades  had  shown 
that  a  point  of  support  would  be  necessary  in  order  suc- 
cessfully  to   carry  on  their   operations    in  Palestine ;  and 


28o  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

that  point  of  support  ought  to  be  either  Egypt  or  the 
Greelc  Empire.  The  Venetians  persuaded  their  allies  that 
Cairo  or  Constantinople  was  the  key  to  Jerusalem.  There 
was  some  truth  in  this  idea,  but  the  main  point  with  them 
was  commercial  interest.  The  acquisition  of  Cairo  would 
put  the  route  to  Judea  in  the  hands  of  the  Venetian  mer- 
chants ;  Con.stantinople  would  secure  to  them  the  commerce 
of  the  Black  Sea  and  all  the  Archipelago.  They  decided 
on  Constantinople,  whither  a  young  Greek  prince,  Alexis  by 
name,  offered  to  conduct  them,  provided  they  would  restore 
his  father,  Isaac  Angelus,  to  the  throne  from  which  he  had 
been  driven  (1203.*) 

When  the  French  came  in  sight  of  Constantinople  and 
saw  the  high  walls,  the  innumerable  churches  whose  gilded 
domes  glistened  in  the  sunlight,  and  when  their  eyes  had 
traveled,  said  Villehardouin,  "  over  the  length  and  breadth 
of  that  city  which  was  sovereign  over  all  others,  you  can 
well  imagine  that  there  was  no  heart  so  bold  that  it  did  not 
tremble,  ....  and  each  one  looked  at  his  weapons,  which 
he  would  need  to  use."  A  magnificent  army  of  60,000  men 
was  drawn  up  on  the  shore.  The  crusaders  looked  forward 
to  a  terrible  battle.  They  were  landed,  fully  equipped,  in 
boats.  Even  before  they  touched  the  shore  "  the  knights 
left  the  ships  and  jumped  into  the  sea  up  to  their  waists, 
all  armed,  their  helmets  laced,  sword  in  hand,  and  the  brave 
archers  and  the  brave  cross-bowmen  with  them.  And  the 
Greeks  made  a  great  show  of  holding  them  back.  But 
when  it  came  to  lowering  the  lances,  the  Greeks  turned 
their  backs  and  fled,  leaving  to  them  the  shore.  And  never 
more  proudly  was  anything  taken."  On  July  18  (1203) 
the  city  was  carried  by  assault,  and  the  old  Emperor  was 
drawn  from  his  hiding-place  and  restored  to  the  throne. 
Alexis  had  made  the  crusaders  the  most  splendid  promises, 
and,  in  order  to  keep  his  word,  laid  new  taxes  on  the  en- 
feebled people,  driving  them  to  such  a  point  of  exaspera- 
tion that  they  strangled  the  Emperor,  put  another  man, 
Murzuflus,  in  his  place,  and  shut  the  gates  of  the  town. 
The  crusaders  attacked   it   immediately.     Three  days  suf- 


*  There  is  somethinjj  of  an  exaggeration  here  of  the  policy  of  the 
Venetians.  It  is  possible  that  they  had  intended  to  divert  the  crusade  to 
Constantinople  before  I'rince  Alexis  came  to  seek  aid  for  his  father  in  tbc 
West,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  they  had. — Eu, 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  281 

ficed  them  to  force  an  entrance  (March  12);  and  this  time 
they  sacked  the  city.  They  burned  one  whole  quarter,  a 
square  league  in  extent.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  many 
great  works  of  art  perished  in  the  flames  ;  400,000  marks 
of  silver  were  brought  together  into  one  church  to  be  dis- 
tributed. 

A  partition  of  the  empire  itself  followed.  Baldwin  IX., 
Count  of  Flanders,  was  chosen  Emperor  of  Romania,  as  they 
named  it.  He  carried  the  election  over  the  heads  of  his 
competitors,  Dandolo  and  Boniface  of  Montferrat.  The 
Venetians  did  not  insist  upon  seeing  their  doge  on  the 
imperial  throne.  They  took  what  suited  them  better,  one 
of  the  quarters  of  Constantinople  with  the  coasts  of  the 
Bosphorus  and  the  Propontis,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
islands,  Crete,  etc.,  styling  themselves  lords  of  a  quarter 
and  a  half  of  the  Greek  Empire.  The  Marquis  of  Mont- 
ferrat was  made  King  of  Thessalonica,  Villehardouin  Mar- 
shal of  Romania,  and  his  nephew  Prince  of  Achaia.  The 
Count  of  Blois  had  the  Asiatic  provinces.  There  were 
dukes  of  Athens  and  of  Naxos,  counts  of  Cephalonia,  a 
lord  of  Thebes  and  of  Corinth.  A  new  France  sprang  up, 
with  its  feudal  customs,  at  the  extremity  of  Europe.  INIem- 
bers  of  the  family  of  the  Comneni,  however,  retained  a  few 
fragments  which  they  made  into  the  principalities  of  Trebi- 
zond,  Napoli  d'Argolide,  Epirus,  and  Nicaea.  The  crusa- 
ders were  too  few  in  number  to  be  able  to  keep  their 
conquest  long.  In  1261  the  Latin  Empire  was  broken  up. 
Yet  even  till  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  until  the 
conquest  by  the  Turks,  in  certain  parts  of  Greece  there 
remained  relics  of  those  feudal  principalities  which  had  been 
so  strangely  founded  on  the  old  ground  of  Miltiades  and 
Leonidas  by  the  French  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

But  meantime  there  was  always  a  body  of  Christians  in 

Palestine   who   did    not    cease  to    call  upon  their  western 

brethren  for  help.     When  the  barons  of  the 

The  last  four     Holv  Land  wcre  without  a  king,  in  i2i7,they 

Crusades  in  the  .    ^  ,  ="''•' 

East;  theMon-  oftcred  the  crowu,  not  to  any  powerful  Euro- 
^°hanf  ■^^"^^'^'  pean  sovereign  who  would  pay  them  no  atten- 
tion, but  to  a  knight  who  was  as  valiant  as  he 
was  poor,  to  John  of  Brienne,  whose  whole  army  of  crusaders 
numbered  but  three  hundred  knights.  Germany  had  no 
thought  but  for  the  struggle  between  Otto  of  Brunswick 
and  Philip  of  Swabia  ;  France,  but  for  the  war  with  the 


282  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Albigenses.  England  was  under  an  interdict.  Andrew  II., 
King  of  Hungary,  conducted  the  fifth  crusade  ;  but  it  had 
no  lasting  results.  Nevertheless  John  of  Brienne  gained 
enough  strength  from  it  to  begin  the  conquest  of  Egypt 
from  Melik-el-Kamel,  a  nephew  of  Saladin,  who  was  reign- 
ing at  Cairo.  Damietta  was  about  to  fall  when  the  Sultan 
offered  if  the  Christians  would  abandon  it  to  give  up  to 
them  Jerusalem  and  all  of  Palestine  ;  the  legate  haughtily 
rejected  these  advantageous  propositions,  believing  that  he 
could  conquer  Egypt  himself,  and  Damietta  was  soon 
taken.  But  when  the  Nile  overflowed  and  surrounded  the 
Christians  they  were  glad  to  be  able  to  withdraw  and  aban- 
don Damietta  (1221). 

The  sixth  crusade  was  more  successful  than  its  predeces- 
sors. The  Emperor  Frederick  II.,  who  had  finally  decided 
to  set  out  after  many  delays,  accomplished  with  one  stroke 
of  his  pen  what  the  sword  of  Coeur  de  Lion  had  not  been 
able  to  do.  Profiting  by  the  terror  which  the  approach  of 
Tartar  hordes  from  the  east  inspired  in  Melik-el-Kamel,  he 
obtained  from  him  a  truce  for  ten  years,  and  the  restitution 
to  the  Christians  of  the  Holy  City,  together  with  Bethle- 
hem, Nazareth,  and  Sidon  ;  he  then  crowned  himself  King 
of  Jerusalem  (1229). 

An  unsuspected  enemy  appeared  at  this  stage  of  affairs, 
inspiring  terror  both  in  Mussulman  Asia  and  Christian  Eu- 
rope. An  invasion  of  the  Tartar  Mongols,  similar  to  the 
Hunnic  invasion  of  the  fourth  century  which  cast  Barba- 
rian Europe  upon  Roman  Europe,  and  coming  from  the 
same  direction,  suddenly  burst  forth  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. The  Mongol  hordes  were  leading  idle  lives,  scattered 
about  the  steppes  of  Southern  Asia,  some  of  them  even 
tributary  to  the  Chinese  Empire,  when  Temudgin,  chief  of 
one  of  the  tribes,  brought  them  all  under  his  authority 
(1203),  and  resolved  to  lead  them  to  the  conquest  of  the 
world.  Those  nomad  communities  are  easily  put  in  motion  ; 
the  horses,  flocks,  and  houses  can  all  be  transported  without 
difficulty.  Their  houses  were  chariots  or  large  cabins  on 
wheels,  drawn  by  long  lines  of  oxen.  This  comprised  the 
whole  of  the  movable  household  of  the  Tartar  ;  he  himself 
was  on  horseback  night  and  day,  awake  or  asleep.  His 
food  consisted  of  a  small  piece  of  meat  made  tender  by 
being  carried  between  the  saddle  and  the  back  of  his  horse, 
or  of  milk  and  curds.     He  feared  neither  fatigue  nur  priva- 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  283 

tion,  and  yielded  to  his  chiefs  with  passive  obedience.  In 
common  with  all  the  Mongolian  race  he  scarcely  had  a 
religion,  but  he  was  proud  and  inordinately  ambitious  for 
his  nation,  counting  on  obtaining  the  empire  of  the  world, 
and  looking  upon  his  Khan  as  the  king  of  the  earth,  a  divine 
being,  as  it  were.  As  cavalry  they  were  irresistible,  full  of 
cunning  as  well  as  cruelty. 

Temudgin,  surnamed  Jenghiz-Khan  (chief  of  the  chiefs), 
led  on  his  hordes  to  the  east  and  the  west.  He  subdued 
China,  the  Huns  of  Kharesm,  Khorasan,  and  Persia,  and 
sent  his  son,  Tchutchi,  to  invade  Europe.  The  latter  gave 
battle  to  the  Russians  at  Kolka  (1223),  where  six  of  their 
princes  perished.  Jenghiz-Khan  died  in  1227  after  creat- 
ing an  empire  which  stretched  from  the  Crimea  to  Pekin. 
His  four  sons  continued  to  extend  its  limits.  His  grand- 
son Batu  marched  against  the  Russians.  He  annihilated 
their  armies,  took  INIoscow  (1237),  and  advanced  as  far  as 
Novgorod.  The  grand-duchy  of  Kief  went  out  of  exist- 
ence (1239) ;  that  of  Vladimir  preserved  its  existence  by 
paying  tribute.  Leaving  Russia,  the  Mongols  attacked  and 
conquered  Poland  ;  after  Poland,  Silesia  and  Moravia, 
which  they  laid  waste.  Then  they  fell  upon  Hungary,  sur- 
prised and  destroyed  the  army  which  opposed  them,  and 
finally  crossed  the  Danube,  ravaging  on  every  side.  Eu- 
rope was  terrified  and  prayed  God  to  remove  the  scourge, 
fearing  lest  it  should  see  its  religion  and  civilization  perish. 
An  embassy  from  the  Pope  to  the  pitiless  conquerors  brought 
back  for  sole  answer  the  order  to  pay  tribute.  It  was  time 
for  them  to  cross  themselves  ;  no  one  took  up  arms  ;  the 
Emperor  Frederick  II.  alone  took  energetic  steps  to  resist 
them.  He  sent  his  two  sons  Conrad  and  Enzio  with  large 
forces  to  meet  the  Mongols,  one  of  whose  divisions  they  cut 
in  pieces,  and  the  barbarians  withdrew,  either  out  of  discour- 
agement or  for  some  different  reason  ;  Russia  alone  re- 
mained in  their  power. 

In  western  Asia  Hulagu  took  possession  of  Bagdad 
(1258),  where  he  put  to  death  the  Caliph  Motassem,  who 
had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  conquered  everything  in  his 
path  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Egypt. 

The  result  of  this  invasion  was  the  final  loss  of  Jerusalem 
to  the  Christians.  The  Turcomans  of  Kharesm,  who  were 
flying  before  the  Mongols,  threw  themselves  upon  Syria, 
laid  waste  everything  there  with  fire  and  with  sword,  and 


284  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

after  the  victory  at  Gaza,  won  from  a  last  army  of  Frankish 
crusaders  (1239),  they  took  possession  of  the  Holy  City  and 
handed  it  over  to  the  Sultan  of  Egypt. 

When  the  Pope  heard  of  the  cruelties  committed  by  these 
fierce  hordes,  he  called  the  faithful  once  more  to  arms. 
But  Europe  was  no  longer  moved  by  the 
e  ?rh  t  h*  Qxt  spirit  of  the  crusades.  It  could  only  find 
sades  (1248-  response  in  the  heart  of  a  king  who  was  full 
"  of  piety,  namely,  St.  Louis.     During  a  sick- 

ness in  which  he  just  escaped  death,  he  made  a  vow  to  go 
to  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem,  and  in  spite  of  the  prayers 
of  all  his  court,  even  of  his  pious  mother,  Blanche  of  Castile, 
he  embarked  at  Aigues-Mortes,  after  four  years  spent  \r>. 
preparation,  with  a  powerful  and  chivalrous  army  ;  his  wife, 
Marguerite  of  Provence,  wished  to  accompany  him  (1248). 
The  voyage  was  prosperous,  and  they  wintered  in  Cyprus. 
The  Crusaders  had  conceived  the  remarkable  idea  of  attack- 
ing the  Saracens  at  the  heart  of  their  empire,  in  Egypt : 
they  even  intended  to  found  a  colony  there,  and  had  the 
novel  foresight  to  take  with  them  a  great  quantity  of  agri- 
cultural implements. 

In  the  spring  the  fleet  set  sail,  and  was  soon  in  sight  of 
Damietta.  All  the  forces  of  the  Sultan  were  drawn  up  on 
the  shore.  St.  Louis  was  one  of  the  first  to  throw  himself 
into  the  sea,  and  was  followed  by  his  army,  giving  the 
French  cry,  "  Montjoie,  Saint  Denis  !  "  which  had  taken  the 
place  of  "  Dieu  le  veut  !  "  After  a  hard  fight  the  crusaders 
conquered  and  entered  the  city,  which  the  Mohammedans 
fired  before  they  abandoned  it. 

The  Knights  Templar  and  the  Knights  of  St.  John  had 
come  to  join  them  ;  a  magnificent  prospect  lay  before  them, 
the  Mohammedans  were  terrified.  But  they  lost  everything 
by  delay.  The  army  felt  the  effects  of  the  Eastern  climate 
and  gave  themselves  up  to  debauchery ;  there  followed 
sickness  and  the  pest  which  is  peculiar  to  the  Delta.  The 
chiefs  disputed  over  the  booty  which  had  escaped  the  flames 
of  Damietta.  St.  Louis  could  no  longer  quell  the  insubor- 
dination of  his  barons  :  "  You  are  no  King  at  all,"  said  the 
liarl  of  Salisbury,  who  had  been  offended  by  Robert  d'Artois, 
"since  you  cannot  enforce  justice."  When  they  put  them- 
selves in  motion  again,  the  army  was  no  longer  capable  of 
conquering.  The  canal  of  Aschmun  stopped  the  crusaders 
for  a  month.     Finally  they  found  a  ford  ;  Robert  d'Artois 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  285 

was  the  first  to  cross  it ;  he  was  young  and  impetuous  and 
did  not  know  the  value  of  waiting.  Instead  of  stopping  to 
give  the  whole  army  time  to  join  him,  he  rushed  in  pursuit 
of  the  Saracens  who  were  flying  before  him,  and  dashed  into 
the  village  of  Mansurah  ;  there  he  saw  himself  shut  in  and 
in  spite  of  a  brave  defense  perished  with  all  his  troops. 
The  army  avenged  his  death  by  taking  the  camp  of  the 
enemy.  But  after  this  exploit  they  found  it  impossible  to 
go  farther  ;  famine  and  the  pest  increased  their  ravages, 
the  king  himself  could  not  hold  out.  His  patience  and 
courage  could  do  no  more  than  afford  an  admirable  but 
useless  example.  A  retreat  was  necessary  ;  the  sick  were 
embarked  on  the  Nile.  The  crusaders  suffered  enormous 
losses  at  the  hands  of  the  Saracens  ;  30,000  perished.  What 
remained  of  them  fell  at  last  into  the  hands  of  the  infidels, 
including  the  king  himself.  The  enemy  were  so  moved  by 
his  goodness  that  they  spared  his  life  ;  but  they  exacted  as 
a  ransom  the  restitution  of  Damietta,  and  a  million  pieces 
of  gold  [about  two  miliion  dollars].  This  treaty,  arranged 
by  Turan-shah,  was  signed  by  another  sovereign  ;  the  Mam- 
elukes, who,  since  the  time  of  Saladin,  had  formed  the  guard 
of  the  sultans  of  Cairo,  had  killed  him  and  put  Eibek  in  his 
place  ;  it  was  then  that  the  domination  of  this  race  began, 
and  it  lasted  until  Bonaparte's  campaign  in  Egypt. 

St.  Louis  departed  sadly  with  6000  men.  But  he  wished 
at  least  to  touch  the  Holy  Land.  He  accordingly  stayed 
there  for  four  years,  occupied  in  building  fortresses,  redeem- 
ing captives,  and  negotiating  with  the  Mongols  and  with  the 
Old  Alan  of  the  Mountain,  chief  of  the  terrible  sect  of  the 
Assassins  (from  haschisch,  a  liquor  given  them  by  their 
chief  to  intoxicate  them).  The  death  of  Queen  Blanche 
and  the  revolt  of  the  "  Pastoureaux"  called  him  back  to 
France  (1254).  These  distant  expeditions  were  condemned 
in  decided  language.  "He  is  very  foolish,"  wrote  Join- 
ville,  "  who,  having  some  sin  upon  his  soul,  puts  himself 
into  such  danger." 

Nevertheless  St.  Louis,  indefatigable  in  his  piety,  tried 
another  crusade  sixteen  years  later,  the  last  of  all.  He 
embarked  again  at  Aigues-Mortes  in  1270,  but  was  not 
bound  for  the  Holy  Land.  His  brother,  Charles  of  Anjou, 
who,  in  the  interests  of  his  kingdom  of  Sicily,  desired  an 
expedition  to  go  out  against  the  King  of  Tunis,  persuaded 
him   that  he  ought  to   attack  the  Mohammedans  at  that 


286  THE  CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

place.  Disaster  again  followed  them  ;  they  found  famine 
and  the  pest  lying  in  wait  for  them  beneath  the  walls  of 
Tunis.  St.  Louis  died,  showing  that  Christian  resignation 
which  had  lent  such  beauty  to  his  character.  The  princes 
who  had  accompanied  him  were  bribed  to  retreat ;  Charles 
of  Anjou  was  paid  the  tribute  due  to  him,  and  there  the 
crusades  ended  forever. 

France  was  prominent  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end  of 

the  series  of  great  expeditions  led  by  Europeans  against 

Asia.      In  the  middle,   too,  and   when  they 

Resuitsofthe     turned  aside  from  their  pious  object,  France 

Crusades.  .  ^  ^,      '  . 

was  still  conspicuous,  for  then  a  Fleming,  or, 
in  other  words,  a  Frenchman,  was  on  the  throne  of  Con- 
stantinople. The  country  was  a  leading  participant  in  all 
but  the  less  important  expeditions.  The  name  of  Frank 
had  an  ominous  sound  in  the  ears  of  the  Orientals  ;  they 
used  it  to  designate  all  the  West,  and  it  inspired  them  with 
terror.  They  could  conceive  of  nothing  greater  than  the 
boldness  and  valor  of  that  people.  Even  in  our  time  they 
say  :  "  The  Franks  are  demons  who  can  do  everything  by 
the  power  of  God." 

We  cannot  help  lamenting  that  so  much  b'lood  should 
have  been  spilled.  No  other  wars  have  ever  caused  such 
loss  of  life.  If  all  who  perished  in  the  Crusades  could  rise 
from  the  grave  they  would  be  numerous  enough  to  people 
a  large  country.  But  since  the  cost  of  all  progress  is 
measured  by  its  importance,  it  will  be  granted  that  the 
progress  resulting  from  those  great  movements  was  not  too 
dearly  bought. 

Asia  apparently  triumphed.  Palestine  remained  in  the 
hands  of  Mohammedans  after  they  had  completely  con- 
quered it  in  1291,  and  their  historian  could  say  with  pride  : 
"  If  it  please  God,  things  will  remain  as  they  are  until  the 
last  judgment."  But  the  possession  of  Palestine  was  not 
the  greatest  benefit  which  Europe  could  gain  by  the  Cru- 
sades. What  was  of  real  importance  to  her,  as  well  as  to 
Asia,  was  the  bringing  together  of  these  two  parts  of  the 
world,  the  contact  and,  up  to  a  certain  point,  the  mingling 
of  the  two  differing  civilizations  ;  the  enlargement  of  ideas, 
the  intercommunication  of  knowledge,  the  exchange  of 
products  ;  in  one  word,  a  great  step  was  made  toward 
unity  in  the  life  of  the  world,  the  greatest  step,  most  cer- 
tainly, since  the  time  of  Alexander  and  the  Roman  Empire. 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  287 

What  changes  took  place  even  in  the  countries  whence 
the  crusaders  started,  and  in  the  minds  of  those  men  and 
their  contemporaries  !  Before  that  time  they  had  Hved 
separated  and  hostile  lives  ;  the  Crusades  did  away  with 
isolation  and  division  to  a  great  extent.  On  the  perilous 
voyage,  crossing  the  distant  countries,  and  in  the  midst  of 
people  of  another  religion,  the  Crusaders  acknowledged 
their  brotherhood  in  Jesus  Christ.  The  division  of  the 
immense  army  into  corps  according  to  nations  brought  the 
men  of  one  country  to  consider  themselves  children  of  the 
same  fatherland.  The  Frenchman  from  the  north  drew 
near  to  the  Frenchman  from  the  south.  The  feeling  of 
national  fraternity,  which  had  been  lost  to  France  since  the 
days  of  Rome,  though  felt  for  a  short  moment  under  Char- 
lemagne, was  found  again  on  the  road  to  Jerusalem  ;  and 
the  troubadours  and  trouveres  began  to  sing,  at  least  for  the 
barons  and  knights,  the  doux-pays  of  France  !  * 

At  Clermont,  Urban  II.  had  not  preached  the  crusade 
solely  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  for  it 
was  also  his  intention  to  put  an  end  to  the  scourge  of  private 
warfare.  "  There  was  a  great  silence,"  said  Guibert  of 
Nogent,  over  all  Christendom  deep  in  meditation.  A  silence 
of  arms  and  of  evil  passions,  which,  unfortunately,  did  not 
last  long,  but  which  gave  the  world  some  respite  and 
encouraged  the  growth  of  two  new  forces,  both  needing 
peace  for  their  development — namely,  the  royal  power  and 
the  middle  class,  of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter. 

The  great  expeditions  which  renewed  the  ties  between 
Christian  nations,  and  connected  Europe  with  Asia,  opened 
once  more  the  paths  of  commerce,  closed  since  the  time  of 
the  invasions.  The  East  was  again  accessible  to  the  mer- 
chants of  the  West,  manufactures  started  up  again  to  furnish 
the  arms,  trappings,  and  clothes  needed  by  so  many  men. 
This  movement,  once  begun,  did  not  again  die  out.  The 
number  of  artisans  multiplied  like  the  merchants,  and  little 
by  little  great  sums  of  money  accumulated  in  their  hands. 
A  new  element  of  power,  which  had  passed  out  of  knowl- 

*  De  plusieurs  choses  a  remembrer  li  prist.  .  .  . 

De  dulce  France,  des  humes  de  sun  lign. 
— Chanson  de  Roland,  edited  by  Genin,  canto  iii.,  verse  q4I. 

He  began  to  think  of  many  things, 

Of  sweet  France  and  of  the  men  of  his  lineage. 


288  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

edge,  was  then  revived  ;  namely,  personal  wealth,  opposed 
to  wealth  in  land,  which  will  show  continued  growth  from 
this  time,  and  by  the  side  of  the  nobles,  the  masters  of  the 
soil,  will  appear  the  commoners  grown  to  be  masters  of 
gold  through  manual  labor  and  intelligence. 

Certain  institutions  or  new  customs  were  directly  caused 
by  the  crusades.  In  the  confusion  produced  by  the 
great  gatherings  of  men  some  distinguishing  marks  were 
necessary.  They  invented  or  increased  the  use  of  coats 
of  arms,  which  consisted  of  various  emblems  upon  the 
shields  of  warriors  of  distinction,  or  their  armor  or  banner, 
and  which  passed  from  father  to  son  after  the  thirteenth 
century.  These  armorial  bearings  grew  into  a  complicated 
language,  which  formed  the  science  of  Heraldry.  Family 
names  also  began  to  make  their  appearance  at  this  time. 
To  the  baptismal  names,  almost  the  only  ones  used  up  to  that 
time,  and  which  were  few  in  number,  many  people  having 
the  same,  was  now  added  a  territorial  name  to  distinguish 
the  different  families.  This  name  was  hereditary  and  com- 
mon to  all  the  members  of  one  and  the  same  house,  while 
the  baptismal  name  was  personal  and  died  with  its  bearer. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  crusades  brought 
about  the  creation  of  the  military  orders  of  the  Holy  Land. 
To  the  same  cause,  or  rather  to  the  religious  movement  of 
which  the  crusades  themselves  were  a  consequence,  is  due 
the  creation  of  new  religious  orders  in  Europe,  and  the 
mendicant  monks  may  be  placed  side  by  side  with  the  soldier 
monks.  The  former  carried  on  the  same  crusades  at  home 
which  the  latter  waged  abroad. 

The  appearance  of  the  mendicant  orders  was  an  important 
innovation  in  the  Church.  About  the  year  520  St.  Benedict 
had  promulgated  a  monastic  rule  which  had  been  gradually 
embraced  by  all  the  monks  of  the  West ;  the  rule  imposed 
the  duty  of  working  with  the  hands  and  with  the  mind. 
The  Benedictines  added  agriculture  to  preaching,  and  copy- 
ing manuscripts  to  prayer.*     Schools  were  usually  annexed 

*  The  external  history  of  the  monastic  orders  may  be  brought  under 
the  following  heads  :  In  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  the  foundation  of 
the  first  monasteries  ;  in  the  sixth  century,  creation  of  the  Benedictine 
Order  ;  seventh  century,  reform  of  St-  I5enedict  of  Aniaue  ;  tenth  and 
eleventh  centuries,  reform  by  Cluny,  Citeau.x,  and  Clairvaux  (St.  Ber- 
nard) ;  thirteenth  century,  creation  of  the  four  mendicant  orders  ;  seven- 
teenth century,  creation  of  the  Jesuits. 


Chap.  XX.]  THE  LAST  CRUSADES.  289 

to  their  convents,  and  contributed  toward  the  saving  of 
letters  from  complete  ruin.  In  the  thirteenth  century,  how- 
ever, the  religious  communities  saw  their  influence  declining 
owing  to  the  fact  that  they  had  grown  rich  and  sometimes 
corrupt.  It  was  to  guard  against  that  enemy,  riches,  that 
the  new  orders  of  Franciscans  (12 15)  and  Dominicans 
(12 16)  took  a  formal  vow  of  poverty.  Removed  as  they 
were  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops,  they  were  the 
devoted  soldiers  of  the  Holy  See  :  they  were  obliged  to 
live  in  charity,  to  have  no  possessions,  to  go  through  the 
world  carrying  the  Gospel  to  all  places  no  longer  visited  by 
the  over-rich  clergy — to  the  poor,  in  the  public  places,  and 
on  the  roads.  The  two  orders,  though  alike  on  this  point, 
differed  in  the  spirit  of  their  founders  ;  it  was  the  austere 
St.  Dominic  who  founded  the  one,  the  tender  and  mystical 
St.  Francis  who  founded  the  other. 

Those  zealous  preachers  had  immense  influence  on  the 
people  and  even  on  the  Church.  The  Dominicans,  whose 
particular  mission  it  was  to  convert  heretics,  were  invested 
with  inquisitorial  functions  in  1229  ;  but  the  tribunal  of  the 
Inquisition,  although  born  in  France  at  the  time  of  the 
struggle  with  the  Albigenses,  fortunately  failed  to  take  root 
there  and  to  extend  as  it  did  in  Spain  and  Italy.  The 
Dominicans  in  France  went  by  the  name  of  Jacobins,  be- 
cause their  first  convent  was  built  in  the  street  of  St.  Jacques. 
The  Franciscan  order,  or  the  Friars  Minor,  gave  rise  to  the 
Recollets,  the  Cordeliers,  and  the  Capucins.  The  Carmelites 
and  the  Augustinians  belong  to  the  same  century,  and  to- 
gether with  those  above  mentioned  form  the  four  mendicant 
orders.  The  austerity  and  exalted  piety  of  the  new  monks, 
and  the  learning  of  some  of  their  doctors,  roused  a  spirit  of 
emulation  in  the  ancient  orders  and  even  in  the  secular 
clergy,  where  a  stricter  ecclesiastical  discipline  began  to 
appear.. 

Great  opposition  was  roused,  indeed,  by  the  favor  shown 
by  the  Pope  to  the  mendicant  orders.  The  bishops,  the 
University  of  Paris,  and  especially  the  bold  doctor  of 
the  Sorbonne,  William  de  St.  Amour,  contested  the  right  of 
the  Pope  to  bestow  upon  mendicant  monks  the  privilege 
of  preaching  and  performing  the  duties  of  a  parish  priest. 
To  which  St.  Thomas  x\quinas  replied,  that  if  a  bishop 
could  delegate  his  powers  within  his  diocese,  the  Pope  could 
do  as  much  within  the  limits  of  Christendom, 


CHAPTER  XXI. 
THE  CRUSADES  OF  THE  WEST. 


The  Crusades  in  Europe  :  the  Teutonic  Order  (1230).  Conquest  and 
conversion  of  Prussia,  Livonia,  and  Esthonia. — Crusade  against  the 
Albigenses  (1208)  ;  union  of  Southern  and  Northern  France. — The 
Spanish  Crusade. — Decline  of  the  Caliphate  of  Cordova  during  the 
Ninth  Century  ;  its  renewed  strength  during  the  Tenth  Century,  and 
its  dismemberment  in  the  Eleventh  Century. — Formation  of  the 
kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Leon,  of  Navarre  and  of  Aragon. — Taking 
of  Toledo  (1085)  ;  founding  of  the  County  of  Portugal  (1095)  ;  the 
Cid. — Incursions  of  the  Almoravides  (1086),  and  of  the  Almohades 
(1146). — Victory  of  Las  Navas  de  Tolosa  (1212).  The  Moors 
driven  back  upon  Granada.     Results  of  the  Spanish  Crusade. 


The  crusades  in  the  east  failed  ;  but  those  in  the  west 
were  successful.  By  the  crusades  in  the  west,  we  mean 
the  expeditions  made  by  the  Teutonic  knights 
in'filfropTT^he  and  the  Brothers  of  the  Sword  into  Prus- 
Teutonic  Order  gia  and  the  neighboring  regions,  where  they 
"^°''  founded  a  new  state  ;  the  war  waged  by  Si- 

mon de  Montfort  against  the  Albigenses,  which  destroyed 
an  ancient  civilization  ;  and  the  struggle  of  the  Spaniards 
against  the  Moors,  who  were  finally  obliged  to  yield  the 
peninsula  to  Christendom  and  to  European  civilization. 
These  European  crusades,  as  we  have  seen,  took  place  at 
the  two  extreme  ends  of  the  continent,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Tagus  and  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niemen,  against  the  Moham- 
medans of  Spain  and  against  the  pagans  of  the  Baltic. 

In  the  interval  between  the  first  and  second  crusades, 
certain  merchants  from  Bremen  and  Liibeck  who  had  come 
Conquest  and  to  the  Holy  Land  founded  there  a  hospital 
Conversion  of  for  their  compatriots,  in  which  all  menial  ser- 
vonfll^'and  ^o"f  viccs  wcrc  performed  by  Germans.  Every 
Esthonia.  bencvolcnt    institution    and   place  of   refuge 

founded  in  Palestine  was  forced  to  take  the  form  of  a  mili- 
tary   in.stitution  ;   the   hospitallers  had  become  Knights  of 

290 


Chap.  XXI.]     THE   CRUSADES  OF   THE    WEST.  291 

Saint  John,  and  the  servitors  of  the  house  of  the  temple  of 
Solomon  the  military  order  of  the  Templars.  The  Ger- 
man hospitallers  also  transformed  themselves  into  a  reli- 
gious and  military  organization,  the  Teutonic  order.  Like 
the  other  two  orders,  the  Teutonic  order  acquired  numer- 
ous lands  in  Europe,  especially  in  Germany,  and  the  Em- 
peror Frederic  II.  raised  their  grand  master  to  the  rank  of 
a  prince  of  the  empire.  In  1230  a  Polish  prince  took 
advantage  of  the  zeal  and  strength  which  they  could  no 
longer  employ  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  commissioned  them 
to  subjugate  and  convert  the  Prussians,  a  nation  which  has 
either  entirely  disappeared  or  has  been  so  completely  ab- 
sorbed by  the  Germans  who  settled  in  the  country  that 
it  is  no  longer  distinguishable.  It  was  an  idolatrous 
people,  settled  between  the  Niemen  and  the  Vistula, 
whose  language,  religion,  and  history  are  lost,  but  whose 
name  is  borne  by  one  of  the  great  states  of  modern 
Europe. 

The  order  settled  at  first  at  Kulm,  and  conquered  the 
Prussians  by  the  same  means  which  Charlemagne  had  em- 
ployed against  the  Saxons,  that  is,  by  destroying  part  of 
the  population  and  by  building  fortresses  to  keep  the  rest 
in  check.  Koenigsburg  and  Marienburg  served  the  latter 
end. 

A  few  years  later,  a  bishop  of  Livonia  had  founded,  with 
the  same  end  in  view,  the  order  of  the  Brothers  of  the 
Sword,  called  also  the  Knights  of  Christ,  who  subdued  Livo- 
nia and  Esthonia.  Some  difference  with  the  bishops  of 
Riga  obliged  them  in  1237  to  unite  with  the  Teutonic 
knights,  whose  forces  were  in  this  way  doubled.  In  1309 
Marienburg  became  the  capital  of  the  order  and  the  resi- 
dence of  its  grand  masters,  who  ruled  over  Prussia,  Estho- 
nia, Livonia,  and  Courland,  and  who  brought  these  countries 
into  the  Christian  Church  and  sowed  there  the  seeds  of 
civilization.  To  this  very  day  these  provinces  are  the  richest 
and  the  most  advanced  of  the  Russian  empire.  Up  to  the 
fifteenth  century  the  Teutonic  knights  held  the  preponder- 
ance of  power  in  the  north  of  Europe.  All  the  country 
between  the  lower  part  of  the  Vistula  and  Lake  Peipus,  with 
the  exception  of  a  strip  of  Lithuanian  territory,  which  sepa- 
rated the  original  possessions  of  the  two  orders,  was  subject 
to  them. 

The  crusade  led  by  Simon  de  Montfort  against  the  pop- 


292  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

ulations  in  the  South  of  France,  on  the  contrary,  had  at 
,      first  most  disastrous  results. 

Crusade 

against  the  Ai-  At  the  vcry  time  when  Christendom  was 
unfo"n  o^f  Nort^h-  Sending  its  warriors  to  fight  the  infidels  at 
ern  and  South-  the  Other  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  it  had 

ern  France.  it  i-    •  •        .1  1  .        <•    • 

unbehevers  hvmg  m  the  very  heart  of  its 
Empire.  We  do  not  refer  to  the  Jews,  by  whose  massacre 
the  first  crusaders  had  begun  their  crusade  with  a  frenzy 
abominable  to  us  but  natural  enough  to  that  time,  but 
to  the  peoples  of  Southern  France.  The  beliefs  held  by 
this  population,  which  was  a  mixture  of  so  many  races, 
of  the  Iberian,  Gallic,  Roman,  Gothic  and  Moorish  races, 
were  very  far  from  orthodox.  We  hardly  know  how  to 
describe  what  they  were  ;  the  name  of  Manichaeism,  which 
was  applied  to  them,  is  a  commonplace  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
By  calling  these  heretics  Albigenses  (from  the  town  Albi),  the 
men  of  that  time  showed  that  they  themselves  did  not  know 
how  to  term  their  heresy.  All  that  is  known  is  that  in  1167 
a  council  was  held  near  Toulouse,  which  was  presided  over 
by  a  Greek  from  Constantinople,  named  Nicetas,  and  by 
which  certain  Oriental  ideas  were  adopted  ;  that  in  this 
country  the  clergy  were  treated  with  contempt,  and  even 
Saint  Bernard  had  been  received  with  insults.  This  church 
sent  missionaries  everywhere,  and  offensive  doctrines  began 
to  appear  in  Germany,  England,  and  even  in  Italy.  Lately, 
bands  of  men  had  come  from  the  direction  of  Auvergne 
and  had  sacked  churches,  taking  pains  to  profane  all  sacred 
objects. 

The  most  prosperous  of  all  the  rich  and  brilliant  cities  of 
the  South  was  Toulouse,  whose  Count  Raymond  VI.  was 
one  of  the  mightiest  lords  of  that  region.  The  other  pow- 
ers in  the  South  were  the  house  of  Barcelona,  now  supreme 
over  Aragon,  Rousillon,  and  Provence,  and  the  petty  lords 
of  the  Pyrenees,  proud,  independent,  adventurous,  who 
lived  just  as  they  chose,  without  the  least  respect  for  the  pre- 
cepts of  the  Church,  or  any  concern  for  the  King. 

In  reality  the  South  of  France  had  been  separated  from 
the  North  for  a  long  time.  We  have  already  seen  the 
efforts  made  by  its  inhabitants,  under  Dagobert,  Charles 
Martel,  Pippin,  Charlemagne,  Charles  the  Bald,  and  Hugh 
Capet,  to  form  a  separate  nation.  They  had  a  different  lan- 
guage and  different  customs.  Commerce  had  brought  the 
comforts  of  life  to  the  middle  classes,  and  luxury  to  the  nobles; 


Chap.  XXI.]     THE   CRUSADES  OF   THE    WEST.  293 

and  these  two  classes,  who,  without  hatred  or  jealousy, 
shared  between  them  the  municipal  governments  of  the 
country,  gave  it  an  enduring  peace.  But  in  these  rich 
cities  and  brilliant  courts  which  inspired  the  songs  of  the 
troubadours,  religious  doctrines  were  handled  as  lightly  as 
morals,  and  heresy  penetrated  everywhere. 

The  all-powerful  Innocent  III.  resolved  to  root  out  this 
nest  of  heresies  and  impieties,  for  he  feared  that  they  would 
become  contagious.  He  began  by  organizing  the  Inquisi- 
tion *  against  the  sectarians,  a  tribunal  charged  with  exam- 
ining and  judging  heretics  by  means  of  torture ;  and 
which  has  immolated  numberless  human  victims,  without 
succeeding  in  destroying  heresy,  for  butchery  is  a  poor 
means  to  use  in  establishing  truth.  The  Pope  sent  to  Ray- 
mond VI.  his  legate,  the  monk  Peter  de  Castelnau,  who 
demanded  the  expulsion  of  all  heretics  ;  but  as  all,  or  nearly 
all,  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  heretics,  Castelnau 
gained  nothing.  On  being  excommunicated  (1207)  and 
threatened  by  the  legate  with  "  everlasting  fire,"  Raymond 
in  his  anger  allowed  a  few  such  words  to  escape  from  him 
as  Henry  II.  had  pronounced  against  Thomas  a  Becket  :  a 
knight  followed  the  legate  and  killed  hmi  when  crossing  the 
Rhone  (1208).  "  Anathemas  be  upon  the  head  of  the 
Count  of  Toulouse,"  cried  Innocent  III.  "  All  sins  shall 
be  remitted  to  those  who  will  take  up  arms  against  these 
tainted  Provengals !  Go  forth,  soldiers  of  Christ  !  ]\Iay 
all  heretics  disappear,  and  colonies  of  Catholics  take  their 
place  !  "  The  monks  of  Citeaux,  organs  of  the  Pope, 
preached  this  crusade  of  extermination.  The  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  the  counts  of  Nevers,  Auxerre,  and  Geneva,  the 
bishops  of  Rheims,  Sens,  Rouen  and  Autun,  and  many 
others,  with  Germans  and  Lorrainers,  gathered  in  crowds. 
Three  armies  invaded  the  south  :  they  were  led  by  Simon 
de  Montfort,  a  petty  lord  from  the  neighborhood  of  Paris, 
an  ambitious,  fanatical,  and  cruel  man. 

The  first  attack  was  not  made  on  the  Count  of  Toulouse, 
as  the  Pope  had  held  out  hopes  of  pardon  to  him,  with  a 
view  of  weakening  his  resistance,  but  on  the  Viscount  of 
Beziers.     His  city  was  taken,  but  the  victors  hesitated  to 


*  The  Inquisition  takes  on  no  definite  form  as  a  new  institution  under 
Innocent  III.  It  was  of  slow  growth  and  does  not  become  permanently 
organized  till  towards  the  close  of  the  Xlllth  century. — Ep. 


294  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VIL 

strike  the  death-blow,  as  the}'  could  not  tell  the  heretics 
from  the  orthodox.  "  Kill  them  all  ;  for  you  may  be  sure 
God  will  know  his  own,"  said  the  legate,  and  thirty  thou- 
sand were  massacred.  Carcassonne  yielded  next,  and  the 
knights  of  the  Isle  of  France  divided  the  country  between 
them,  while  Simon  de  Montfort  was  made  their  suzerain. 
After  this  frightful  sacrifice  on  the  altars  of  orthodoxy,  Ray- 
mond hoped  to  be  spared,  and  even  Innocent  himself  was 
inclined  to  compassion  ;  but  the  legates  were  merciless  and 
opposed  to  all  pity.  They  would  only  offer  pardon  to  the 
Count  of  Toulouse  on  the  condition  of  his  obliging  all  his 
subjects  to  put  on  the  dress  of  penitents,  his  nobles  to 
become  villeins,  of  his  sending  away  all  his  soldiers,  destroy- 
ing all  his  castles,  and  going  himself  to  the  Holy  Land. 

The  count  laughed  at  these  propositions  ;  and  the  legates 
started  again  to  the  attack.  Simon  de  Montfort  gathered 
about  him  a  multitude  of  men  from  the  North  who  were 
overjoyed  to  hear  that  the  grand  pillage  of  the  South  was 
not  yet  ended.  Raymond  VI.  was  defeated  at  Castel- 
naudary,  and  the  victors  divided  up  the  fragments  of  his 
territory,  the  bishops  receiving  the  bishoprics  and  the 
soldiers  the  fiefs.  Raymond  was  forced  to  take  refuge  with 
the  king  of  Aragon,  Peter  II.  He  hastened  thither,  and 
was  joined  by  all  the  petty  lords  of  the  Pyrenees  who  con- 
sidered the  king  of  Aragon  their  chief.  The  battle  of 
Muret,  in  which  Peter  was  killed,  decided  the  fate  of  the 
South  of  France  (1213).  Two  years  later  the  Council  of 
the  Lateran  ratified  the  dispossession  of  Raymond  and  of 
most  of  the  nobles  of  the  South.  The  papal  legate  offered 
their  estates  to  the  powerful  barons  who  had  made  this 
crusade,  but  the  latter  refused  to  accept  these  blood-stained 
lands.  Simon  de  Montfort  accepted  them.  It  was  decreed 
that  the  widows  of  heretics  who  had  possessed  noble  fiefs 
could  marry  none  but  Frenchmen  for  the  next  ten  years.* 
The  civilization  of  the  South  perished  under  such  rude 
treatment.  The  "  gay  science,"  as  the  troubadours  called 
poetry,  lost  all  inspiration  among  the  bleeding  ruins  that 


*  France,  properly  speaking,  comprised  at  that  time  only  a  part  of  the 
country  situated  between  the  Somme  and  the  Loire.  This  latter  river 
may  be  taken  as  the  dividing  line  between  the  lands  which  used  oyl  Iot 
yes  and  those  which  used  oc; — called  the  lan^ue  d\oyl  and  the  langue 
d'oc. 


Chap.  XXL]      THE    CRUSADES  OF    THE    WEST.  295 

remained.  Innocent  III.,  however,  finally  became  uneasy; 
he  did  not  feel  sure  that  he  had  not  committed  a  great 
crime.  When  the  Count  de  Foix  said  to  him,  "  Give  me 
back  my  land  ;  or  else  at  the  day  of  judgment  I  will  demand 
it  all  of  you,  my  land,  my  rights,  and  my  heritage," — the 
Pope  replied  :  "I  acknowledge  that  you  have  suffered  great 
wrongs,  but  they  were  not  done  you  by  my  orders,  and  I 
feel  no  gratitude  toward  those  who  did  them." 

In  their  misery,  the  people  of  Provence  remembered  the 
King  of  France.  The  inhabitants  of  Montpellier  put  them- 
selves under  his  protection,  and  Philip  Augustus  sent  his 
son  Louis  to  show  them  the  banner  of  France.  After  the 
death  of  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  was  killed  near  Toulouse, 
which  Raymond  VII.,  son  of  the  former  count,  had  recov- 
ered, Louis  returned  there  ;  and  Amaury,  Montfort's  heir, 
offered  to  give  up  to  the  king  the  conquests  made  by  his 
father,  which  he  was  no  longer  able  to  defend  in  the  face  of 
the  universal  reprobation  of  his  subjects.  Philip,  already 
almost  at  the  point  of  death,  refused  this  offer,  which  was 
accepted  five  years  later. 

At  the  very  time  of  the  great  crusades  which  were  being 
made  in  the  East  by  all  the  peoples  of  Europe,  as  well  as 
before  and  after  them,  a  crusade  was  being 
^"^Crifsade'^*^  Carried  on  in  the  West  in  which  fewer  peoples 
were  involved,  but  which  belonged  peculiarly 
to  one  people,  whose  leaders  without  leaving  their  own 
country  were  on  the  very  field  of  battle  ;  and  which  for 
that  reason  made  much  less  stir  and  noise  than  the  others, 
though  it  was  pursued  with  a  perseverance  and  obstinacy 
that  made  it  last  eight  centuries.  When  Charles  Martel 
and  Pippin  the  Short  expelled  the  Arabs  from  France,  they 
were  content  with  driving  them  beyond  the  Pyrenees,  and 
apparently  thought  that  this  strong  barrier  of  mountains 
marked  the  limits  of  Europe  and  Christendom.  Spain 
seemed  utterly  sacrificed,  and  with  Africa  was  given  over 
to  the  Saracens  who  had  invaded  it.  Nevertheless  Spain 
had  been  Christian  before  its  invasion  ;  and  the  mass  of 
the  population,  part  of  which  was  not  entirely  subdued,  was 
so  still.  There  was  still  a  point  in  the  country  which  had 
not  been  reached  by  conquest,  a  single  point,  but  one  which 
gave  shelter  to  the  sacred  flame  of  independence,  and  which 
gradually  became  enlarged  and  formed  the  nucleus  of  the 
Christian  domination  at  its  revival. 


296  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

The  Pyrenees,  which  cross  the  broad,  short  isthmus  that 
connects  Spain  with  the  continent,  extend  toward  the  west 
along  the  coast  of  Spain,  leaving  between  them  and  the 
ocean  a  strip  of  land  from  ten  to  fifteen  leagues  in  width. 
Here  they  are  called  the  Cantabric  Pyrenees.  It  was  to 
this  corner,  which  was  protected  by  mountains  and  out  of 
the  reach  of  invasion,  and  with  a  vegetation  quite  different 
from  the  almost  African  vegetation  of  the  rest  of  Spain, 
that  the  remains  of  the  nations  either  subjugated  or  de- 
stroyed by  invasion  had  fled  at  different  times  ;  Herman- 
rich  and  the  Suevi  during  the  Visigoth  invasion,  and  Pelayo 
and  his  companions  during  the  Arab  invasion.  Pelayo  and 
his  companions  had  preferred  to  flee  before  the  rapid  and 
irresistible  stream  of  the  Mohammedans  rather  than  to  be 
subject  to  them  ;  but  as  soon  as  they  had  put  the  moun- 
tains between  them  and  their  enemies,  they  stopped  their 
flight,  and  though  they  had  only  a  hold  on  the  very  edge  of 
Spain,  retained  it  with  an  unrelaxing  firmness.  Gijon, 
situated  on  the  coast,  was  their  capital.  With  their  backs 
toward  the  ocean,  they  presented  their  front  to  the  enemy, 
and  in  what  might  be  called  the  lists  of  Spain,  shut  in  on  all 
sides  by  the  ocean  and  mountains,  stood  prepared  to  engage 
in  a  contest  which  was  to  last  eight  centuries. 

They  gained  ground  little  by  little,  and  moving  their 
capital  as  they  advanced  toward  the  south,  they  soon  gave 
up  Gijon  on  the  coast  and  made  Oviedo,  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountains  in  Asturia,  the  residence  of  their  king  (760). 

Here  they  found  a  powerful  ally  in  Charlemagne,  the  great 
protector  of  Christianity,  who  had  extended  the  Frankish 
dominion  across  the  Pyrenees  at  two  points,  at  Pampeluna 
and  at  Barcelona.  This  helpful  diversion  enabled  them  to 
repel  several  expeditions  against  them  ;  and  under  Alfonso 
n.,  in  788,  they  destroyed  a  hostile  army  at  Lodos,  in 
Galicia. 

After  Charlemagne,  the  Spanish  Gascons  founded  the 
little  kingdom  of  Navarre  toward  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century,  and  the  Frankish  counts  of  Barcelona  assumed 
hereditary  rights.  When  the  lords  of  Aragon  were  able  to 
join  hands  with  the  counts  of  Barcelona  and  the  kings  of 
Navarre,  and  when  counts  of  Castile  held  the  territory 
between  the  kingdoms  of  Navarre  and  Leon,  there  was  in 
the  north  of  Spain  a  continuous  line  of  Christian  princi- 
palities extending  toward  the  south  from  Cape  Creux  to 


GREATEST    EXTENT 
Wp.  of  the 

^^    SATIACENS  DOMINIONS 


Chap.  XXL]     THE   CRUSADES  OF   THE    WEST,  297 

the  Corogae,  and  covered  by  the  mountains  as  if  by 
fortresses. 

The  development  of  the  Httle  Christian  states  was  greatly 

aided  by  the  shock  given  to  the  Caliphate  of  Cordova  by 

Decadence  of    the  revolt  of  Ibn   Hafson,  and   as  a   result 

the  Caliphate  of    Alfonso  III.,  or  the  Great  (862-910),  was  able 

Cordova  in  the  '      ,  ^     t-      4.U  4.    • 

ninth  century,  to  make  notablc  progrcss.  1  o  the  countries 
power  "^ in ^the  ^^  posscsscd  on  the  coast,  to  Biscay,  Astu- 
tenth,  and  dis-  ria,  and  Galicia,  he  was  able  to  add  Burgos, 
in^he  eleventh  the  country  south  of  the  Minho,  with  Toro 
century.  2iVi(\.  Zamora  on  the  Douro,  and   even  Sala- 

manca and  Coimbra,  to  the  south  of  this  latter  river.  The 
Christian  states  were  already  entering  into  relations  with 
each  other,  and  Alfonso  now  formed  an  alliance  wnth  the 
king  of  Navarre.  The  zeal  for  the  holy  war  was  felt  here 
sooner  than  in  the  rest  of  Europe.  Saint  James,  "  Slayer 
of  the  Moors"  {San  Jago  Matamoros),  became  their  na- 
tional saint,  and  the  Spanish  Christians  made  pilgrimages 
to  his  church  at  Compostella  in  crowds.  Finally  in  914  the 
Asturians  made  another  step  in  advance,  crossed  the  moun- 
tains, and  leaving  Oviedo,  fixed  their  capital  at  Leon. 
After  this  it  was  clear  that  the  Moors  could  no  longer  hold 
Spain,  for  the  breach  was  open  and  the  enemy  on  the  alert. 
Nevertheless,  the  tenth  century  was  not  so  favorable  to 
the  Christian  states.  For  while  some  differences  arose  be- 
tween them,  the  strength  of  the  caliphate  was  greatly 
revived  by  Abderrahman  III.  and  by  the  skillful  Almanzor 
under  Hescham  II.  The  great  defeat  of  Simancas  suffered 
in  940,  the  overthrow  of  the  King  Sancho  the  Great  by  the 
Count  of  Castile,  who  made  himself  independent,  and  his 
re-establishment  by  Abderrahman  himself,  show  us  the  king- 
dom of  Leon  in  so  weakly  a  condition  that  its  enemy  was 
able  to  decide  even  over  the  disposal  of  the  throne.  Alman- 
zor the  Victorious  bore  even  more  heavily  upon  the  Christ- 
ians. He  subdued  the  county  of  Castile,  took  possession 
of  Salamanca,  Zamora,  Astorga,  and  even  Leon,  w'hich  latter 
he  razed  to  the  ground  (984).  On  another  expedition  he 
took  Coimbra,  Lamego,  Braga,  and  San  Jago  de  Compos- 
tella, the  Holy  City,  from  which  he  carried  away  the  bells. 
He  had  equal  success  in  the  east,  where  he  took  Barcelona, 
and  by  997  was  master  of  all  that  the  Christians  had  con- 
quered south  of  the  Douro  and  the  Ebro.  But  the  first 
time  he  was  defeated,  after  fifty  actions,  at  Calatanazor, 


298  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

near  the  source  of  the  Douro,  he  was  so  broken-hearted 
that  he  starved  himself  to  death  ;  and  all  the  power  of  the 
Caliphate  died  with  him  (1002).  We  have  already  seen 
that  the  empire  of  the  Arabs  in  Spain  fell  to  pieces  in  the 
eleventh  century  ;  the  Christian  states,  on  the  contrary, 
drew  nearer  together  and  were  united  by  marriages  and  by 
other  alliances.  They  were  so  much  occupied  by  these 
internal  alliances  and  adjustments,  and  also  by  closing  the 
breaches  in  their  armor  made  by  Almanzor's  sword,  that 
the  holy  war  was  suspended  for  nearly  the  whole  century ; 
Toward  the  end  it  was  taken  up  again,  however,  and  pur- 
sued with  even  greater  success  than  before. 

Sancho   the   Great,  King   of   Navarre    in    1000,  laid  the 

foundation  of  the  greatness  of  his  house  by  the  marriage  of 

,    his   sister  with  the  Count  of   Castile,  which 

Founding    of  ^  ..,,--  .  '  , 

Castile,  Leon,  county  was  jomcd  to  Navarrc  in  1026  when 
^IZl^J^'   ^^^     the  Castilian   family  became  extinct.     A  few 

Aragon.  -'  . 

years  later,  he  gave  this  same  county  of 
Castile,  which  he  made  into  a  kingdom  (1033),  to  his  son 
Ferdinand,  who  was  the  son-in-law  and  heir  of  the  king 
of  Leon.  He  also  made  the  county  of  Aragon  into  a 
kingdom  for  his  third  son  Ramiro,  and  the  Count  of  Barce- 
lona acknowledged  him  as  his  suzerain.  At  the  death  of 
Sancho  (1035),  his  oldest  son  Garcias  inherited  the  king- 
dom of  Navarre. 

It  is  not  alone  on  account  of  these  alliances  that  Sancho 
HI.  merits  his  title  of  the  Great.  The  only  claims  to  great- 
ness in  Spain  were  gains  made  at  the  expense  of  the  infidels. 
The  Moors  suffered  many  times  under  his  sword,  and  at 
the  same  time  that  he  was  preparing  throughout  all  the 
Christian  part  of  the  country  the  substitution  of  the  Basque 
royal  house  of  Aznar  for  that  of  Pelayo,  he  pushed  his 
conquests  against  the  Arabs  into  the  very  heart  of  their 
country,  even  up  to  the  walls  of  Cordova. 

After  his  death  there  were  four  kingdoms  in  Christian 
Spain  :  three  of  them,  Navarre,  Castile,  Aragon,  belonged 
to  the  sons  of  Sancho  ;  the  fourth,  Leon,  belonged  to  Ber- 
mudo.  But  at  the  death  of  the  latter  in  1037  the  male  line 
of  the  descendants  of  Pelayo  became  extinct,  and  the  coun- 
cil of  Asturiagave  the  crown  to  his  brother-in-law,  Ferdi- 
nand, who  thus  joined  Leon  and  Castile.  Since  the  memor- 
able year  of  1037  we  can  consider  Christian  Spain,  with  the 
exception  of  Portugal,  as  divided  iuto  the  three  kingdoms 


Chap.  XXI.]     THE   CRUSADES  OF   THE    WEST.  299 

of  Castile  and  Leon  in  the  northwest  and  center,  Navarre 
at  the  north,  and  Aragon  at  the  northeast. 

Ferdinand  I.  had  the  unfortunate  idea  of  dividing  his 
states  between  his  children,  according  to  the  old  German 
custom  ;  but  Alfonso  VI.  reunited  them  in  1073  and  resumed 
the  holy  war  in  Spain,  just  when  the  preparations  for  the 
first  crusade  made  such  warfare  popular  throughout  all 
Europe.  The  news  of  the  misfortunes  at  Jerusalem  and  the 
growing  influence  of  the  Holy  See  was  felt  in  Spain  as  well. 
Gregory  VII.  wished  to  bring  under  his  sway  the  Christian 
kingdoms  of  this  country,  which  until  now  had  continued 
more  or  less  independent  of  the  Holy  See.  Whether  or  not 
they  should  put  themselves  under  the  Roman  church  was  a 
serious  question  ;  if  they  did  not  there  was  fear  that  the 
Pope  might  some  time  call  all  Christendom  to  arms  against 
them.  With  his  unlimited  pretensions  Gregory  VII.  de- 
manded homage  from  Alfonso  VI.  under  the  pretext  that  all 
land  conquered  from  the  Infidels  belonged  to  the  Church. 
Alfonso  refused.  Gregory  then  turned  his  efforts  in  another 
direction,  that  of  the  adoption  by  the  Christians  in  Spain  of 
the  Roman  ritual  instead  of  the  Gothic  or  Mozarabian  ritual 
used  by  them  until  then.  He  sent  a  legate  to  them,  and  the 
question  was  seriously  debated  in  the  assembly  of  the 
grandees  and  the  bishops  at  Burgos  in  1077.  The  king, 
injured  by  the  pretensions  of  the  Pope,  joined  the  laymen 
in  opposing  the  introduction  of  the  Roman  ritual,  but  the 
queen,  the  archbishop,  and  all  the  clergy  were  in  favor  of 
it.  As  the  discussion  led  to  no  decision,  they  submitted  the 
question  to  "  the  judgment  of  God  "  in  the  ordeals  of  fire 
and  water,  and  the  judicial  combat.  The  Gothic  ritual  was 
victorious  in  the  lists,  but  Alfonso  saw  the  danger  of  this 
victory,  and  in  1079  declared  himself  for  the  Roman  ritual. 
From  that  year  the  Spanish  people  were  admitted  to  full 
communion  with  Rome,  and  they  became  the  most  Catholic 
of  people,  though  by  no  mean  always  the  most  submissive  to 
the  Holy  See. 

Ferdinand  I.  had  taken  advantage  of  the  differences 
_,  . .       r„       between  the  small  Arab  kings,  to  encroach 

Taking   of  To-  .  -r-r  ,  ,  ,  t-r- 

ledo  (1085);  upon  their  territory.  He  had  taken  v  iseu, 
the"cointy  of  Lamcgo,  and  Coimbra,  and  had  made  the 
P^oj^i^gai  (1095) :  king  of  Toledo  tributary  to  him.  In  1085 
Alfonso  VI.  did  still  better  and  took  posses- 
sion of  the  latter  city.     Toledo,  the  ancient  capital  and 


300  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

metropolis  of  the  Visigoths,  again  became  a  capital  and 
metropolis,  and  this  event,  counting  Gijon,  Oviedo,  and 
Leon,  made  the  fourth  great  step  in  the  progress  of  the 
Christians,  who  had  started  from  Asturia  but  who  were 
henceforth  established  in  the  heart  of  Spain  and  protected 
by  the  Tagus. 

Five  years  later,  the  Capetian,  Henry  of  Burgundy,  a 
great-grandson  of  Robert,  the  king  of  France,  who  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  at  the  taking  of  Toledo,  seized  Portucale, 
situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Douro,  and  Alfonso  converted 
his  conquest  into  the  county  of  Portugal  (1095).  At  the 
same  time  Rodrigode  Bivar,  the  famous  Cid  (lord),  and  the 
hero  of  the  Spanish  romancers,  who  became  the  pattern  of 
chivalry,  advanced  along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean, 
crowning  victory  with  victory,  and  took  possession  of 
Valencia  (1094).  Finally,  in  1118,  Alfonso  I.,  the  king  of 
Aragon,  like  the  king  of  Castile,  won  a  new  capital  for  him- 
self by  conquering  Saragossa,  where  a  Mussulman  dynasty 
had  reigned  with  splendor  for  many  years.  In  this  way  the 
Christian  invasion  advanced  like  one  army  divided  into 
three  columns,  one  at  the  east,  one  at  the  west,  and  one  at 
the  center. 

But  this  progress  went   no    farther   at  the  center,  and 

was  soon  arrested  almost  all   along  the  line  by  obstacles 

Invasions   of    which  Were  not  surmounted  by  the  Christians 

the   Aimoravi-     for   nearly   a  century.     They   saw  two  new 

des    (io36)     and       a         ■<  c      -\ir  \  •  ■  i 

the  Aimohades  fioods  of  Mussulman  uivasion  advancmg 
^"46).  toward   them,    when  they  had    supposed    it 

utterly  exhausted  long  before.  Successively  two  sects, 
advancing  from  Africa,  revived  the  worn-out  Islamism  of 
these  countries  ;  first  came  the  Almoravides,  and  then 
the  Aimohades,  both  puritan  sects  who  were  trying  to 
restore  simplicity  to  the  religion  of  Mohammed.  The 
name  of  the  former  signifies  a  closer  connection  with  the 
true  idixth {religious).  The  name  of  the  latter  signifies  H?ii- 
tarians.  The  one  prayer  of  the  founder  of  the  Almohad 
sect  was  :  "O  Lord,  O  Allah,  thou  most  merciful  of  the 
merciful,  thou  knowest  our  sins,  wilt  thou  pardon  them  ; 
thou  knowest  our  needs,  wilt  thou  satisfy  them  ;  thou 
knowest  our  enemies,  wilt  thou  prevent  the  evil  which  they 
could  do  us?  It  is  enough  that  thou  art  our  lord,  our 
creator,  and  our  help." 

The  real  leader  of   the  Almoravides   was  Jussuf,  who 


Chap.  XXL]     THE   CRUSADES  OF   THE    WEST.  yiX 

founded  Morocco  in  1062,  and  made  it  the  seat  of  his  politi- 
cal and  religious  government  in  Magreb.  When  Alfonso 
had  conquered  Toledo,  Aben-Abed,  the  last  Arab  chief  who 
possessed  any  real  power  in  Spain,  feeling  incapable  of 
resisting  the  Christians  alone,  called  Jussuf  to  his  aid.  The 
latter  arrived  with  his  terrible  African  bands,  and  (1086) 
annihilated  the  Christian  army  at  Zalaca.  But  Aben-Abed 
did  not  gain  anything  from  this  victory.  He  was  driven 
from  Seville,  and  left  his  country  with  that  calm  philosophy 
which  endows  the  character  of  the  Arabs  of  Spain  with  so 
much  poetry.  His  companions  wept  on  leaving  their  beau- 
tiful home,  but  he  consoled  them  by  saying  :  "  Friends,  let 
us  learn  to  endure  our  fate.  In  this  life  we  only  gain  things 
to  lose  them  again,  and  God  only  gives  us  the  possessions  of 
the  earth  in  order  to  take  them  away  from  us  again.  The 
sweet  and  the  bitter,  pleasure  and  pain,  are  always  near  each 
other — but  a  generous  heart  is  untouched  by  the  caprices  of 
fortune."  The  dominion  of  the  Almoravides  was  strength- 
ened and  extended  ;  the)'  recaptured  Valencia  at  the  death 
of  the  Cid  (1099),  seized  the  Balearic  Islands,  and  in  1108, 
at  Ucles,  defeated  Alfonso  VI.  in  as  bloody  a  battle  as  the 
one  at  Zalaca.  The  Christians  were  in  doubt  whether  all 
they  had  gained  in  Spain  would  not  be  again  wrested  from 
them.     This  was  not  the  case,  however. 

Though  besieged  several  times,  Toledo  was  defended 
with  great  energy  and  success,  and  in  the  west  the  little 
county  of  Portugal  not  only  resisted  all  invasion,  but  also 
succeeded  in  taking  some  cities  and  in  driving  back  the 
infidels.  The  latter  returned  in  great  numbers  to  attack 
Alfonso,  the  son  of  Henry  of  Burgund}'^,  who  advanced  into 
Ourique  to  meet  them,  almost  to  the  southwest  end  of  the 
peninsula.  The  day  before  the  battle  he  proclaimed  to  his 
soldiers  that  Christ  had  appeared  to  him,  had  promised  him 
the  victory,  and  told  him  to  assume  the  title  of  king.  To 
win  the  favor  of  heaven,  his  soldiers  bestowed  the  new  title 
upon  him  and  gained  a  great  victory  (1139),  which  gave  to 
Portugal  Cintra  and  Santarem  on  the  Tagus,  and  Elvas 
and  Evora   beyond  that  river. 

The  invasions  of  the  Almohades  had  almost  the  same 
results  as  those  of  the  Almoravides,  whom  they  supplanted. 
Their  leader,  Abdalmumen,  having  taken  Fez  in  1146,  sent 
his  forces  the  same  year  to  Spain.  This  time  all  the  blows 
of  the  invaders  were   aimed  at  Castile,   and  Alfonso  IX. 


302  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

was  utterly  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Alarcos  in  1195.  Por- 
tugal, on  the  other  hand,  retained  its  superiority,  and 
defeated  them  severely  at  Santarem  (1184).  In  the  mean 
time  Aragon,  whose  throne  had  been  occupied  since  1137 
by  the  house  of  Barcelona,  increased  her  power  by  adding 
the  counties  of  Cerdagne,  Roussillon,  Carcassonne,  and 
Forcalquier,  and  the  signory  of  Montpellier  to  Catalonia. 
For  a  while  she  also  included  Provence,  which  raised  her 
to  a  high  rank  as  a  maritime  power,  as  she  possessed  a 
great  extent  of  coast  upon  the  Mediterranean. 

This  progress  made  by  Aragon  and  Portugal  put  Spain 
in  a  position  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  to 
renew  gloriously  the  struggle  with  the  infidel.  Another 
powerful  aid  to  victory  had  been  given  her  by  the  founding, 
during  the  twelfth  century,  of  four  military  orders  which 
were  especially  devoted  to  the  Spanish  crusade,  without 
mentioning  the  great  European  orders  of  the  Holy  Land, 
which  had  also  spread  thither.  These  four  orders  were 
those  of  Alcantara,  of  Calatrava,  and  of  St.  James  in 
Castile  and  Leon,  and  of  Evora  in  Portugal. 

In  1 2 10,  the  news  spread  throughout  all  Christendom 
that  400,000  Almohades  had  just  crossed  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar.  The  Pope  Innocent  III.,  though 
Las^'wavas  de  occupied  at  that  time  by  the  war  with  the  Al- 
Toiosa  (1212).  bigenses,  could  not  contemplate  this  danger 
driven  back  to  without  Urging  Europc  to  comc  to  the  aid  of 
to. the  kingdom  Spain.  Public  praycrs  wcre  commanded,  and 
Results  of  the  indulgences  were  promised  to  all  who  would 
Ldl."'^^  """'  §0  ^°  ^g^^t  in  the  peninsula.  The  five  Chris- 
tian kings  of  the  country  (Castile  and  Leon 
were  for  the  moment  separated)  joined  forces  and  marched 
against  Mohammed,  the  fanatical  chief  of  the  Almohades. 
The  two  hostile  armies  met  on  the  plateau  of  the  Sierra 
Morena,  at  Alacab  according  to  the  Arabs,  at  Las  Navas 
de  Tolosa  according  to  the  Christians.  A  terrible  battle 
was  fought,  which  was  decided  in  favor  of  the  Christians 
by  the  flight  of  the  Andalusians.  Mohammed,  who  had 
watched  the  battle  from  a  hill,  under  a  red  pavilion,  sur- 
rounded by  the  thick  ranks  of  his  African  guard,  and  with' 
the  Koran  in  one  hand  and  his  sword  in  the  other,  saw  the 
terrible  defeat  of  his  soldiers  without  even  changing  his 
attitude,  and  saying  "  God  alone  is  just  and  mighty,  the 
devil  is  false  and  treacherous."     He  was  finally  persuaded 


Chap.  XXI.j     THE   CRUSADES  OF   THE    WEST.  303 

to  take  to  flight.  This  battle  decided  the  struggle  of  which 
Spain  had  so  long  been  the  theater.  After  the  Almoravides 
and  the  Almohades  no  help  came  from  Africa  sufficient  to 
restore  any  strength  to  the  dominion  of  the  ISIohammedans. 

During  the  whole  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  Christians 
reaped  the  fruits  of  this  victory,  and  their  progress  was 
made  even  more  easy  by  the  fact  that  the  government  of 
the  Almohades  had  fallen  in  civil  war  and  anarchy.  Cor- 
dova (1236),  ]\Iurcia  (1243),  Seville  (1248),  and  many  other 
places  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  king  of  Castile,  while 
James  I.  the  Conquistador,  the  king  of  Aragon,  subdued  the 
Balearic  Isles,  and  with  the  aid  of  an  army  of  80,000  Span- 
iards and  Frenchmen,  conquered  Valencia  (1238).  In  1270, 
by  the  permanent  annexation  of  Algarve,  Portugal  also 
extended  her  territory,  which  since  then  has  never  been 
increased.  The  Moors  no  longer  possessed  anything  but 
the  little  kingdom  of  Grenada,  and  this  was  shut  in  on 
every  side  by  the  ocean  or  the  possessions  of  the  king  of 
Castile.  But  within  these  small  limits,  with  their  numbers 
recruited  by  the  people  driven  by  the  Christians  from  the 
conquered  villages,  they  held  their  own  with  an  energy 
which  deferred  their  final  ruin  for  two  centuries.  After 
this,  except  for  a  few  incursions  of  the  Merinides  of 
Magreb,  which  were  successfully  repelled,  the  conquests  of 
the  Christians  were  undisturbed,  and  we  may  say  that  the 
Spanish  crusade  was  almost  entirely  suspended  till  1492. 

Though  the  crusades  to  Jerusalem  had  undoubtedly 
accomplished  some  good  results  for  general  civilization, 
they  did  not  accomplish  the  end  for  which  they  were 
planned.  They  neither  founded  anything  in  the  east,  nor 
did  they  even  deliver  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  millions  of 
men  had  perished  on  the  journey  thither. 

The  crusades  in  Spain,  on  the  other  hand,  though  utterly 
without  influence  upon  the  social  state  of  Europe  during 
the  Middle  Ages,  completely  changed  the  political  geogra- 
phy of  Spain,  and  were  not  without  results  for  the  future  of 
modern  Europe.  They  wrested  the  peninsula  from  the 
Moors  and  gave  it  to  the  Christians  ;  they  founded  the 
little  kingdom  of  Portugal,  which  later  pursued  its  crusade 
across  the  ocean  and  discovered  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ; 
they  founded  the  important  states  of  Castile  and  Aragon, 
in  whose  chiefs  their  Spanish  victories  awakened  a  Euro- 
pean ambition,  and  whose  inhabitants  had  acquired  by  this 


3<54  THE   CkUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

war  of  eight  centuries  the  military  mode  of  life  which  made 
them  the  condottieri  of  Charles  V.  and  Philip  II.  rather 
than  the  peace-loving  heirs  of  the  industry,  commerce,  and 
brilliant  civilization  of  the  Moors. 

To  the  question  why  there  was  such  a  marked  difference 
in  the  results  of  the  crusades  in  the  East  and  West,  we  must 
answer  that  it  was  due  to  the  situations  and  surroundings 
of  the  two  objects  of  attack.  Jerusalem,  situated  far  from 
the  center  of  the  Catholic  sway,  and  surrounded  by  Mussul- 
mans, remained  Mussulman,  just  as  Toledo,  situated  at  the 
extreme  end  of  the  Mussulman  line  of  occupation,  and  sur- 
rounded by  Christians,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Christians. 
Palestine  was  near  to  the  land  of  Mecca,  and  Spain  almost 
within  sight  of  Rome.  Geography  exerts  a  great  influence 
even  over  the  things  which  seem  farthest  removed  from  it, 
as,  for  instance,  the  extent  and  authority  of  religious  ideas. 


i- 


CHAPTER  XXII. 
PROGRESS  OF  THE  CITIES. 


Beginnings  of  the  Communal  movement  : — Communes  properly  so 
called. — Intervention  of  royalty  ;  decline  of  the  Communes. — Cities 
not  communal. — Origin  of  the  Third  Estate.  Advancement  of  city 
populations  in  England  and  Germany. — Feudal  rights  and  customary 
rights  opposed. 

Since  the  fall  of  the  Carolingian   Empire,  we  have  seen 

feudalism  taking  possession  of  the  greater  part  of   Europe. 

«  •  •     r  .1.      ^Ve  have  seen  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  dis- 

Ongin  of  the  -,      ,  ^  .       ,  ,         .     S  ^     , 

Communal  putuig  over  Italy  and  the  dommion  of  the 
movement.  world,   and,  finally,    the  people  hurrying  in 

vast  numbers  along  the  road  to  Jerusalem.  In  the  midst  of 
these  great  events,  a  fourth  fact  of  general  importance  was 
evolved  from  the  other  three,  and  had,  in  its  turn,  grave 
consequences.  A  part  of  the  enslaved  population  raised 
itself  by  manual  labor  and  intelligence  and  took  its  place 
below,  though  by  the  side  of,  the  lord  and  the  priest ;  the 
class  of  common  free-men,  in  fact,  whose  almost  complete 
disappearance  in  the  ninth  century  has  been  mentioned  (see 
above,  p.  208),  had  formed  again  and  had  acquired  political 
existence.  While  studying  the  feudal  system  we  saw  what 
a  wide  chasm  lay  between  the  warlike  and  the  working  por- 
tions of  society.  The  latter  did  not  long  remain  resigned 
to  its  subjection  and  complete  inferiority  to  the  upper  classes. 
Revolt  broke  out.  As  early  as  the  year  987  the  feudal  vil- 
leins of  Normandy  were  rising  in  all  parts  of  the  country, 
holding  meetings  and  forming  associations,  bound  by  oath, 
by  means  of  deputies  sent  from  ail  parts.  They  swore  to 
free  themselves  from  the  dominion  of  the  lords,  in  order 
that  they  might  govern  themselves  by  their  own  laws  and  be 
able  to  hunt  freely  in  the  woods,  fish  the  streams,  etc.  That 
revolt  was  cruelly  suppressed  by  the  duke.  It  was  one  of 
the  first  indications  revealing  the  nature  of  the  people  of 
the  Middle  Ages.     So  soon  as  the  feudal  system  was  firmly 

305 


3o6  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

established,  it  held  down  the  people  of  the  country  districts 
with  a  power  that  forbade  all  struggles.  Then  the  cities 
broke  out  in  resistance.  The  movement  began  among  the 
little  gatherings  of  men  whose  numbers  were  increased  by 
the  first  progress  of  industry,  and  whose  very  situation  en- 
abled them  to  offer  resistance.  In*  1067  the  city  of  Mans 
formed  an  association  bound  by  oath  and  took  arms  against 
its  feudal  lord.  That  was  the  beginning  of  the  communal 
movement,  which  showed  itself  in  different  phases  and  with 
different  results  throughout  Europe  from  the  eleventh  to 
the  fourteenth  century. 

In  many  places  the  beginnings  of  this  movement  dated 
far  back  into  the  past,  in  other  places  they  were  of  recent 
origin.  The  greater  number  of  the  cities  of  Italy  and  in 
Southern  France,  which  had  not  received  the  full  force  of 
the  barbaric  invasions,  and  where  the  feudal  system,  later, 
had  been  less  complete,  had  retained  the  municipal  insti- 
tutions of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  though  these  were  no 
doubt  often  obstructed  and  suppressed  they  were  always 
ready  to  right  themselves  again  on  the  first  opportunity.* 
In  Italy,  most  of  the  towns  of  Lombardy,  which  were  con- 
trolled by  their  bishops,  whose  authority  was  something 
between  that  of  the  old  defenders  of  the  Roman  empire  and 
that  of  feudal  lords,  had  even  in  the  tenth  century  begun 
to  enjoy  almost  complete  freedom,  following  the  example 
shown  them  by  such  towns  as  Genoa  and  Venice,  favored, 
as  they  were,  by  their  peculiar  geographical  position. 
Milan,  Pavia,and  Venice  were  in  the  front  rank.  With  the 
help  of  what  remained  of  their  free  institutions,  those  cities 
made  a  great  advance  in  commerce  and  manufactures, and 
when  they  became  rich  and  powerful  tried  to  free  them- 
selves from  episcopal  authority.  When  the  contest  between 
the  Papacy  and  the  Empire  broke  out  they  were  quick  to 


*  The  question  of  the  continuance  of  Roman  municipal  institutions 
over  the  period  of  the  German  cnntiuest  has  lonjj  been  earnestly  debated. 
Some  declare  very  strong;iy  against  any  continuance  of  importance  even 
in  Italy,  others  maintain  such  a  survival.  The  truth  is  probably  to  be 
found  here,  as  usually  in  such  cases,  in  a  middle  position.  'I'lic  cities 
were  eveiywhere  thoroughly  incorporated  in  the  German  syslem  of  gov- 
ernment under  the  counts,  bui,  in  special  cases  at  least,  they  did  pre- 
serve the  traihtions,  the  names,  though  often  with  a  changed  significance, 
and  even  the  practices  of  the  Roman  municipalities.  In  other  cities  the 
governments  of  the  later  Middle  Ages  were  from  an  entirely  new  be- 
ginning.— Ed. 


Chap.  XXII.]      PROGRESS  OF   THE   CITIES.  307 

turn  it  to  their  own  advantage.  They  formed  an  alliance 
between  their  citizens  and  the  lesser  nobility  of  the  neigh- 
borhood *  and  in  freeing  themselves  not  only  from  the  great 
nobles,  but  almost  completely  from  dependence  on  the  em- 
peror, they  transformed  themselves  into  the  Lombard 
republics  already  mentioned. 

Within  certain  limits  the  South  of  France  fared  in  the 
same  way  as  Italy.  Traces  of  the  old  Roman  municipal 
government  are  found  in  the  cities  of  Marseilles,  Aries, 
Toulouse,  Narbonne,  Nimes,  Perigueux,  etc.,  from  the  eighth 
to  the  twelfth  century.  They  are  also  to  be  found  in  the 
central  and  even  in  the  northern  parts,  though  more  rarely  ; 
for  example,  at  Bourges,  Paris,  Rheims,  and  Metz.  The 
Empire  had  once  extended  its  system  of  uniform  institu- 
tions throughout  these  regions  as  well  as  farther  south — 
but  as  the  German  conquest  had  been  more  thorough  there 
than  in  other  parts,  only  a  very  small  number  of  towns 
had  been  able  to  preserve  even  the  ruins  of  municipal 
organization.  Those  that  had  the  advantage  in  this  respect 
possessed  a  middle-class  aristocracy  which  seemed  to  be 
derived  from  the  old  curials  ;  even  in  the  South  the  Roman 
names  are  to  be  met  with,  namely,  the  sejiate,  consuls,  decem- 
virs, and  ediles.  Bourges  had,  in  the  seventh  century,  its 
senatorial  families.  Elsewhere  these  terms  were  replaced  by 
others  of  like  meaning,  belonging  to  the  Middle  Ages, — 
prud'hoinmes,  boiihommes  (boni  Jwinincs^.  Coins  have  been 
found  of  the  time  of  Charles  the  Bald,  bearing  the  in- 
scription, Biturices  (the  inhabitants  of  Bourges).  We  see 
that  in  all  these  cities  municipal  life  prevailed  before  the 
epoch  commonly  assigned  to  the  communal  movement  ;  it 
simply  gained  in  activity  and  extent  at  that  time. 

In  the  North,  on  the  contrary,  most  of  the  cities,  whether 

they  were   of  ancient    date   and   had  lost  their  municipal 

r^.v,,„„„„c    institutions,  or  whether  they  were  of  recent 

communes  '  J 

properly  so    foundation  and  had  never   possessed    them, 

called 

were  obliged  to  win  by  force  the  advantages 
which  had  no  precedent  to  authorize  them,  to  present 
claims  that  were  new  and  offensive  to  the  feudal  lords, 
and  to  introduce  into  the  body  politic  principles  that 
were  revolutionary  for  the   time.     Feudalism,    which   had 

*  This  same  union  between  the  citizens  and  the  lesser  nobility  was  also 
formed  in  at  least  some  of  the  French  cities, — Ed. 


3o8  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

expanded  there  with  uniformity  and  with  all  its  Ger- 
man rudeness,  fought  desperately  against  the  villeins 
who  dared  dream  of  being  no  longer  absolutely  at  the 
command  of  their  lords.  And  yet  the  lords  were  obliged  to 
yield  almost  everywhere  where  there  were  masses  of  men 
crowded  into  a  narrow  space — energetic  artisans  accus- 
tomed to  handle  the  mallet  and  the  axe,  who,  when  it  came  to 
a  revolt,  could  very  well  buckle  on  the  armor  themselves  that 
they  had  been  making  the  night  before  for  their  lord,  and 
who  had  their  labyrinth  of  narrow  and  tortuous  streets 
to  offset  the  impregnable  castles  of  the  nobles,  streets 
where  the  great  battle-horse  and  long  lance  could  hardly 
find  space  to  turn.  Moreover,  the  growth  of  luxury  accom- 
panied the  growth  of  chivalry,  and  of  new  and  finer  needs  ; 
and  with  it  grew  the  number  of  laborers  and  the  size  and 
strength  of  their  towns.  Accordingly  we  see  later  on,  and 
especially  in  the  Netherlands,  towns  like  Ghent,  Bruges, 
Ypres,  etc.,  which  were  able  to  send  out  great  armies  from 
within  their  walls. 

This  movement  assumed  a  more  energetic  form  in  the 
northeast  than  in  any  other  part  of  France.  We  have 
noticed  that  the  first  commune  established  was  at  Mans 
(1067).  It  was  abolished,  however,  two  years  later  by 
William.  Closely  following  came  Cambrai,  which  was  or- 
ganized in  1076,  after  more  than  a  hundred  years  of  open 
war  between  the  inhabitants  and  the  bishop,  their  feudal 
lord.  This  community  went  through  many  changes,  and 
was  abolished  and  re-established  many  times.  Those  of 
Noyon,  Beauvais,  and  St.  Quentin  came  next  in  order.  The 
most  famous  was  at  Laon,  and  started  in  the  year  1 106. 
This  town  had  before  that  been  nothing  but  a  den  of 
thieves ;  the  nobles  had  carried  on  their  robbery  openly, 
the  citizens  revenged  themselves  by  imitating  them  ;  to  be 
on  the  streets  at  night  was  out  of  the  question.  The  bishop, 
moreover,  a  Norman  of  very  warlike  spirit,  and  a  great 
hunter,  but  not  much  of  a  priest,  overwhelmed  the  town 
with  his  exorbitant  demands,  the  fruits  of  which  he  divided 
with  the  dignitaries  of  the  cathedral  and  the  noble  families 
of  the  town.  Whoever  cast  reflection  upon  the  least  of  his 
acts,  was  given  over  to  be  tortured  by  a  black  slave  that  he 
owned.  The  citizens  held  political  meetings,  united, 
adopted  a  plan  for  a  communal  government,  and  l)Ought  of 
the  bishop  the  right  of  enforcing  it.     But  the  bishop  tried 


Chap.   XXII.]      FROGKESS  OF    THE   CITIES.  309 

to  take  back  what  he  had  sold  ;  thereupon  there  was  a  ter- 
rible insurrection,  in  which  he  was  killed.  King  Louis  the 
Fat  interfered  and  allowed  the  town  to  keep  its  commune, 
with  certain  modifications.  In  the  two  centuries  that  fol- 
low, the  history  of  this  town  is  a  long  series  of  vicissitudes. 
It  finally  lost  its  liberty  under  Philip  the  Fair.  The  com- 
munes of  Amiens,  Soissons,  Rheims,  Sens,  and  Vezelay 
were  also  established  in  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century, 
and  were  often  the  occasion  of  no  less  obstinate  struggles. 
There  was,  we  see,  a  kind  of  unity  in  this  great  movement, 
and  although  the  local  sufferings  caused  each  communal 
insurrection,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  example  of 
neighboring  towns,  which  had  already  freed  themselves,  had 
great  influence  in  the  other  towns  about  them.  It  is  proved 
by  the  fact  that  they  imitated  each  other  ;  the  commune  of 
Laon  was  organized  on  the  model  of  the  communes  of  St. 
Quentin  and  of  Noyon,  the  charter  of  Laon  served  as  a 
pattern  to  Crespy  and  Montdidier.  The  charter  of  Sois- 
sons was  very  famous,  and  was  adopted  in  many  places. 

Let  us  now  define  the  word  commune  more  carefully. 
One  of  the  enemies  and  contemporaries  of  the  communal 
revolution,  the  Abbot  Guibert  of  Nogent,  said  :  "  Com- 
mune is  a  new  and  detestable  word,  and  its  meanmg  is  as 
follows  :  the  people  who  are  liable  to  the  taille  pay  the  rent 
which  they  owe  to  their  lord  only  once  a  year.  If  they 
commit  a  misdemeanor  they  are  acquitted  of  it  on  the  pay- 
ment of  a  fine  determined  by  law  ;  and  as  to  the  levying  of 
money,  customarily  inflicted  on  the  serfs,  from  that  they  are 
entirely  exempt."  These  few  lines  give  a  sufficient!}'  cor- 
rect definition  of  the  word  commune,  though  they  are  far 
from  giving  it  as  odious  a  character  as  their  author  desired.* 
They  show  us  the  tenants  requiring  guarantees  for  their 
persons  and  their  possessions,  and  placing  these  guarantees 
under  the  care  of  magistrates  already  existing,  maires, 
Jur^s,  ^chevins^  possessing,  in  fact,  through  their  principal 
magistrates,  and  this  is  their  distinguishing  feature,  a  juris- 
diction of  their  own,  but  not  usually  attempting  to  form 

*  In  the  strict  sense  a  commune  was  a  corporation  regarded  by  the  law 
as  a  feudal  person,  and  as  such  capable  of  exercising  feudal  rights  and 
performing  feudal  duties  under  such  limits  as  its  charter  placed  upon  it. 

The  echevi)is  were  both  administrative  and  judicial  officers.  In  some 
of  the  communes  at  least  there  seems  to  have  been  a  double  jurisdiction, 
Xh&^chcvin  representing  the  seigneur  and  they'?/;'/ the  city. — Ed. 


3IO  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

political  constitutions.  There  lies  the  difference  between 
the  French  communes  and  the  Italian  republics  ;  the  former 
limited,  though  they  did  not,  like  the  latter,  throw  off  the 
dominion  of  their  feudal  lords.  The  commune  of  Cambrai 
is  quoted  as  one  of  those  that  put  most  restrictions  on  the 
seignorial  rights  :  "  Neither  the  bishop  nor  the  emperor," 
said  a  contemporary,  "  can  impose  a  tax  there,  no  tribute 
is  exacted  ;  the  soldiery  cannot  be  called  out,  except  for 
the  defense  of  the  city,  and,  moreover,  on  the  condition  that 
the  citizens  shall  be  able  to  return  to  their  houses  on  the 
same  day."  The  citizens  of  Cambrai  were  on  the  same 
basis  as  the  most  favored  feudatory. 

The  reason  that  the  communes  of  France  were  not  able 
to  reach  political  independence  and  to  form  little  republics 

Intervention  ^'^^'  ^^^'-  although  they  wcrc  succcssful  in 
by  the  royal  avoiding  the  domination  of  their  immediate 
cu^e'^'of  ?he  lord,  they  could  not  escape  that  of  their 
Communes.  superior   sovereign  the   king.     The   city    of 

Amiens  had  wrested  a  communal  charter  from  their  count ; 
when  the  county  of  Amiens  was  joined  to  the  crown  of 
France,  the  struggle  was  no  longer  against  a  petty  lord,  but 
against  the  king  himself.  It- was  the  same  case  with  many 
other  towns.  Very  often,  in  the  heat  of  the  fight  with  their 
lords,  they  called  upon  the  king  of  their  own  accord  and 
asked  for  assistance,  which  he  hastened  to  grant  in  order 
that  he  might  not  lose  so  good  an  occasion  to  strike  a  blow 
at  the  seignioral  power.  They  found  in  him  a  protector  for 
the  time  being,  and  one  who  was  very  useful  during  the 
struggle,  but  who  afterwards  proved  fatal  to  their  develop- 
ment, and  stopped  it  before  it  reached  political  independ- 
ence. The  great  number  of  royal  ordinances  relating  to 
the  communes,  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  show 
how  large  a  part  royalty  took  in  this  revolutionary  move- 
ment ;  there  are  9  acts  signed  by  Louis  VI.,  the  Fat,  rela- 
tive to  communes;  23  of  Louis  VII.;  78  of  Philip  Augus- 
tus ;  10  of  Louis  VIII.;  20  of  St.  Louis  ;  15  of  Philip  III.; 
46  of  Philip  the  Fair;  6  of  Louis  X.;  12  of  Philip  V.;  19 
of  Charles  IV.  The  principle  that  the  communes  belonged 
to  the  king  prevailed  as  early  as  the  time  of  Louis  VII., 
and  sixty  years  later  Beaumanoir  wrote,  that  "  No  one  can 
establish  a  commune  without  the  consent  of  the  king."  At 
the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  development  of 
the  communes  ceased  and  gave  way  to  a  movement  in  the 


Chap.  XXII.]      PROGRESS   OF   THE   CITIES.  31 1 

opposite  direction.*  Then  we  see  some  of  the  communes 
suppressed  by  the  authorities,  others  themselves  demanding 
their  suppression  in  the  hope  of  finding  more  security 
under  tlie  authority  of  a  lord  or  a  king  than  they  could  in 
the  disturbed  condition  of  free  institutions.  So  the  com- 
munes, in  France,  did  nothing  to  help  on  the  growth  of 
universal  liberty,  and  did  not  even  know  how  to  keep  what 
they  had  acquired  ;  they  not  only  never  thought  of  forming 
a  confederation  among  themselves,  like  the  Lombard  towns, 
but  they  allowed  themselves  to  be  despoiled  of  their  rights, 
or  else  gave  them  up  of  their  own  accord. 

Though  the  communes  lost  or  failed  to  reach  political 

liberty,  they   at    least    preserved    some    guarantees,    some 

municipal  privileges.     They  thus  approached 

comm^naf.  Be-    the    enfranchisement   of   the   people  by  an- 

ginning  of  the     other  path,  namely,  by  the  formation  of  the 

Third  Estate.  ..         ^         '  i  ii    j    ^u        i 

cities,  more  properly  called  the  bourgeoisies 
[villes  de  bourgeoisie^. \  We  have  already  mentioned,  in 
connection  with  the  seignioral  castles,  the  agglomerations 
of  men  and  habitations  which  attached  themselves,  as  it 
were,  to  their  great  walls.  It  was  to  the  interest  of  the 
lord  of  the  castle  to  enlarge  these  communities,  thereby 
increasing  the  number  of  his  subjects  and  artisans,  and 
augmenting  his  revenues  and  even  his  military  forces  ;  for 
many  a  time  the  men  (commonly  called  parishioners^^ 
whether  from  the  towns  or  from  villages,  were  seen  march- 
ing, led  by  their  priest,  wherever  their  lord  directed.  He 
also  tried  to  attract  the  peasants  from  neighboring  domains 
by  the  advantages  he  offered  on  his  land  ;  he  granted  a 
charter  in  advance  and  had  it  published  far  and  wide,  like 
the  following  :  "  Be  it  known  to  all  men  present  and  to 
come,  that  I,  Henry,  Count  of  Troyes,  have  established  the 
customs  set  forth  below  for  the  inhabitants  of  my  ville-neuve 
(near  Pont-sur-Seine)  :  every  man  living  in  said  town  shall 
pay  twelve  deniers  and  a  measure  of  oats  yearly  as  the 
price  of  his  domicile  ;  and  if  he  wishes  to  have  a  portion  of 


*  The  reaction  against  communal  independence  ought  to  be  dated 
from  the  reign  of  Louis  IX. — Ed. 

f  Villes  de  bourgeoisie  were  cities  which  had  obtained  exemptions  from 
feudal  dues  and  exactions,  together  with  certain  privileges,  but  which 
had  not  gone  so  far  as  the  communes  in  gaining  for  themselves  in  their 
corporate  capacity  feudal  rights. — Ed. 


312  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

land  for  meadows,  he  may  pay  four  deniers  rent  per  acre. 
The  houses,  vineyards,  and  meadows  may  be  sold  or  trans- 
ferred at  the  pleasure  of  the  purchaser.  (Here  we  see  the 
peasant  grown  to  be  a  proprietor.)  The  men  residing  in  said 
town  shall  not  be  made  to  join  the  army  nor  to  go  on  any 
expedition  unless  I  myself  am  at  their  head.  I  grant  them, 
moreover,  the  right  of  having  six  e'chevins,  who  shall  admin- 
ister the  common  affairs  of  the  town  and  shall  assist  my 
provost  when  his  courts  are  in  session.  I  have  secured 
that  no  lord,  whether  knight  or  otherwise,  shall  be  able  to 
take  away  from  the  town  any  of  the  new  inhabitants,  for 
any  reason  whatever,  unless  the  latter  should  be  his  serf,  or 
should  owe  him  arrears  of  his  taille.  Enacted  at  Provins, 
in  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  1175."  What  the  Count  of 
Troyes  did  was  done  by  other  lords,  and  often  by  the  king 
himself.  The  name  of  villeneuve,  which  occurs  in  many 
localities  (Villeneuve-de-Roi,  Villeneuve-St.  Georges,  etc.), 
is  a  relic  of  this  general  movement. 

Some  of  the  old  cities  also  obtained  privileges  analogous 
to  those  of  the  new  cities,  while  remaining,  like  them,  under 
the  provost  of  their  lord  or  of  the  king.  It  was  in  the  royal 
domains  that  this  usually  took  place.  Orleans  and  Paris 
were  among  such  cities,  for,  in  spite  of  their  antiquity,  it 
appears  that  they  had  not  kept  their  Roman  municipal 
government,  but,  on  the  contrary,  owed  all  their  franchises 
and  privileges  to  the  Middle  Ages  and  the  kings,  except  at 
Paris  the  corporation  of  the  Nautes,  which  goes  back  to  the 
emperors  and  probably  to  the  Gauls.  In  1137,  at  Orleans, 
Louis  VII.  forbade  the  provost  and  the  sergeants  of  the 
town  to  molest  the  citizens  in  any  way,  and  fixed  the  impost 
to  be  levied  for  the  king  on  every  measure  of  corn  and  of 
wine  ;  ten  years  later  he  abolished  the  right  of  mortmain. 
Still  later  he  made  regulations  for  the  repression  of  abuses, 
for  the  organization  of  the  judicial  system,  and  for  the 
encouragement  of  commerce. 

Certain  of  these  town  charters  served  as  models  for  many 
others,  as  we  have  seen  the  communal  charters  doing.  Such 
were  the  customs  of  Loris  in  Gatinais  accorded  by  the  king 
to  seven  bourgs  or  towns  of  his  domains  in  the  space  of 
fifty  years  (1163-1201).  The  great  difference  between  the 
communes  and  these  towns  is  that  the  former  gained  by 
force  their  privileges,  which  included  that  of  jurisdiction, 
or  the  right  to  administer  justice,  while  the  latter  by  peace- 


Chap.  XXII.]      PROGRESS  OF   THE   CITIES.  313 

ful  measures  obtained  less  extensive  concessions  in  which 
the  right  of  jurisdiction  was  not  included. 

To  sum  up  the  whole  matter,  we  see  that,  of  the  towns  of 
France,  some  were  never  enfranchised  from  royal  authority, 
while  others,  namely  the  communes  and  municipal  cities, 
reverted  to  that  authority.  In  all  the  cities  a  middle  class 
was  formed  which  grew  richer  day  by  day  through  com- 
merce and  industry,  which  formed  powerful  corporations 
everywhere,  filled  the  universities,  and  acquired  knowledge, 
especially  legal  knowledge,  together  with  wealth.  The 
common  people  had  two  paths  open  to  them  by  which  they 
could  attain  to  political  influence  :  as  merchants  and 
manufacturers  they  were  called  by  St.  Louis  into  his  coun- 
cil ;  as  lawyers  we  shall  see  them  reigning  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Philip  the  Fair,  and,  admitted  by  this  same  Philip  the 
Fair  to  the  general  assemblies  of  the  nation,  they  no  longer 
formed  merely  a  class  but  a  recognized  order,  an  estate  of 
the  realm,  the  Third  Estate. 

The  revolution  which  raised  the  people  in  England  and 
introduced  that  element  into  the  public  life  of  the  nation 
was  not  of  the  same  character  as  that  in 
of^ftlelinEng-  Fraucc.  In  the  first  place  the  bloody  strug- 
1  and  and  in  gies  of  the  Frcnch  communes  were  not  seen 
ermany.  there.     Many  of  the  English  towns  before  the 

Norman  conquest  were  already  rich  and  populous  and  took 
part  in  the  affairs  of  the  country.  In  the  time  of  ^Ethelred 
II.,  the  inhabitants  of  Canterbury  attended  the  court  of 
the  earl  and  those  of  London  took  part  several  times  in  the 
election  of  kings.  Yet  they  do  not  appear  to  have  sent 
deputies  to  the  Saxon  Witenagemot,  and  their  rights  were 
generally  confined  within  their  walls.  The  Norman  con- 
quest did  them  a  great  deal  of  harm  ;  in  York  the  number 
of  houses  fell  from  1609  to  967  ;  in  Oxford,  from  721  to 
234  ;  and  many  other  towns  had  a  like  experience.  As 
they  were  less  formidable,  from  that  time  they  lost  their 
rights,  and  the  lord,  whether  king  or  baron,  of  the  domains 
in  which  they  were  situated  disposed  of  their  possessions 
and  of  their  inhabitants  with  almost  absolute  power. 
Henry  I.  restored  their  privileges  and  gave  its  first  char- 
ter to  the  city  of  London.*     Under  Henry  II.,  the  inhabi- 

*  That  is,  the  first  granting  it  political  privileges.  See  Stubbs,  Const. 
Hist,  of  Eng.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  403-426. — Ed. 


314  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VIl. 

tants  of  many  towns  acquired  the  right  of  ownership  in  the 
land  they  occupied,  and  bought  off,  for  a  fixed  charge,  the 
special  and  uncertain  tributes  which  were  arbitrarily  de- 
manded of  them.  Finally,  under  King  John,  the  granting 
of  charters  became  a  frequent  occurrence.  From  that  time 
on  the  cities,  grown  rich  and  powerful,  inspired  respect  in 
their  lords,  whether  kings  or  barons,  who  no  longer  exacted 
but  asked  the  cities  and  towns  of  their  domains  for  assist- 
ance ;  they  were  then  on  the  same  basis  as  the  possessors 
of  fiefs  ;  the  foremost  citizens  of  London  and  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  (Dover,  Sandwich,  Hythe,  Hastings,  and  Romney), 
even  acquired  the  titles  of  nobles  and  barons.  In  1264  the 
above-mentioned  towns,  together  with  York  and  Lincoln  and 
all  the  other  great  cities  of  England,  were  authorized  to 
send  deputies  to  parliament.  This  marks  their  first  ap- 
pearance in  political  life.  One  hundred  and  twenty  towns 
sent  deputies  to  the  parliament  convoked  by  Edward  in 
1295,  for  it  is  just,  said  the  preamble  to  the  writs  of  elec- 
tion, that  what  affects  the  interests  of  all  should  be 
approved  by  all. 

The  towns  had  been  assisted  in  their  progress  by  the 
small  gentry,  that  is  to  say,  the  knights  of  the  shires,  and 
the  free  tenants.  Something  of  the  same  sort  happened  in 
Italy.  But  in  Italy  the  remoteness  or  the  weakness  of  sove- 
reign authority  relieved  these  two  classes  from  the  necessity 
of  uniting  :  they  became  rivals,  and  their  rivalry  destroyed 
the  Italian  republics.  In  England,  on  the  contrary,  the 
necessity  of  union  was  enjoined  by  the  permanence  of  royal 
power  and  its  continual  presence  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom; 
and  instead  of  little  ephemeral  republics  a  great  system  of 
national  representation  was  developed.  While  in  England 
the  towns  united  with  the  nobility  against  the  power  of  roy- 
alty, in  Germany  as  in  France  they  allied  themselves  with 
the  sovereign  against  the  feudal  system,  the  only  difference 
being  that  the  alliance  was  much  less  close  and  involved  a 
much  smaller  degree  of  dependence.  The  emperor  raised 
the  towns  to  an  immediate  feudal  connection  with  himself  as 
against  the  princes  of  the  empire, — that  is,  the  towns  lying  in 
the  territory  of  the  princes  were  directly  dependent  not  upon 
the  princes,  but  upon  the  emperor,  who  thus  had  his  sup- 
porters in  the  very  heart  of  the  great  fiefs.  The  German 
towns,  which  had  before  that  been  rich  and  commercial,  now 
increased  their  commerce  and  their  wealth,  thanks  to  their 


Chap.  XXII.]      PROGRESS  OF   THE   CITIES.  31$ 

new  condition.  Henry  V.*  lent  great  assistance  to  this 
revolution  by  granting  privileges  to  the  lower  class  of  citi- 
zens, the  artisans,  who  up  to  that  time  had  been  distinguished 
•from  the  freemen  and  placed  in  a  lower  grade,  according 
to  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  law  ;  he  released  them  from  one 
oppressive  custom  in  particular,  which  gave  their  feudal 
lord  at  their  death  a  right  to  all  their  movable  goods,  or  at 
least  the  power  to  demand  whatever  was  best  in  the  inheri- 
tance. In  many  of  the  towns  he  took  away  all  temporal 
authority  from  the  bishops  and  divided  the  citizens  into  com- 
panies according  to  the  nature  of  their  occupations  ;  an  insti- 
tution soon  adopted  by  the  other  commercial  countries. 
The  citizens  thus  organized  were  not  slow  in  forming  coun- 
cils, which  were  chosen  from  their  own  number  by  election, 
like  a  senate  or  a  magistracy,  and  which,  after  first  confin- 
ing themselves  to  assisting  the  emperor's  or  the  bishop's 
officer,  obtained  the  right  of  jurisdiction  in  the  thirteenth 
century. 

In  Germany  the  towns,  to  increase  their  population,  used 
means  like  those  we  have  seen  employed  in  France  by  the 
kings  and  lords  in  the  founding  of  their  villeneuves ;  the 
feudal  lord  opened  an  asylum  about  his  castle  and  the 
towns  opened  one  about  their  walls  ;  a  host  of  strangers 
hastened  to  establish  themselves  there,  under  the  name  of 
Pfahlbiirger  (citizens  of  the  palisades  ;  hence  faubourg). 
The  serfs  of  the  neighboring  lords  often  took  refuge  there, 
and  at  the  end  of  a  year  and  a  day  they  could  not  be 
reclaimed.  This  gave  rise  to  many  complaints  on  the  part 
of  the  lords. 

The  towns  in  Germany  which  enjoyed  the  greatest  pros- 
perity were  those  lying  on  the  Rhine  and  in  Lorraine ; 
Mainz,  Cologne,  Coblentz,  Bonn,  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  in 
Saxony,  Magdeburg,  Bremen,  Liibeck,  Hamburg;  in  Ba- 
varia, Ratisbon  ;  in  Swabia,  Augsburg  and  Ulm  ;  in  Fran- 
conia,  Nuremberg,  Frankfort  on  the  jMain,  Spire,  Worms, 
etc.  Their  commerce  extended  far  and  wide  ;  they  ex- 
changed commodities  from  the  north  of  Europe  for  those 
of  the  East,  and  they  were  soon  admitted   to  the  diets  of 


*  It  must  be  remembered  that  here  as  in  all  other  countries  the  acts  of 
the  sovereign  do  not  create  the  institutions,  but  only  recognize  and  give  a 
legal  existence  to  those  which  had  grown  up  by  a  natural  development 
and  through  a  long  period  of  time. — Ed. 


3i6  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

the  Emperor.  But  they  did  not  succeed  in  founding  a  class 
throughout  the  country,  for  they  were  not  able  to  join  with 
the  feudal  nobility,  as  in  England,  nor,  as  in  France,  to 
make  common  cause  with  the  king,  who  was  too  weak  and 
often  engaged  with  the  very  different  interests  created  by 
his  imperial  title.  Accordingly  they  remained  almost  isolated 
from  the  rest  of  the  empire,  and  were  obliged  to  provide 
for  their  own  defense  on  account  of  the  weakness  of  the 
supreme  power  and  the  bad  condition  of  the  imperial 
police  ;  they  formed  leagues  among  themselves  which  were 
of  great  importance,  but  which  could  not  give  rise  to  a  real 
body  politic  any  more  than  that  of  the  Lombard  towns. 

The  advances  made  by  the  city  population  had  an  influ- 
ence also  upon  the  people  of  the  country  districts.  Charters 
of  enfranchisement  for  the  serfs  increased  in  number.  In 
the  twelfth  century  they  had  already  been  allowed  to  testify 
in  court ;  and  some  of  the  popes,  Hadrian  IV.,  and  especi- 
ally Alexander  III.,  who  has  left  us  a  celebrated  bull,  had 
demanded  liberty  for  them.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the 
enfranchisements  were  very  numerous  ;  for  the  lords  began 
to  understand  what  was  said  by  Beaumanoir  and  very  dis- 
tinctly by  many  charters,  to  the  effect  that  they  would  gain 
more  in  having  free  industrious  men  on  their  land  than  by 
keeping  the  lazy  serfs,  "who  neglect  their  work,  saying  that 
they  are  working  for  some  one  else." 

In  this  way  the  new  class  which  was  unknown   to  the 

Bishop  Adalbero  in  the  time  of  King  Robert  had  come  into 

^    existence,  and  was  animated  by  a  totally  differ- 

Feudal    and  •    ■     r  ^1,1  1^1  1  i-i 

customary  cut  spint  froni  that  shown  by  the  class  which 
right  opposed,  had  SO  loug  impeded  its  progress.  The  feu- 
dal order  ruled  by  the  right  of  privilege,  made  the  eldest 
born  sole  heir,  and  kept  the  inheritance  permanently  in  the 
same  line,  while  the  middle  class  inscribed  in  their  charters 
some  of  the  principles  of  rational  right,  and  the  equal  divi- 
sion of  property  between  all  the  children. 

The  new  popular  law,  from  its  low  and  humble  origin, 
could  not  have  entered  into  competition  with  the  aristocratic 
law  if  it  had  not  found  in  the  old  law  of  the  Roman  Emper- 
ors a  potent  auxiliary.  This  law,  though  long  neglected, 
had  not  been  entirely  forgotten,  and  it  made  a  glorious  re- 
appearance in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  in  some  of 
the  Italian  towns,  especially  at  Bologna,  where  numbers  of 
students,    gathered    together    from   all    parts   of    Europe, 


Chap.  XXII.]      PROGRESS   OF   THE   CITIES.  317 

crowded  into  the  lecture  room  of  Irnerius,  who  had  revived 
the  study  of  jurisprudence.  The  French  were  the  first  to 
cross  the  mountains,  the  pilgrims  of  science,  as  their  fathers 
before  them  had  been  pilgrims  of  the  cross,  in  order  to  lis- 
ten to  his  learned  lectures  ;  and  soon  Montpellier,  Angers, 
and  Orleans  had  their  chairs  of  Roman  Law.  In  the  time 
of  Philip  Augustus,  Justinian's  compilation  was  translated 
into  French,  and  its  study  proved  so  attractive  that  some  of 
the  popes  and  councils  solemnly  forbade  the  monks  having 
anything  to  do  with  it,  lest  they  should  be  diverted  by  it 
from  meditation  on  the  sacred  books. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  men  of  that  time,  lost  in  the  chaos  of 
feudal  laws,  the  Roman  code,  an  admirable  collection  of 
logical  deductions  whose  premises  were  natural  equality  and 
general  utility,  seemed  to  be,  in  very  truth,  what  they  called 
it,  reason  written  out.  The  children  of  the  wealthy  among 
the  middle  class  were  devoted  by  their  parents  to  its  study, 
which  they  found  a  weapon  of  defense  against  the  feudal 
system  ;  by  means  of  these  laws,  which  were  rendered 
doubly  respectable  by  their  origin  and  by  their  antiquity, 
the  lawyers  were  able  to  work  in  a  thousand  different  ways 
toward  the  overthrow  of  the  two  great  slaveries  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages, — the  slavery  of  man  and  the  slavery  of  the  land. 
St.  Louis  had  already  authorized  Languedoc  to  make  the 
Roman  law  their  municipal  law  ;  the  same  concession  was 
made  to  other  provinces.  In  those  that  kept  their  own 
special  laws,  the  Roman  law,  held  in  reserve  to  be  consulted 
in  all  doubtful  cases,  insensibly  pervaded  the  local  customs 
with  its  own  spirit.  Thus  began,  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
that  war  between  rational  law,  whether  Roman  or  custo- 
mary, and  the  aristocratic  law  of  the  feudal  order  ;  sustained 
and  directed  by  the  legists,  this  contest  did  not  end  for 
France  until  the  great  year  of  1789,  in  the  triumph  of 
equality  over  privilege.  It  has  not  yet  come  to  an  end  in 
those  European  countries  which  have  not  followed  our  path. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

CIVILIZATION   OF   THE    TWELFTH    AND    THIRTEENTH 

CENTURIES. 


Explorations  in  the  East  and  the  commerce  of  the  Middle  Ages. — New 
departures  in  industry  and  agriculture. — Corporations. — Condition 
of  the  country  districts. — Lack  of  security. — The  Jews  and  bills  of 
exchange. — Intellectual  progress  ;  Universities,  scholastics,  astrol- 
ogy, alchemy,  magicians. — National  literature. — Arts  ;  Ogival 
architecture. 


The  progress  made  by  the  urban  population  was  due  to 
the  progress  which  had  been  made  by  commerce  and  by 
the  industrial  arts,  both  of  which  had  been 
infh?Eastand  developed  by  the  crusades, 
the  commerce  In  the  imagination  of  the  people  of  the 
Ages.^  '  ^  Middle  Ages,  the  East,  and  particularly  India, 
were  countries  of  fabulous  wealth.  There, 
most  exquisite  wares,  precious  stones,  and  gold  were  to  be 
found  in  profusion.  They  knew  no  other  way  of  reaching 
these  marvelous  countries  except  by  Asia  ;  either  by  pass- 
ing to  the  north  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  or  through  Syria  and 
Persia,  or  by  the  Red  Sea  and  the  Indian  Ocean.  All  these 
three  waters  were  used,  but  all  commerce  carried  on  by 
them  was  pursued  under  many  obstacles  and  with  the 
greatest  risks.  We  can  obtain  some  idea  of  this  by  the 
narrative  of  a  few  intrepid  travelers  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

Towards  1172,  the  jew  Benjamin  of  Tudela  traveled 
as  far  as  Samarcand  and  Hindostan.  In  1246,  a  Fran- 
ciscan monk,  John  du  Plan  Carpin,  [Carpini]  was  sent  by 
Innocent  IV.  to  the  Tartars,  on  whom  he  wrote  a  treatise 
which  has  come  down  to  us.  In  1253,  St.  Louis,  who  was 
then  in  Palestine,  wishing  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Mon- 
gols if  possible,  sent  the  Franciscan,  Rubruquis  (Ruybroecq) 
thither  and  comuiissioned  him  to  write  him  long  letters 
describing  all  that  he  saw. 

During  this  same  period,  the  adventurous  Venetian 
family  of  which   Marco   Polo  was  the  youngest  and  most 

318 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZATION.  3l9 

celebrated  member,  had  already  begun  their  travels.  Marco 
Polo  lived  with  his  father  and  uncle  twenty-six  years 
among  the  Tartars  in  China.  They  rendered  valuable  ser- 
vices to  the  Khan,  and  he  was  unwilling  to  have  them  leave 
him.  They  succeeded,  however,  in  returning  to  Europe, 
after  seeing  the  whole  coast  of  China  and  India.  When 
they  returned  to  Venice,  their  friends  refused  to  recognize 
them,  as  their  heirs  had  declared  that  they  were  dead  ; 
and  in  fact  they  strongly  resembled  Tartars,  both  in 
their  looks  and  their  language,  and  made  a  very  poor  appear- 
ance on  their  arrival.  They  collected  together  all  whom 
they  knew  to  be  their  former  friends  and  relations,  and 
in  their  presence  ripped  up  the  coarse  clothing  they  had 
worn  ;  diamonds,  emeralds,  and  sapphires  fell  from  every 
seam,  and  it  was  not  long  before  all  their  friends  and 
relations  were  ready  to  acknowledge  them.  Marco  Polo 
took  part  in  a  war  which  his  compatriots  were  carrying 
on  with  the  Genoese,  and  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
latter.  During  his  captivity,  in  which  he  was  treated 
with  great  consideration,  he  wrote  his  most  valuable 
narrative. 

Another  narrative,  curious  in  a  different  way,  was  written 
by  the  English  knight,  Sir  John  Maundeville,  who  traveled 
during  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century.  This  narra- 
tive, it  has  been  supposed,  was  written  by  him  in  three 
languages,  in  English,  French,  and  Latin,  and  copies  of  it 
were  greatly  multiplied  during  the  next  century.  It  is  re- 
markable for  certain  cosmographical  ideas  of  the  roundness 
of  the  earth,  the  possibility  of  making  the  passage  of  its 
circumference,  and  the  existence  of  the  antipodes,  all  ques- 
tions of  the  first  importance  as  influencing  the  discovery  of 
a  new  route  to  India,  which  was  made  by  Vasco  de  Gama 
at  the  beginning  of  modern  times. 

The  merchants  did  not  venture  quite  as  far  as  these  bold 
apostles  of  science.  They  hardly  went  out  of  sight  of  the 
Mediterranean,  the  Black  Sea,  or  the  Baltic,  but  they  kept 
up  a  constant  intercourse  with  the  farthest  countries  of  the 
East  by  means  of  caravans.  Arab  money  has  been  found 
as  far  north  as  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland,  and  the 
merchants  of  Novgorod  carried  on  a  lively  commerce  with 
the  East,  from  whence  the  richest  commodities  have  always 
come — such  as  silken  fabrics,  perfumes,  spices,  precious 
stones,  ivory,  gold-dust,  the    plumes  of  Africa,  the    woods 


326  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

used  in  dyeing,  Damascus  weapons,  the  tissues  of  Mosul 
and  India,  and  the  sugar  of  Syria. 

This  commerce  centered  about  two  distinct  regions  dur- 
ing the  Middle  Ages  ;  one  the  shores  of  the  North  Sea  and 
the  Baltic,  the  other  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 

The  commerce  on  the  Mediterranean  flourished  long  be- 
fore that  of  the  North.  Without  mentioning  the  cities  on  the 
African  coast  which  were  so  prosperous  during  the  tenth 
and  eleventh  centuries,  or  the  Arabs  of  Spain,  who  were  so 
industrious  and  so  rich,  there  were  Barcelona,  the  storehouse 
and  market  of  all  Spain,  Montpellier,  Narbonne,  Aries,  Mar- 
seilles, Nice,  Genoa,  Pisa,  Florence,  Amalfi,  and  Venice, 
which  were  all  struggling  for  the  supremacy  over  the  east- 
ern commerce.  The  Italian  cities  gained  the  greater  part 
and  scattered  their  counting-houses  over  the  coasts  of  the 
Archipelago  and  the  Black  Sea,  where  Venice  and  Genoa 
ruled  either  simultaneously  or  by  turns. 

However,  it  cost  them  a  great  deal  of  trouble  to  bring 
even  a  small  part  of  this  wealth  from  the  depths  of  Asia, 
through  lands  inhabited  by  hostile  populations  and  often 
convulsed  by  wars  ;  and  it  was  also  difficult  to  transport 
these  products  across  the  Alps  to  the  cities  of  the  North  to 
exchange  them  for  the  products  of  that  region.  Marseilles, 
Beaucaire,  Lyons,  and  Troyes  served  France  as  intermediate 
stations  ;  Constance,  Basel,  and  Strassburg  for  the  Rhine 
country  ;  Innsbruck  for  the  Alps ;  Augsburg  for  the 
great  Bavarian  plain  ;  Ulm,  Ratisbon,  and  Vienna  for 
the  Danube,  and  Nuremberg  for  Franconia.  The  pro- 
ducts of  northern  commerce  were  also  brought  to  these 
cities. 

In  the  low  countries  of  the  north  of  Germany  and  France, 
which  were  often  flooded  by  water  and  intersected  by 
rivers,  the  cities  naturally  were  stronger  than  the  feudal 
nobility.  From  their  situation  on  the  ocean  and  at  the 
mouth  of  great  rivers  which  could  carry  their  ships  in  all 
directions  into  the  very  heart  of  a  vast  continent,  they  nat- 
urally devoted  themselves  to  commerce  ;  but  with  this  dif- 
ference from  the  Italian  cities,  that  whereas  the  latter  always 
looked  upon  each  other  as  rivals,  as  there  was  no  power- 
ful feudal  system  in  their  midst  to  force  them  to  unite 
against  a  common  foe,  the  German  cities  formed  a  confed- 
eration in  the  interest  of  mutual  protection.  This  confed- 
eration, which  was  called  the  Hanseatic  League,  held  the 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZATION.  321 

supreme  power  in  the  north  of  Europe  and  united  all  the 
cities  on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  the  rich  cities  on  the  Rhine, 
and  the  great  communes  of  Flanders,  by  a  common  commer- 
cial interest. 

From  London  to  Novgorod,  on  all  the  vessels  of  commerce 
and  above  all  counting-houses,  floated  one  and  the  same 
flag,  that  of  the  Hansa.  The  merchants  of  this  League 
were  masters  of  the  fisheries,  the  mines,  the  agriculture, 
and  the  manufactures  of  Germany.  \\\  their  markets  were 
exchanged  the  furs,  tallow,  and  hides  from  Russia,  grain, 
wax,  and  honey  from  Poland,  amber  from  Prussia,  metals 
from  Saxony  and  Bohemia,  wines  from  the  Rhine  and  from 
France,  wool  and  tin  from  England,  linens  from  Holland 
and  Friesland,  cloths  from  Flanders,  and  many  other  things. 
And,  last  but  not  least,  the  Italians  and  Provencals  sent  the 
products  of  the  Orient  to  the  great  free  port  of  Bruges. 
In  1360,  there  were  52  cities  in  this  confederation,  and  in 
the  fifteenth  century  80  cities.  They  were  divided  into 
four  colleges  with  Liibeck,  Cologne,  Brunswick,  and  Dantzig, 
at  their  head.  Lubeck  was  the  capital  or  rather  the  metro- 
politan seat  of  the  League.  The  branch  offices  were  at  Lon- 
don, Bruges,  Bergen  and  Novgorod  ;  also  at  Paris,  Wisby, 
on  the  island  of  Gothland,  etc. 

Flanders,  situated  in  the  very  midst  of  this  great  com- 
mercial association  of  Germany,  and  covered  with  cities 
and  workshops,  was  a  zealous  center  of  industry.  Ghent, 
with  its  80,000  citizens  able  to  bear  arms,  planted  proudly 
on  its  shield  this  device,  which  savors  something  of  Rome  : 
S.  P.  Q.  G.  i^senatus  populusque  Gandavensiuni).  Ypres 
counted  200,000  weavers  within  her  walls  and  suburbs  ; 
Bruges,  the  entrepot  of  all  Flanders,  was  the  meeting-place 
of  European  merchants  and  had  a  chamber  of  insurance 
(1310)  two  centuries  before  the  rest  of  Europe.  Matthew 
of  Westminster  says  :  "  The  whole  world  was  clothed  in 
English  wool  which  had  been  manufactured  in  Flanders. 
All  the  kingdoms  in  Christendom,  and  even  the  Turks,  were 
disturbed  by  the  war  that  broke  out  between  the  cities  and 
the  count  in  1380."  As  to  Holland,  though  still  somewhat 
obscure  it  already  showed  some  signs  of  its  future  brilliant 
fortune.  An  inundation  of  the  ocean  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury joined  the  Zuyder  Zee  with  the  ocean,  and  made 
Amsterdam  a  port  secure  from  all  tempests  ;  in  the  four- 
teenth century  the  change  of  the  herring  fishery,  which  left 


32  2  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

the  shores  of  Scania  for  the  shores  of  England  and  Holland, 
brought  a  great  source  of  wealth  to  these  countries. 

In  England  both  commerce  and  industry  were  still  dor- 
mant. Nevertheless,  England  had  some  commercial  rela- 
tions with  Spain,  sending  her  fine  sheep  thither  and  receiving 
in  exchange  the  Arab  horses,  from  which  the  best  English 
herds  of  to-day  have  descended. 

In  France  in  the  twelfth  century,  annual  fairs,  which  were 
famous  throughout  all  Europe,  were  held  at  Troyes,  in 
Champagne,  Beaucaire  in  Languedoc,  and  Saint  Denis  near 
Paris.  The  merchants  of  Rouen,  Orleans,  Amiens,  Rheims, 
etc.,  kept  up  relations  with  the  rich  factories  of  Flanders 
and  the  immense  warehouses  of  Bruges.  Those  of  Lyons, 
Nimes,  Avignon,  and  Marseilles  went  twice  a  year  to  Alex- 
andria in  search  of  the  commodities  of  the  East,  which 
reached  France  also  through  Venice  and  the  German  cities. 
Bordeaux  already  exported  wines  to  England  and  Flanders. 
The  cities  of  Languedoc  bought  fine  weapons  at  Toledo  and 
hangings  of  leather  worked  with  arabesques  at  Cordova. 
Paris  had  a  hanse  or  association  for  the  merchandise  which 
came  by  water,  and  its  privileges  were  confirmed  by  Philip 
Augustus.  Hence  the  vessel  which  is  still  to  be  seen  on 
the  shield  of  the  city.  Saint  Louis  took  the  merchants  un- 
der his  special  protection. 

They  had  their  regulations,  which  formed,  as  it  were,  three 
maritime  codes.  All  the  commerce  of  the  South  was  regu- 
lated by  the  Consolato  del  Mare.  That  of  the  North  had 
two  ditferent  codes, — the  Lois  d'Oleron,  an  imitation  of  the 
Consolato  del  Mare,  and  the  ordinances  of  Wisby,  which 
were  drawn  up  after  the  Lois  d'Oleron. 

We  must  also  mention  a  discovery  which  belongs  to  the 
Middle  Ages,  though  its  full  influence  was  not  felt  till  the 
beginning  of  modern  times,  and  which  is  also  due  to  the  re- 
lations between  Europe  and  Asia — namely,  the  compass. 
Its  origin  is  not  known  with  any  certainty.  Guiot  de  Pro- 
vins,  a  Latin  poet  who  lived  in  France  toward  the  year  1200, 
compares  in  his  verse  the  lover  to  the  needle,  which  proves 
that  it  was  known  at  that  time,  and  that  it  is  an  error  to  attrib- 
ute its  discovery  to  an  inhabitant  of  Amalfi  during  the  four- 
teenth century.  It  may  have  been  derived  from  the  Sara- 
cens, who  perhaps  learned  it  from  the  Chinese.  At  all 
events  it  was  not  until  the  fourteenth  century  that  it  was 
really  put  into  use  by   the  Genoese  and  the  other  people 


Chap.  XXIIL]  CIVILIZATION.  323 

living  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  that  they  put 
sufficient  faith  in  it  to  undertake  voyages  along  the  Atlantic 
coasts  guided  only  by  the  little  instrument  which  was  event- 
ually to  open  all  the  paths  of  the  ocean  to  the  people  of 
Europe. 

The  crusaders  brought  some  new  industries  back  with 
them  from  the  East :  the  tissues  of  Damascus,  which  were 
imitated  at  Parma  and  Milan  ;  glass  from 
tri^s'^and 'li^w  Tyre,  which  was  copied  at  Venice,  where 
plants.  Cor-  looking-glasscs  were  made  to  replace  the 
porations.  metal  mirrors  ;  the  use  of  windmills,  of  flax, 

of  silk,  and  of  a  number  of  useful  plants,  such  as  the  Damas- 
cus plum  tree,  the  sugar  cane,  which  was  to  supersede 
honey,  the  only  sugar  known  to  antiquity,  but  which  at  first 
could  only  be  cultivated  in  Sicily  or  Spain,  whence  it  passed 
later  to  Madeira  and  the  Antilles,  bringing  great  wealth 
with  it  ;  and  finally  the  mulberry  tree,  w'hich  enriched 
first  Italy  and  then  France.  Cotton  fabrics  began  to  be 
known  during  this  epoch.*  Paper  made  from  cotton  had 
been  known  for  a  long  time  ;  linen  paper  was  known  by  the 
end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  but  it  did  not  entirely  replace 
parchment  until  the  sixteenth  century. f  Damaskeening 
and  the  engraving  of  seals  and  coins  were  being  perfected. 
The  art  of  enameling  was  learned,  and  the  goldsmith's  art 
received  a  new  impulse. 

During  the  later  times  of  the  Roman  Empire  the  work- 
men of  the  same  trade  had  begun  to  form  associations 
among  themselves.  The  Germans  also  had  formed  certain 
guilds  whose  members  promised  to  support  each  other,  and 
celebrated  their  union  by  banquets,  which  were  put  under 
the  patronage  of  some  god  or  hero,  and  which  gained  for 
the  members  of  a  guild  the  name  of  Brothers  of  the  Banqtiet 
The  corporations  of  the  Middle  Ages  resulted  from  the 
combination  of  these  two  institutions. J     Charlemagne  for- 

*  A  cotton  dress  is  mentioned  in  a  will  of  1220.  The  crusaders  spread 
the  use  of  this  fabric  ;  but  no  cotton  industry'  of  any  importance  was 
founded  in  France  before  the  seventeenth  century. 

\  Recent  investigations  make  it  practically  certain  that  linen  paper  was 
known  and  in  frequent  use  in  Europe  from  the  eighth  century  on.  Under 
the  microscope  the  so-called  cotton  papers  prove  to  be  made  from  linen 
rags.     It  was  probably  introduced  from  the  East  by  the  Arabs. — Ed. 

X  The  guilds  of  the  Middle  Ages  seem  to  have  developed  from  an 
independent  beginning  and  not  to  be  derived  from  similar  organizations 


324  THE  CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

bade  them,  and  the  synod  of  Rouen  in  1189  prohibited 
them  ;  but  they  were  too  necessary  in  these  times  of  violence 
to  be  discouraged  by  mere  interdictions.  The  communes 
had  guaranteed  the  liberty  of  persons  ;  the  corporations 
secured  liberty  for  labor.  The  members  of  these  corpora- 
tions were  of  great  assistance  to  each  other,  and  took  care 
of  the  old  men,  and  the  widows  and  orphans  of  any  mem- 
bers.  Each  corporation  had  its  patron  saint,  its  festivals, 
and  its  treasury.  The  chiefs,  and  the  syndics  or  wardens, 
prevented  frauds  and  enforced  the  regulations.  These 
regulations  required  a  long  and  hard  apprenticeship,  and 
secured  the  monopoly  of  their  industry  to  the  members  of 
corporations,  so  that  the  number  of  master  workmen  was 
fixed  for  each  profession  by  the  corporation  itself.  The 
result  was  that  there  was  no  competition  and  the  prices 
were  maintained  at  a  very  high  point.  This  severe  dis- 
cipline was,  however,  necessary  to  the  infancy  of  industry. 
Later  these  corporations  became  impediments  to  industry, 
but  in  the  Middle  Ages  they  were  a  necessity.  The  middle 
class  of  the  present  day  is  an  outcome  of  these  associations. 
We  still  possess  the  regulations  drawn  up  in  the  time  of 
Saint  Louis  for  the  corporations  of  Paris.  The  master 
workmen  were  charged  with  the  government  of  their  fellow- 
workmen,  the  handling  of  certain  moneys,  and  even  pos- 
sessed some  judicial  power  ;  but  they  were  also  responsible 
to  the  magistrate  for  all  disorders  committed  by  members 
of  their  corporations. 

The  corporations  gave  some  security  to  the  industries  of 
the  cities,  but  did  nothing  for  agriculture.  Forests  and  waste 
lands  covered  the  greater  part  of  the  country 
agrrcuUur°e.  and  well-cultivatcd  land  was  only  to  be  found 
Lack  of  secur-  \^  (-j^g  wfAX  neighborhood  of  the  cities  and  en- 
closed towns,  and  around  the  strong  castles  and 
monasteries.  The  laborer  did  not  dare  venture  beyond  the 
reach  of  a  place  of  refuge.  Crespy  in  Vallois  is  a  good  ex- 
ample of  the  construction  of  most  of  the  cities  of  the  times. 
It  had  an  extensive  faubourg,  which  was  separated  from  the 
city  by  a  line  of  fortifications  ;  the  faubourg  itself  was  pro- 
tected by  a  girdle  of  palisades.     The  burghers  lived  in  the 

found  either  among  the  Romans  or  the  early  Germans.  They  were 
probably  formed  at  first  for  religious  or  charitable  purposes,  and  became 
trade  guilds  only  later. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZATION.  325 

city,  while  the  faubourg  served  the  peasants  as  a  shelter  for 
themselves,  their  animals  and  agricultural  implements  in 
winter  or  in  any  time  of  danger.  While  they  were  working 
in  the  fields  they  lived  in  huts  such  as  our  wood-cutters 
still  use  in  the  forests.  We  have  already  noticed  the  same 
arrangements  in  the  German  cities. 

If  it  was  necessary  for  the  peasants  to  take  such  pre- 
cautions, how  many  more  must  have  been  necessary  for  the 
merchants.  Besides  the  duties  which  were  collected  at  the 
gates  of  each  city,  they  paid  a  right  of  escort  to  the  lord 
of  each  domain  traversed  by  them,  to  insure  them  against  all 
robbery.  Those  who  traveled  by  water  were  also  subjected 
to  many  exactions,  and  particularly  to  the  odious  right  of 
wreckage.  When  a  shipwreck  took  place  the  lords  who 
owned  the  lands  on  the  coast  took  possession  of  everything 
that  washed  ashore.  "  I  have  here  a  stone  which  is  more 
valuable  than  the  crown  diamonds,"  said  a  lord  of  Leon  in 
Brittany,  pointing  out  a  rock  which  was  famous  for  the 
number  of  shipwrecks  it  had  caused.  And  people  even 
went  so  far  as  to  add  to  the  dangers  of  the  ocean  by  showing 
false  lights,  and  thus  attracting  vessels  on  to  the  reefs. 

The  kings  tried  to  revive  a  capitulary  of  Charlemagne's 
which  obliged  the  lords  who  levied  toll  to  keep  the  roads 
in  order  and  to  guarantee  the  safety  of  travelers  from  the 
rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun.  But  in  the  JMiddle  Ages 
they  were  seldom  able  to  enforce  obedience.  Another 
great  obstacle  to  commerce  was  the  infinite  diversity  of  the 
money.  Most  of  it  was  bad,  and  it  had  to  be  changed  at 
every  fief,  and  always  at  a  loss  to  the  merchant.  In  France, 
St.  Louis  decreed  that  the  money  issued  by  the  eighty 
lords  who"  had  the  right  to  coin  money  should  only  be 
received  on  their  own  lands,  while  the  money  coined  by  the 
crown  should  be  a  legal  tender  throughout  the  whole  king- 
dom. This  was  a  step  in  the  direction  of  the  abolition  of 
seignioral  money,  and  greatly  benefited  commerce.* 

As  the  Church  forbade  loans  at  interest,  the  usurers  mul- 
tiplied greatly  ;  they  were  usually  Jews,  as  this  was  the  only 
form  of  commerce  allowed  them,  and   it  was  one  of  the 

*  The  same  confusion  prevailed  in  the  system  of  weights  and  measures 
of  the  times,  the  same  terms,  the  pound  for  example,  having  widely 
varying  values  in  different  localities.  The  school-boy  in  his  struggles 
with  the  English  system  of  compound  numbers  gains  a  slight  idea  of 
the  difficulties  of  the  mediaeval  merchant. — Ed. 


326  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

causes  of  the  general  hatred  of  the  race.  To  conceal  their 
wealth  and  to  «nable  it  to  circulate  freely,  they  either  invented 
or  borrowed  the  invention  of  the  Italian  bankers,  of  the 
bill  of  exchange,  which  annihilated  distance  for  capital  just 
as  in  our  day  steam  has  annihilated  distance  for  people. 
In  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  Lombard  and  the 
Caorsini  [from  Cahors]  bankers  (the  latter  came  from  the 
South  of  France,  which,  like  Italy,  was  much  enriched  by 
commerce)  competed  with  the  Jews,  with  the  advantage 
that  they  were  not,  like  the  latter,  subjected  to  constant  ex- 
tortions. The  persecuting  fanaticism  of  the  Middle  Ages 
not  only  subjected  this  unhappy  people  to  most  terrible 
sufferings,  but  it  was  also  the  cause  of  the  many  vices  de- 
veloped in  them  by  the  desire  to  avenge  themselves  on  their 
oppressors.  The  history  of  the  Jews  before  and  since  1789 
gives  a  curious  and  significant  example  of  the  different 
results  that  are  obtained  by  oppression  and  by  justice. 
-  As  order  became  more  established  in  the  state,  work 
became  plenty  in  the  cities  and  the  general  standard  of 
comfort  was  raised.  A  new  order  of  needs  were 
progress'f'^unl-  f^'^  \  namely,  those  of  the  mind.  The  great 
yersities,  scho-    things  which  had  been  accomplished  and  the 

lasticism  ;     as-  ^ ,  .  i   •    i     i       i   i  i       i        ■ 

troiogy,  aiche-  new  things  which  had  been  seen  had  given  a 
^rd's^"*^  ^'^'  fresh  impulse  to  the  mind,  as  to  commerce  and 
industry,  and  letters  and  the  arts  now  took  a 
great  step  in  advance.  The  number  of  schools  increased  and 
the  courses  of  study  were  extended.  The  national  litera- 
tures began  at  this  time,  and  many  great  men  made  their 
appearance,  as  Albert  the  Great,  Saint  Thomas  Aquinas, 
Roger  Bacon,  and  Dante.  If  the  fourteenth  century  had 
not  been  desolated  by  terrible  wars,  we  should  be  able  to 
date  the  Renaissance  from  the  thirteenth  century. 

Almost  all  the  abbeys  of  any  importance  had  their  schools, 
and  we  have  already  seen,  taking  France  as  an  example, 
how  numerous  the  abbeys  were  in  Europe.  But  the  desire 
for  instruction  was  so  general  that  the  monastic  schools 
were  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  it.  Other  schools  were  opened 
in  the  great  cities.  The  high  price  of  books  and  the  pov- 
erty of  the  times  made  it  necessary  for  all  instruction  to  be 
given  by  lectures.  As  soon  as  a  celebrated  master  opened 
a  course  of  lectures  anywhere  crowds  of  pupils  flocked  to 
hear  him.  When  Abelard,  for  instance,  spoke  in  the  open 
air  on  the  declivity  of  the  mountain  Saint  Genevieve,  which 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZA  TION.  327 

is  still  covered  with  vineyards  and  flowers,  thousands  of 
pupils  gathered  eagerly  to  hear  his  words.  But  in  the 
Middle  Ages  everything  was  inclined  to  take  the  form  of  a 
corporation.  The  master  and  the  pupils  associated  them- 
selves together,  like  the  artisans,  and  formed  under  the  name 
of  universities  bodies  which  had  extensive  privileges.  The 
most  famous  of  these  was  the  Stiidiuin  of  Paris  (the  name 
of  university  was  not  used  till  about  1250),  founded  in  1200, 
which  received  its  statutes  from  the  cardinal-legate  Robert 
de  Courgon  fifteen  years  later,  and  served  many  of  the  other 
universities  as  a  model.  Its  renown  was  so  great  that  stu- 
dents came  thither  from  all  countries,  for  the  language  used 
in  the  schools,  the  Latin,  was  the  universal  language  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  This  university  was  divided  into  four  facul- 
ties, those  of  theology,  of  law,  of  medicine,  and  of  the  arts. 
The  latter  faculty  taught  grammar,  rhetoric  and  dialectics, 
which  course  was  called  the  trivium,  and  as  a  further  course 
arithmetic,  geometry,  music,  and  astronomy,  called  xSx^quad- 
riviuni.  The  Roman  law  was  studied  especially  at  Orleans, 
and  medicine  especially  at  Montpellier.  The  faculty  of 
the  arts  elected  the  rector,  to  whom,  at  an  early  date,  the 
faculties  became  subject. 

After  Paris  the  oldest  and  most  famous  universities  were 
those  of  Montpellier  and  Orleans  in  France,  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  in  England  ;  of  Padua  in  Italy,  and  of  Sala- 
manca and  Coimbra  in  Spain,  all  of  which  were  founded  in 
the  thirteenth  century.  The  first  German  university,  that 
of  Prague,  was  not  founded  until  1348.*  The  students  at 
these  schools  possessed  many  privileges.  The  fifteen  or 
twenty  thousandf  pupils  at  the  University  of  Paris,  who  were 
not  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  magistrates  of  the  city 
and  could  not  be  arrested  for  debt,  often  disturbed  the 
peace  of  the  city  by  their  quarrels  and  disorders  ;  but  out  of 
their  number  in  the  thirteenth  century  alone,  there  came 
seven  popes  and  a  great  number  of  cardinals,  without  count- 
ing many  of  the  illustrious  men  who  had  come  to  take  their 

*  The  University  of  Bologna,  which  celebrated  its  eighth  centennial  in 
18S8  add  was  one  of  the  most  important  universities  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
should  be  added  to  this  list. — Ed. 

f  These  figures,  though  resting  on  contemporary  statements,  are  exag- 
gerations. It  is  doubtful  if  the  number  of  students  at  any  one  time 
at  the  most  frequented  university  reached  one  tenth  the  numbers  here 
given. — Ed. 


328  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

seats  among  the  pupils  of  the  Rue  du  Fouare  to  ascend  the 
"  holy  mountain  of  science."  Until  this  time,  ever  since 
the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  all  learning  had  been  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  the  clergy,  and  was  only  transmitted  by  them 
to  others  of  their  own  number  ;  the  universities  now  secu- 
larized learning.  That  of  Paris,  though  surnamed  "  the 
eldest  daughter  of  the  kings  "  and  "  the  citadel  of  the  Cath- 
olic faith,"  soon  was  possessed  throughout  Christendom  of 
so  great  a  moral  authority  that  it  more  than  once  forced  the 
kings  and  popes  to  respect  its  opinions. 

It  was  a  long  time  before  the  people  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
imbued  as  they  were  with  the  most  profound  faith,  asked  of 
others  than  their  theologians  the  solution  of  those  great 
problems  concerning  the  nature  of  the  soul  and  of  God, 
which  have  always  occupied  the  human  mind.  A  question- 
ing spirit  was,  however,  finally  awakened,  and  from  that  mo- 
ment philosophy,  which  had  been  dead  for  six  centuries, 
reappeared,  but  under  a  peculiar  form,  which  procured  it 
the  special  name  of  Scholasticism. 

In  the  eleventh  century,  at  the  request  of  the  monks  of 
Bee,  Saint  Anselm  wrote  his  Alonologium,  in  which  he  sup- 
poses the  existence  of  an  ignorant  man  who  has  only  the  as- 
sistance of  the  lights  of  nature  in  his  search  for  the  truth.  In 
this  reason  is  only  the  humble  servant  of  faith,  for  Anselm's 
sole  end  in  view,  in  using  the  processes  of  reasoning  em- 
ployed by  Aristotle  for  the  discovery  of  scientific  truths,  was 
to  prove  religious  truths.  Later  when  translations  appeared 
from  Arabic  into  Latin,  of  a  great  number  of  the  works  of 
Aristotle  which  were  unknown  to  the  preceding  age,  which 
had  only  possessed  a  fragment  of  the  Organon,  the  thir- 
teenth century  was  almost  dazzled  with  these  new  riches, 
and  the  Stagirite  reigned  supreme  in  all  the  philosophic 
chairs.*  Unfortunately  the  earlier  persevering  study  of  his 
first  books,  which  were  little  understood,  had  led  the  thought 
of  the  Middle  Ages  into  a  path  from  which  it  was  difficult 
to  return.  All  science  was  reduced  to  the  art  of  reasoning, 
and  every  regularly  formed  syllogism  carried  conviction  with 
it  regardless  of  the  premises  on  which  it  rested.  Hence 
scholasticism  was  not  a  definite  system  of  philosophy,  that  is. 


*  It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  this  new  Aristotelian  philosophy  was 
most  vigorously  opposed,  at  its  first  appearance,  by  the  Church,  which 
thought  it  detected  in  it  a  dangerous  enemy  to  the  faith, — Eu. 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZATION.  329 

an  organized  body  of  doctrines  on  the  great  questions  which 
interest  us  all  ;  it  was  rather  a  certain  method  of  discussing 
all  questions,  starting  from  premises  which  were  either 
adopted  ready-made  or  assumed  without  attempting  first  to 
verify  their  truth.  Hence  no  idea  of  any  importance  to 
the  world  was  gained  from  this  system  ;  and  it  remained  a 
sort  of  intellectual  gymnastics  in  which  the  reward  was  not 
the  discovery  of  any  truth,  but  a  victory  gained  in  a  combat 
of  words,  aided  by  subtile  and  ridiculous  distinctions  and 
by  a  barbarous  language  which  was  only  comprehensible  to 
the  initiated.  Much  time  and  energy  was  lost  in  these  dis- 
putes ;  nevertheless,  the  mind  was  sharpened  and  strength- 
ened by  these  struggles,  and  was  prepared  for  more  serious 
studies. 

The  twelfth  century  had  resounded  with  the  great  quar- 
rels between  the  realists  and  the  nominalists,  between 
Roscellinus  and  Saint  Anselm,  and  between  William  of 
Champeaux  and  his  most  famous  disciple,  Abelard,  who 
finally  vanquished  his  master.  Abelard,  who  is  perhaps 
more  famous  for  his  loves  than  for  his  knowledge,  produced 
in  the  quarrel  between  the  realists  and  the  nominalists  a 
new  and  conciliatory  opinion  which  more  nearly  approaches 
the  truth  :  the  opinion  which  denies  to  ideas  in  general 
any  existence  outside  of  our  minds,  but  concedes  to  them 
an  existence  within  us  as  conceptions  of  our  minds.  As  he 
had  ventured  to  apply  pure  dialectics  to  matters  of  faith, 
he  was  excommunicated  by  Saint  Bernard,  just  as  John 
Scotus  had  been  in  the  ninth  century  by  Pope  Nicholas 
on  the  same  ground.  "Who  are  you,  and  what  benefit  do 
you  bring  us?"  cried  the  apostle  of  the  twelfth  century. 
"  What  subtile  discovery  have  you  made  ?  Tell  us  what 
revelation  has  been  made  to  you,  that  has  been  made  to  no 

one   else   before   you As   for  me,    I   listen   to  the 

prophets  and  the  apostles.  I  obey  the  gospels.  And  even 
if  an  angel  should  come  from  heaven  to  teach  us  what  was 
contrary  to  these  laws,  he  should  be  accursed  !  "  The 
struggle  between  reason  and  authority  broke  out  with  its 
usual  violence.  The  voices  of  the  Breton  philosopher  and 
the  Burgundian  orator  resounded  through  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury. The  former,  born  in  1079,  died  in  1142  ;  the  latter, 
born  in  1091,  died  in  1153. 

During  the  thirteenth  century  long  debates  were  carried 
on  between  the  Scotchman   Duns  Scotus  and  the  Italian 


330  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Saint  Thomas  Aquinas,  both  of  whom  studied  and  taught 
at  Paris  with  the  greatest  success,  dividing  between  them 
the  school,  and  all  Christendom,  and  continuing  to  agitate 
the  fourteenth  century  by  the  disputes  of  their  partisans,  the 
Scotists  and  the  Thomists.  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  was  the 
most  perfect  expression  of  idealism  in  scholasticism.  His 
Summa  Theologia,  though  left  unfinished,  is  a  great  work, 
in  which  he  proposed  to  record  all  that  was  known  of  the 
relations  between  God  and  man.  These  men  had  been  pre- 
ceded in  the  school  of  Paris  by  the  German,  Albert  the 
Great,  who  was  afterwards  bishop  of  Ratisbon,  and  whose 
wisdom  gave  him  the  reputation  of  being  a  magician,  and 
by  the  Englishman  Alexander  of  Hales,  "the  irrefragable 
doctor,"  and  the  oracle  of  the  Franciscans. 

After  these  great  men,  we  must  at  least  mention  Vincent 
of  Beauvais,  chaplain  of  St.  Louis,  if  not  for  his  intellectual 
power,  at  least  for  the  interest  afforded  us  by  his  encyclo- 
pedia of  the  learning  of  his  times,  his  Speculum  }?tajus, 
which  recalls  Pliny's  work  on  the  learning  of  antiquity. 
We  must,  however,  hasten  to  say  that  until  the  thirteenth 
century,  the  Middle  Ages  had  lived  upon  the  remains  of  the 
knowledge  of  antiquity  without  having  added  to  it  in  any 
way.  Albert  the  Great  was  the  first  to  return  to  the  method 
of  observation  in  the  study  of  physical  nature,  but  no  inven- 
tion was  made  until  the  Englishman,  Roger  Bacon,  a 
Franciscan  monk  who  also  studied  at  Paris,  discovered  or 
at  least  explained  in  his  writings  the  composition  of  gun- 
powder, and  the  construction  of  the  magnifying  glass  and 
of  the  air-pump.  He  perceived  the  necessity  of  making 
over  the  calendar,  and  the  changes  he  proposed  are  precisely 
the  same  as  those  adopted  under  Gregory  XHI.  There  was 
something  both  of  Kepler  and  of  Descartes  in  the  monk 
who  dared  write  :  "  We  have  three  means  of  knowledge, — 
first,  authority,  which  by  enforcing  opinions  on  the  mind 
without  enlightening  it,  induces  belief  but  not  compre- 
hension ;  second,  reasoning,  by  which  we  cannot  distinguish 
a  sophism  from  a  demonstration  except  by  verifying  the 
conclusion  byexj^erienceand  practice;  and  third,  experience, 
which  is  the  end  of  all  speculation  and  the  queen  of  the 
sciences,  since  it  alone  can  verify  and  crown  their  results." 
It  is  not  surprising  that,  in  spite  of  his  sincere  faith,  this 
pioneer  suffered  the  same  fate  as  all  those  who  are  in 
ads'ance  of  their  age.     Bacon  spent  twenty-four  years  of 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIV/LIZA  TION.  331 

his  life  either  in  the  prisons  of  his  order  or  under  per- 
secution ;  he  died  about  1294.* 

The  Spaniard  Raymond  Lull  also  produced  at  Paris,  in 
the  city  of  the  philosophers,  his  Ars  magna,  a  forcible  but 
vain  attempt  to  draw  up  a  classification  of  the  sciences  and 
to  construct  a  sort  of  thinking  machine,  which,  if  successful, 
would  have  rendered  the  mind  perfectly  barren. 

But,  by  one  of  those  vicissitudes  so  often  presented  by 
the  history  of  the  human  mind,  this  great  thirteenth  century 
had  not  passed  before,  tired  of  these  interminable  meta- 
physical debates  and  these  arguments  which  came  to 
nothing,  some,  with  Simon  of  Tournay,  had  arrived  at  the 
negation  of  all  certainty,  while  others  with  St.  Bonaventura 
lost  themselves  in  the  clouds  of  mysticism. 

One  of  the  fancies  of  this  age  was  astrology,  and  it  con- 
tinued to  be  studied  until  the  sixteenth  century,  and  did  not 
become  entirely  extinct  until  the  seventeetath.  The  astro- 
logers pretended  to  read  the  destinies  of  human  life  in  the 
stars.  Another  folly  was  that  of  the  alchemist  who  sought 
after  the  philosopher's  stone,  that  is,  the  means  of  making 
gold  by  the  transmutation  of  metals.  Though  they  had 
such  a  fantastic  end  in  view,  these  researches  led  to  some 
fortunate  discoveries. f     Some  astrologers,  by  dint  of  gazing 

*  The  ideas  of  Roger  Bacon  are  of  very  great  interest  as  a  prediction, 
a  foreshadowing  of  what  would  some  time  be  the  path  of  science,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  that  they  had  any  influence  upon  his  own  times  or  that 
they  even  aided  to  hasten  the  adoption  of  more  scientific  methods  of  study. 
The  tendency  of  his  own  time  and  of  the  following  century  was  strongly 
in  the  opposite  direction. — Ed. 

\  The  alchemists  believed  that  minerals  were  endowed  with  life  in  the 
same  way  that  vegetables  are.  and  that  they  were  continually  developing 
in  the  ground  by  means  of  new  combinations  of  their  constituent  ele- 
ments, and  changing  from  the  least  perfect  to  the  most  perfect  state,  being 
all  converging  toward  gold,  which  was  pre-eminently  Mc' metal.  From  these 
false  premises  they  argued  logically  enough  that  this  work  of  nature  could 
be  helped  on,  and  that  science  would  be  able  to  find  a  means  for  the 
transmutation  of  metals,  as  soon  as  the  substance  necessarj'  to  accomplish 
this  phenomenon,  the  philosopher's  stone,  should  have  been  found.  The 
great  eli.xir  which  was  going  to  bring  its  finder  gold,  diamonds,  and  even 
the  health  and  length  of  days  of  Methuselah,  could  never  be  found,  but 
we  owe  to  the  alchemists  the  first  descriptions  of  our  ordinary  metals  and 
of  the  principal  compositions  in  use  in  their  laboratories  and  pharmacies :  of 
antimony,  bismuth,  volatile  alkali,  and  many  compositions  into  which  mer- 
cury enters  ;  o.Kvgen,  phosphorus,  zinc,  the  mineral  and  vegetable  colors  ; 
the  purification  and  testing  of  the  precious  metals,  and  the  introduction 
of  metallic  medicaments  into  the  practice  of  medicine. 


332  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

at  the  sky,  finally  began  to  look  there  for  the  laws  regu- 
lating the  movement  of  the  stars  ;  the  alchemists  did  not 
find  gold  in  their  crucibles,  but  they  found  new  substances, 
or  discovered  some  new  property  of  the  substances  already 
known.  In  this  way  the  distillation  of  salts,  the  strong 
acids,  the  art  of  enameling,  and  of  making  the  convex 
glasses  from  which  spectacles  are  made,  were  all  discovered. 
We  have  already  spoken  of  gunpowder,  which  was  known 
to  the  Arabs,  and  of  the  compass,  which  was,  perhaps, 
transmitted  to  us  by  them  from  China.* 

As  we  have  spoken  of  the  aberrations  of  science,  we  must 
also  mention  those  of  the  intellect.  Magicians  were  to  be 
found  everywhere,  and  their  numbers  increased  rapidly. 
Many  of  these  unhappy  men  believed  firmly  that  they  were 
in  communication  with  the  devil,  and  many  insane  men  who 
should  rather  have  been  cured  were  sent  to  the  executioner. 

As  the  Middle  Ages  advanced,  the  individuality  of  the 

different  nations  became  more  and  more  perceptible.     All 

intellectual  life  was  for  a  longtime  almost  ex- 

^^^rat^urVs'*'  clusivcly  coufincd  to  the  Church  and  found  its 
expression  in  Latin,  the  universal  language. 
Now  secular  society  began  in  its  turn  to  think,  speak,  and 
write,  and  this  in  as  many  different  idioms  as  there  were  na- 
tions. Each  nation  had  already  its  own  language,  which 
was  not  only  spoken  by  the  mob,  but  in  several  cases  had 
been  raised  to  some  literary  standing,  and  was  dethroning 
the  Latin  language,  which  until  then  had  been  set  apart  for 
all  the  great  objects  of  life. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  however,  only 
three  settled  and  active  literatures  were  to  be  found,  one  in 
Germany,  and  one  in  the  north,  and  one  in  the  south  of 
France.  This  last  was  the  literature  of  the  langue  d'oc,  or 
the  Proven9al. 

The  language  was  brilliant,  harmonious,  and  elegantly 
polished,  but  its  subjects — almost  confined  to  love  and 
strife — were  treated  with  a  conventionality  which  becomes 
monotonous.  Among  the  princes  who  patronized  and  even 
themselves   practiced  Provencal   poetry,  Richard  Coeur  de 

*  There  was  some  study  during  this  period  which  had  a  more  direct 
scientific  end  in  view.  This  was  especially  the  case  among  the  Arabs,  to 
whom  we  owe  many  of  the  discoveries  here  mentioned  ;  but  it  can  hardly 
be  said  to  begin  in  Christian  Europe  before  the  end  of  the  Middle 
Ages. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZATION.  ^^^ 

Lion  and  William  of  Poitiers  are  the  most  familiar  ;  con- 
spicuous among  the  troubadours  are  Amaut  Daniel,  famous 
for  his  elaborate  versification,  Peire  Vidal,  Guiraut  de  Bor- 
neil,  and  Raimon  de  Miraval,  representing  quite  different 
social  classes  and  poetic  temper.  Bertran  de  Born,  too,  is 
remembered  for  his  sirventes,  political  satires  which  like 
daggers  both  dazzle  the  eyes  and  drive  a  blow  home.  In 
this  literature  some  traces  of  Arab  influence  may  also  be 
detected,  and  it  has  great  skill  in  the  dialectic  of  poet- 
lovers. 

But  the  growing  power  of  northern  France  gave  its 
idiom  the  preponderance.  The  Normans  carried  it  to  Italy, 
where  it  did  not  prevail,  and  to  England,  where  it  was  in 
constant  use  for  three  centuries  ;  the  French  crusaders  car- 
ried it  everywhere.  It  became  the  legal  language  :  it  was 
the  language  of  the  assizes  or  laws  of  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem,  and  of  the  "  Etablissements  de  Saint  Louis." 
In  this  language  Villehardouin  wrote  his  history  of  the 
fourth  crusade,  and  Joinville  the  biography  of  St.  Louis, 
works  which  can  still  be  read  by  us.  A  Venetian  translating 
a  chronicle  of  his  country  into  French  in  1275  excused  him- 
self for  so  doing,  by  saying  that  the  French  language  "  pre- 
vails throughout  the  world  and  is  more  pleasing  to  the  ear 
than  any  other."  Some  ten  years  earlier,  Brunette  Latini, 
the  master  of  Dante,  wrote  his  Tresor  in  French,  "  because 
the  French  language  is  more  common  to  all  men  and  more 
agreeable." 

Thus  during  the  same  time  that  Paris  was  attracting  all 
the  eminent  minds  from  all  Christendom,  by  the  renown  of 
her  schools,  her  vernacular,  which  was  despised  by  the 
learned  doctors,  was  extending  its  empire  far  beyond  the 
French  frontiers.  We  must  also  mention  that  the  French 
genius,  which  is  so  often  accused  of  a  sterility  in  epic 
poetry,  poured  forth  a  flood  of  delightful  poetry  over  all 
the  neighboring  countries.  The  troubadours  had  been 
checked,  among  other  causes,  by  the  crusade  against  the 
Albigenses,  which  drowned  the  civilization  of  Languedoc 
in  blood,  and  their  bolder  strains  were  no  longer  to  be 
heard,  nor  the  sweet  canzones  of  the  authors  of  Xhe.  j'eux 
partis*     But  at  the  north  of  the  Loire,  the  trouveres  were 

*  These  Jeitx  partis  were  the  contests  between  troubadours  or  trou- 
veres on  different  questions  of  gallantry.     From  these  we  have  a  glimpse 


334  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

still  composing  their  chansons  de  gestes  (poems  of  knightly 
adventure),  which  were  genuine  epic  poems,  and  which  were 
translated  or  imitated  in  Italy,  England,  and  Germany. 
So  that  we  may  say  with  justice  that,  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, France  was  incontestably  the  intellectual  superior  of 
all  the  other  European  states. 

Epic  cycles,  however,  exhaust  themselves  ;  the  heroic 
epic  poem  is  a  thing  of  the  past.  In  the  east,  Robert 
Wace,  "  Clerk  at  Caen,"  versified  toward  1155  Geoffrey  of 
Monmouth's    fabulous  account  of  the  Kings  of  England. 

Christian  of  Troyes,  died  in  1 195,  gave  poetical  distinc- 
tion to  several  legends,  one  of  them  in  the  hands  of  his 
continuators  reaching  nearly  50,000  verses  of  eight  sylla- 
bles, while  by  other  authors  the  same  fable  was  endowed 
with  a  religious  character  in  the  story  of  the  Holy  Grail. 
The  spirit  of  the  times  is  faithfully  reflected  in  this  combi- 
nation of  gallant  chivalry  and  of  piety.  The  inspiration  and 
simple  power  of  the  song  of  Roland  is  a  thing  of  the  past. 
The  time  has  come  when  refinement  of  style  and  novelty  of 
subject-matter  are  the  things  most  sought  for,  and  these 
were  nowhere  so  available  as  in  the  authors  of  antiquity. 
The  story  of  Ulysses  and  of  the  Argonauts  borrowed  from 
Statins  were  narratives  which  could  not  fail  to  please  the 
many  a  Christian  Ulysses  who,  in  the  crusades,  also  wan- 
dered far  in  Asia.  The  Trojan  War,  the  magician  Medea, 
and  Alexander  delighted  the  trouveres  of  this  age.  Their 
style  began  to  show  an  imitation  of  the  ancients.  In  this 
way  the  epic  poetry  changed  its  character  and  the  transi- 
tion was  effected  from  the  primitive  type  to  the  types 
which  belong  to  a  more  advanced  civilization.  The  epic 
poetry  developed  in  two  different  directions  ;  the  part  de- 
voted to  the  description  of  the  passions  gave  rise  to  the 
allegorical  romance,  while  the  narrative  part  gave  rise  to 
prose  narratives.  Analysis  and  truth  superseded  spon- 
taneous and  poetic  inspiration. 

William  de  Lorris,  who  wrote  before  1260,  began  the 
famous  Romance  of  the  Rose,  in  which  the  actors  are 
abstractions   such  as  Reason,   Winning  Address,   Danger, 

of  the  Court  of  Love,  where,  it  is  said,  the  most  delicate  suits  and  the 
most  refined  causes  were  pleaded  before  a  tribunal  of  noble  ladies. 
These  courts  of  love  were  never  more  than  an  invention  of  the  poets  or 
a  plaything  of  a  few  noble  ladies  ;  they  were  never  a  serious  or  lasting 
institution. 


Chap.  XXIIL]  CIVILIZATION.  335 

Meanness,  Avarice,  etc.  Jean  de  Meung  continued  it 
later,  but  with  a  new  transformation  which  gave  birth  to 
satire.  The.  fabliau  was  already  in  existence,  which  was  a 
modification  of  such  romances  as  we  have  just  spoken  of, 
though  not  differing  greatly  from  them.  In  this  the  actors 
were  animals,  who  represented  either  some  passion  or 
some  social  condition,  and  the  romance  of  Renard,  which 
was  later  so  much  developed,  made  its  first  appearance 
early  in  the  thirteenth  century.  This  was  the  comedy  of 
the  times.  By  this  time  the  poet  had  already  ceased  to  be 
a  trouvere  wandering  from  house  to  house  ;  he  was  now  to 
be  found  in  the  best  school  for  comedy,  that  is,  in  a  garret. 
Rutebceuf  gives  us  the  first  type  of  the  poet  by  profession 
who  was  not  enriched  by  his  trade,  "  who  coughs  with  the 
cold  and  yawns  Avith  hunger,"  and  who  nevertheless,  in 
spite  of  this  poverty,  is  gay,  daring,  and  sarcastic,  and 
writes  on  every  subject  with  the  bold  and  free  style  that  is 
a  prophecy  of  Villon.  On  his  lips  the  language  is  strong 
and  practical  ;  more  soft  and  tender  than  the  words  of 
William  de  Lorris,  or  the  famous  Thibaut  de  Champagne, 
or  in  the  lays  (rhymed  narratives)  of  Marie  of  France. 

We  will  cite  a  few  lines  to  give  an  idea  of  the  boldness  ol 
this  poetry.  The  authors  of  the  Romaine  of  the  Rose  were 
not  afraid  to  say  to  the  nobles  : 

Que  leur  corps  ne  vaut  une  pomme 
Plus  que  le  corps  d'un  charretier. 

That  their  bodies  were  not  worth  an  apple  more  than  the 
body  of  a  plowman. 

They  also  speak  very  irreverently  of  the  beginnings  of 
the  royal  authority  : 

Un  grand  vilain  entre  eulx  eslurent, 
Le  plus  corsu  de  quant  qu'ils  furent, 
Le  plus  ossu  et  le  greigneur 
Et  le  firent  prince  et  seigneur. 
Cil  jura  que  droit  leur  tiendroit 
Se  chacun  en  droit  soy  luy  livre 
Des  biens  dont  il  se  puisse  vivre. . . . 

They  chose  a  big  rustic  from  their  own  number,  the 
stoutest  of  them  all,  with  largest  frame  and  the  hugest, 
and  him  they  made  prince  and  lord.  He  swears  that  he 
will  look  out  for  them  if  each  contributes  to  his  support. 

These  bold  words  were  inspired  by  the  great  hatred 
which  brooded   in  the  hearts  of  the  peasants,  and  which 


33^  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

broke  out  with  such  fury  in  the  middle  of  the  next  century 
in  the  fierce  insurrection  of  the  Jacquerie. 

We  must  not,  however,  assume  from  the  free  words  of 
these  poets,  the  existence  of  any  real  revolutionary  feeling. 
They  were  the  press  of  those  times,  and  we  find  in  their 
verses  as  it  were  an  echo  of  all  the  noises  of  the  day,  and 
of  all  the  feelings  of  the  people.  But  their  main  idea  was 
merely  to  mock  and  laugh.  They  even  made  sport  of  what 
they  most  respected,  the  Church,  and  of  what  they  most 
dreaded,  the  torments  of  hell.  We  might  give  some  curious 
examples  of  this  infamous  rashness  ;  but  we  prefer  to  quote 
the  narrative  of  the  Vilain  qui  conquist  Paradis  par  plaid 
(The  villein  who  gained  paradise  by  pleading),  in  which 
are  discernible  the  good  sense  and  the  rude  feeling  for  jus- 
tice which  will  raise  up  Jacques  Bonhomme  from  his  fall. 

"  A  villein  once  died  without  either  devil  or  angel  feeling 
any  concern  about  him.  However,  his  soul,  on  looking  up 
toward  heaven,  saw  Saint  Michael  conducting  one  of  the 
elect,  and  followed  him  up  to  Paradise. 

"  Saint  Peter,  after  having  admitted  the  elect,  refused  ad- 
mittance to  the  soul  who  had  been  recommended    by  no 

one '  Good  Sir  Peter,'  said  the  soul  that  had  been 

dismissed,  '  God  made  a  great  mistake  when  he  made  you 
his  apostle  and  gatekeeper,  you  who  denied  him  three  times. 
Give  admittance  to  one  who  is  much  more  loyal  than  you.* 
Saint  Peter,  feeling  very  much  ashamed,  went  to  complain 
to  his  colleague  Saint  Thomas,  who  in  his  turn  tried  to  put 
the  insolent  soul  out  of  Paradise.  The  villein  was  ready 
with  a  fresh  sally,  and  said,  '  Thomas,  you  are  a  fine  one 
to  play  the  proud,  when  you  would  not  believe  in  God  until 
after  you  had  touched  his  wounds.'  Saint  Thomas  ap- 
pealed to  Saint  Paul,  who,  when  he  tried  to  straighten 
things  out,  was  greeted  with  this  home  truth  :  '  Was  it  not 
you,  Paul  the  Bald,  who  stoned  Saint  Stephen,  and  to  whom 
the  good  God  gave  a  great  box  on  the  ear?'  Peter, 
Thomas,  and  Paul,  having  no  reply  to  make,  carried  their 
complaints  to  God  himself,  and  the  serf,  freed  by  his  word, 
made  his  defense  before  him.  .  .  .  and  the  villein  gained 
his  cause  before  divine  justice.* 

We  shall  see  later  how  he  gained  it  in  the  courts  of 
men. 

*  Le  Clerc,  Histoirc  litWrairc  de  la  France,  vol,  xxiii.,  p.  213. 


Chap.  XXIII.j  CIVILIZATION.  337 

The  general  literary  use  of  prose  in  romance  begins  in 
the  twelfth  century,  and  soon  after  1200  we  find  it  em- 
ployed in  chronicles.]  The  first  French  chroniclers  were, 
however,  not  writers  by  profession,  but  two  illustrious 
nobles,  who  were  both  actors  in  the  scenes  they  desqj'ibed. 
Godfrey  of  Villehardouin,  Marshal  of  Champagne,  has 
left  us  in  the  Conquest  of  Constantinople  a  history  of  the 
fourth  crusade,  in  which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  he  took 
part.  He  wrote  like  a  true  soldier,  in  a  strong  and  concise 
style,  which  is  not  without  a  certain  military  stiffness  :  he 
does  not  spend  any  time  in  fine  writing,  but  goes  right 
ahead  from  one  assault  to  another,  giving  a  sharp  exclama- 
tion whenever  he  comes  to  anything  that  surprises  him. 
The  Sire  de  Joinville,  also  from  Champagne,  shows  more 
flexibility  of  style  and  more  acuteness  of  mind  in  his 
Memoires  of  the  seventh  crusade  ;  he  notices  everything, 
gives  his  reflections  on  every  subject,  and  is  willing  to  talk 
freely  about  it  all  ;  about  his  own  feelings  as  well  as  about 
the  events  of  the  wars.  He  is  an  earlier  Froissart,  but  one 
who  was  worthy  to  be  the  counselor  and  friend  of  the 
devout  and  excellent  Louis  IX. 

Under  the  Hohenstaufen,  German  literature  also  shone 
with  a  great  brilliancy,  which  was,  however,  in  part  re- 
flected from  the  French.  These  princes  were  poets  them- 
selves, and  both  loved  and  honored  poetry.  The  taste  for 
poetry  spread  from  their  courts  to  those  of  their  vassals, 
and  the  Swabian  poets,  like  the  French  trouveres,  wandered 
from  castle  to  castle.  Most  of  the  poets  came  from  the 
province  of  Swabia,  as  Schiller  did  later,  and  the  Swabian 
idiom  was  the  one  first  used  in  German  poetry.  These 
poets  occasionally  met  together  for  literary  contests,  such 
as  was  held  at  the  Wartburg  in  1207,  when  Wolfram  von 
Eschenbach,  the  most  famous  of  the  poets  of  courtly 
romance  was  present.  Manesse  of  Zurich  collected  these 
scattered  works,  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
and  they  were  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  in  number. 

The  same  characteristics  that  we  have  already  noticed  in 
the  French  literature  are  to  be  found  in  the  German  litera- 
ture of  the  times.  The  same  two  kinds  of  poetry  flourished, 
the  epic  and  the  lyric.  In  the  former  they  took  all  their 
inspirations  from  this  side  of  the  Rhine  ;  their  epic  poems 
are  either  translations  or  imitations  from  the  cycle  of 
Charlemagne  and  the  Round  Table,  as  for  instance,  Eschen- 


33^  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

bach's    Parsival,   Gottfried   von    Strassburg's  Tristan,  and 
Hartmann  von  der  Aue's  Iwein. 

Yet  these  poets  seldom  confined  themselves  to  French 
originals,  and  in  these  they  were  by  no  means  mere  transla- 
tors.. They  compress  or  expand  at  pleasure,  and  their 
genuine  imaginative  power  is  as  manifest  as  their  easy  ver- 
sification and  the  felicities  of  their  diction.  Nowhere  else 
in  literature  is  the  story  of  Tristram  told  with  the  inten- 
sity and  beauty  of  Gottfried's  version  ;  and  by  common 
consent.  Wolfram  is  the  greatest  medieval  poet  before 
Dante. 

Of  the  heroic  poems  which  are  peculiar  to  Germany,  and 
of  which  great  numbers  were  written,  many  have  entirely 
disappeared.  Those  which  have  been  preserved  are  partly 
founded  on  Lombard  gothic  traditions,  like  King  Rother, 
Otnit,  Hugdietrich  and  Wolfdietrich,  the  flight  of  Dietrich, 
the  battle  of  Ravenna,  the  death  of  Alphart,  the  little  Gar- 
den of  Roses,  the  giant  Siegenot,  and  the  combats  of  Die- 
trich and  his  companions,  and  partly  derived  from  the 
French  and  Burgundian  chronicles  which  are  related  to  the 
Gothic-Lombard  chronicles  ;  among  the  latter  are  the  noble 
Song  of  the  Niebelungen,  which  the  Germans  call  their 
Iliad,  Gudrun,  the  great  Garden  of  Roses,  and  Biterolf. 

There  was  a  marked  difference  between  the  two  schools 
of  lyric  poets,  the  minnesinger  (singers  of  love)  and  their 
successors  and  imitators  the  meistersinger  (the  master 
singers).  The  delicate,  poetical,  and  chivalrous  spirit  of 
the  minnesinger  which  was  seen  notably  in  their  chief,, 
Walther  von  der  Vogelweide,  and  was  originally  caught,  as  we 
may  believe,  from  southern  France  was  entirely  wanting  in 
the  meistersinger.  This  poetry  first  developed  from  pure 
lyric  into  satire,  and  violently  attacked  the  priests  and 
nobles  :  it  then  became  moral,  didactic,  and  allegorical,  and 
finally  toward  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  fable 
made  its  appearance.  The  Jewel  of  Boner,  a  collection  of 
a  hundred  fables,  is  dated  about  1300.  Of  prose,  which 
is  much  slower  than  poetry  in  its  development,  we  have  only 
three  important  examples  of  this  period  ;  two  of  them  are 
works  of  legislation,  the  Saxon  Mirror,  composed  about 
1230  by  the  Saxon  Eike  von  Repkow,  and  the  Swabian 
Mirror  ;  the  third  is  a  work  of  religious  eloquence,  the 
sermons  of  a  Franciscan  monk  named  Bertold,  which  were 
written  during  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century. 


Chap.  XXIII.]  CIVILIZATION.  339 

We  have  already  noticed  the  attempts  which  had  been 
made  to  find  a  style  of  architecture  which  would  better  cor- 
respond with  the  ardent  faith  of  the  people 
ArVhft^cfu^r^^^'  than  that  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  at 
the  same  time  meet  the  needs  of  a  climate  to 
which  the  flat  roofs  of  the  East  were  not  adapted,  and  the 
needs  of  a  religion  which  opened  the  sacred  enclosure  to 
the  whole  people  instead  of  excluding  them  as  did  the 
pagan  worship  from  its  temples. 

The  thirteenth  century  is  marked  by  the  triumph  of  the 
architecture  which  is  so  improperly  called  gothic. 

The  special  characteristic  of  this  style  of  architecture  is 
the  pointed  arch  or  ogive.  This  form,  which  was  never 
used  anywhere  with  the  same  profusion  as  in  Western  Eu- 
rope during  the  iNIiddle  Ages,  was  at  first  attributed  to  the 
Goths,  from  whom  the  name  was  derived,  and  then  to  the 
Arabs,  but  with  equal  error.  Undoubtedly  the  pilgrims,  who 
many  of  them  belonged  to  the  clergy,  brought  back  with 
them  from  the  East  some  impressions  and  memories  which 
left  their  mark  on  the  Christian  edifices  ;  a  number  of 
churches  were  built  on  the  plan  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulcher,  and  mosaics  and  the  colors  used  alternately  are 
probably  also  an  importation  from  the  East.  But  as  for 
the  pointed  arch  it  is  found  in  the  Byzantine  architecture 
as  well  as  in  the  Arabian  ;  it  belongs  to  all  ages  and  all 
countries,  from  the  tomb  of  Atreus  and  the  gates  of  the 
Pelasgic  cities  in  Italy  to  the  constructions  of  the  Nubian 
and  American  savages.  It  is  merely  an  easy  and  simple 
process  of  supplying  the  place  of  the  semicircular  arch, 
which  latter  demanded  much  greater  knowledge  and  pre- 
cision. 

The  pointed  arch  was  at  first  rough  and  irregular,  and 
did  not  attain  its  perfect  form  until  by  a  gradual  and  nat- 
ural process  the  lines  had  been  purified  and  varied,  and  it 
had  been  adorned  by  the  small  columns  and  nervures.  This 
form  of  arch  was  marvelously  adapted  to  express  the  mys- 
ticism of  the  Christian  peoples  and  the  passionate  soaring 
of  their  souls  toward  Heaven  ;  the  sheaf  of  small  Gothic 
pillars,  straight,  bold,  and  almost  alarmingly  delicate,  shot 
upward  and  seemed  even  higher  than  they  really  were  from 
the  narrow  opening  of  the  Gothic  arch  which  crowned  them. 
The  Gothic  architecture  did  not  reach  its  highest  perfection 
in  the  South,  where  the  belief  w'as  more  formal  and   more 


340  THE   CRUSADES.  [Book  VII. 

Roman,  but  in  the  North,  where  there  was  more  of  mysti- 
cism and  this  fact,  it  seems  to  us,  is  another  proof  that  the 
Gothic  architecture  did  not  come  from  the  Arabs,  at  least 
from  those  of  Spain,  who  would  certainly  have  transmitted 
it  to  the  south  of  France  before  the  north. 

This  new  style  which  arose  north  of  the  Loire,*  crossed 
the  Channel,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Alps,  and  colonies  of 
French  artists  carried  it  to  Canterbury,  Utrecht,  Milan, 
Cologne,  Strassburg,  Ratisbon,  and  even  to  Sweden.  A 
rough  but  simple  statuary  decorated  the  doorways,  the  gal- 
leries, and  the  cloisters,  and  stained  glass  producing  magi- 
cal effects  by  means  of  the  windows  was  brought  to  a  per- 
fection which  we  have  only  just  succeeded  in  once  more 
attaining.  The  painters  in  miniature  who  adorned  the  mis- 
sals and  the  book  of  offices  have  also  left  us  some  charm- 
ing works  of  art. 

With  the  Italian,  Cimabue,  the  master  of  Giotto,  the 
renaissance  of  painting  was  begun  in  Florence  in  this 
century.  But  it  was  not  until  the  fifteenth  century  that  the 
great  Flemish  masters  prepared  the  way  for  a  revolution  in 
this  art. 

*  It  is  now  almost  universally  admitted  that  this  form  of  architecture 
arose  in  the  north  central  provinces  of  France  about  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century,  and  spread  from  France  to  the  other  countries  of  Europe. 
See  Moore's  Development  and  Character  of  Gothic  Architecture. — Ed. 


BOOK    VIII. 

RIVALRY    BETWEEN     FRANCE    AND    ENG- 
LAND.    (1066-1453.) 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FIRST  PERIOD  IN    THE    STRIFE  ;  THE    ENGLISH    KINGS 

LOSE  HALF  OF  THEIR   FRENCH   POSSESSIONS 

(1066-1217.) 


Louis  the  Fat  (1108-1137)  ;  William  II.  and  Henry  I.  (1087-1135). — 
Louis  VII.  (1137-1180)  in  France  ;  Stephen  and  Henry  II.  (1135- 
I189)  in  England.  Abuse  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Thomas 
a  Becket  (1170). — Conquest  of  Ireland  (1171)  ;  the  King  of  France 
sustains  the  revolt  of  the  sons  of  the  English  King  (i  1 73). — New  char- 
acter shown  by  French  royalty  in  the  thirteenth  century  :  Philip 
Augustus  (11 80)  and  Richard  the  Lion-hearted  (11 89). — Quarrels 
between  Philip  Augustus  and  John  Lackland  ;  conquest  of  Nor- 
mandy and  of  Poitou  (1204). — Quarrel  between  John  Lackland  and 
Innocent  III.  (1207).      Magna  Charta  (1215). 

In  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages,  there  are,  if  we  may 
say  so,  questions  which  belong  exclusively  to  that  period, 
questions  which  arose  and  were  settled  dur- 
Fat°(ii'cl-ii37f  ^"&  ^^'^^  time.  Such  are  those  that  have 
William II.  and  been  treated  so  far,  the  invasions  and  Charle- 
1135)^^  ^"    magne,  feudalism,  the  struggles  between  the 

popes  and  the  German  emperors,  and  the 
contemporary  state  of  society. 

There  are  other  questions  on  the  contrary  which,  though 
they  arose  far  back  in  the  Middle  Ages,  are  yet  distinctly 
modern  and  have  been  the  life  of  history  up  to  our  own 
times.  Among  these  we  may  mention  the  rivalry  existing 
between  France  and  England  ;  the  development  of  the 
royal  power  in  France,  which  shows  us  the  predecessors  of 
LouLs  XIV,  and  of  all  the  absolute  monarchs  of  Europe  in 

341 


342  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

Philip  Augustus  and  Philip  the  Fair,  and  the  opposite  de- 
velopment in  England  of  the  institutions  which  make  the 
great  Charter  of  King  John  the  immovable  basis  of  the 
English  government  and  have  prepared  the  way  for  the 
diffusion  of  free  institutions  throughout  Europe. 

That  is  the  reason  why,  when  we  have  taken  Germany 
Italy,  and  Spain,  where  the  Middle  Ages  lasted  so  long, 
far  into  the  thirteenth  century,  we  have  not  yet  passed  the 
end  of  the  eleventh  century  in  the  history  of  France  and 
England,  where  modern  times,  that  is  to  say  the  new 
political  and  social  ideas,  made  an  early  appearance. 

Philip  had  watched  with  envy  the  success  of  his  vassal, 
the  Duke  of  Normandy,  lately  become  King  of  England, 
though  he  had  made  no  direct  opposition  ;  and  he  gave 
but  a  feeble  support  to  the  revolt  of  the  Conqueror's  son. 
Louis  the  Fat,  who  succeeded  his  father  in  1108,  under- 
stood better  how  much  danger  the  French  royal  power 
incurred  through  Normandy's  greatness.  He  was  an  ener- 
getic prince,  and  was  first  called  the  Wide-awake  and  the 
Bruiser,  but  later,  on  account  of  his  size,  he  gained  the  name 
of  Louis  the  Fat,  without  losing,  it  is  true,  any  of  his  energy. 

We  have  already  seen  how  and  to  what  extent  he  had 
assisted  the  communal  movement  ;  we  shall,  therefore,  not 
return  to  that  point.  In  the  soldiery  of  the  communes  he 
found  an  ever-ready  assistance  in  the  exigencies  of  police 
duty  on  the  high  roads  of  his  domains.  The  lords  of  Mont- 
morency, Montlhery,  Puiset,  Corbeil  and  Coucy,  were  in  the 
habit  of  descending  from  their  donjons  upon  the  great  roads 
to  rob  merchants  and  travelers.  Philip,  \^io  had  succeeded, 
by  means  of  a  marriage,  in  taking  Montlhery  away  from  the 
insignificant  lord  who  was  occupying  it,  charged  his  son,  on 
his  death-bed,  never  to  let  that  castle,  which  had  caused  him 
so  much  trouble,  escape  him.  Louis  summoned  Bouchard 
of  Montmorency  before  his  court  for  having  pillaged  the 
lands  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Denis,  and  condemned  him  to  re- 
store what  he  had  taken.  He  captured  the  castle  of  Puiset 
and  destroyed  it  after  a  war  of  three  years.  He  attacked 
another  plunderer,  Thomas  de  Marie,  Lord  of  Coucy,  who 
fell  wounded  into  his  hands.  Louis  the  Fat  waged  war  in 
every  direction  against  the  lawless  and  rapacious  small 
nobles  of  his  domains.  When  he  had  gained  mastery  over 
the  roads,  the  sphere  of  his  activity  increased,  and  he  ven- 
tured to  attack  the  most  powerful  of  his  vassals, 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE.  343 

On  the  death  of  the  Conqueror  (1087),  he  was  succeeded 
in  England  by  WilHam  II.  (Rufus),  his  second  son  ;  in  Nor- 
mandy by  his  eldest  son,  Robert.  Robert  at  first  attempted 
to  take  England  away  from  his  younger  brother  ;  he  was 
unsuccessful,  and  joined  the  crusade,  after  having  given  his 
duchy  of  Normandy  in  pledge  to  this  same  brother  for  five 
years.  William  II.,  a  king  red  of  hair  and  face,  and  brutal 
in  speech,  was  a  persistent  hunter  in  the  vast  forests  which 
he  and  his  father  had  multiplied  in  England,  and  ruled  his 
subjects  roughly,  both  priests  and  laymen  ;  they  called  him 
the  "  guardian  of  the  woods  and  the  shepherd  of  the  deer." 
He  died  while  hunting,  shot  accidentally  or  purposely  by 
one  of  his  own  followers. 

William  the  Conqueror  left  a  third  son,  Henry,  called 
Beauclerc,  because  he  was  a  little  less  ignorant  than  the  rest 
of  his  family.  Robert  was  at  Jerusalem,  and  Henry  profited 
by  his  absence  to  take  possession  of  his  eldest  brother's 
crown.*  He  hoped  to  secure  his  possession  of  it  by  pub- 
lishing a  charter,  the  most  complete  and  precise  of  any  that 
preceded  the  Magna  Charta.  In  it  he  fixed  limits  to  the 
rights  which  as  sovereign  he  possessed  over  his  vassals  in  re- 
gard to  feudal  dues.  Robert  came  back  in  iioi,  took  Nor- 
mandy again,  and  claimed  England  ;  where  he  made  an  un- 
successful attempt  at  invasion.  Henry  returned  invasion  for 
invasion,  and  in  1106  won  the  battle  of  Tinchebray  ;  he 
captured  his  brother,  and  sent  him  to  Cardiff  Castle  in  Wales, 
where  he  was  confined  during  the  rest  of  his  life.  Louis 
the  Fat,  fearing  the  too  great  power  of  his  vassal,  the  king 
of  England,  appeared  as  the  supporter  of  William  Clito, 
Robert's  son  and  consequently  Henry's  nephew.  It  was  a 
well-devised  plan,  and  its  success  would  have  removed  the 
danger  which  always  threatened  the  throne  of  France  so 
long  as  England  was  united  with  the  duchy  of  Normandy. 

The  war  took  the  form  of  extensive  devastation,  causing 
great  suffering  among  the  Norman  peasants  ;  the  knights 
of  the  two  countries,  on  the  other  hand,  spared  each  other's 
lives,  or,  at  least,  could  not  do  each  other  much  harm  on 
account  of  their  armor.  Only  three  were  killed  in  the  fight 
at  Brenneville  [Noyon]  (11 19),  the  most  important  battle 


*  There  was  no  opposition  in  England  to  the  election  of  Henry.  The 
principle  of  hereditary  succession  was  not  yet  recognized.  His  charter 
was  the  first  step  toward  the  Magna  Charta. — Ep, 


344  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

of  the  war,  and  one  where  Louis  was  overcome.  The  Pope, 
who  had  come  to  France  to  take  part  hi  the  council  of 
Rheims,  where  the  question  of  investitures  was  under  de- 
bate (it  19),  reconciled  the  two  enemies,  but  did  not  satisfy 
the  claims  of  William  Clito.  The  struggle  began  again  in 
1 1 24,  and  was  further  complicated  by  a  war  with  Germany. 
Henry  I.  having  persuaded  the  emperor,  his  son-in-law,  to 
attack  Louis  the  Fat  from  his  side,  the  war  with  Germany 
seemed  at  that  time  to  be  popular  in  France.  That  circum- 
stance, and  also  the  progress  recently  made  by  the  royal 
power,  explain  the  fact  that  Louis  was  able  to  collect  a  large 
force  of  men  at  Rheims.  Suger,  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  the 
prime  minister  and  companion  of  the  king,  and  later  the 
historian  of  his  life,  makes  a  pompous  enumeration  of  them  : 
he  admits,  however,  that  the  Count  of  Flanders,  the  Count 
of  Anjou,  and  the  dukes  of  Brittany  and  Aquitaine  did  not 
come  ;  fear  of  the  king  had  not,  as  yet,  spread  far.  Never- 
theless, the  Emperor  Henry  V.  did  not  venture  to  enter 
France,  or,  rather,  desisted  from  some  other  motive. 

Louis  the  Fat  ventured  to  make  an  attack  upon  the 
great  vassals  who  had  not  answered  his  summons.  An 
excellent  opportunity  offered  itself  to  unite  his  designs 
against  them  with  his  usual  zeal  in  defending  the  bishops 
and  the  Church.  The  Bishop  of  Clermont,  who  was  at  war 
with  the  Count  of  Auvergne,  claimed  that  his  church  de- 
pended directly  on  the  crown,  and  appealed  to  the  king. 
Louis  hastened  to  comply.  He  had  to  deal  not  only  with  the 
count,  but  also  with  the  count's  sovereign,  the  Duke  of 
Aquitaine,  William  IX.  But  the  royal  army  presented  so 
fine  an  appearance  that,  when  William  saw  it,  he  came 
humbly  to  the  camp  of  the  king,  rendered  homage,  and 
begged  him  to  allow  the  Count  of  Auvergne  to  be  judged 
by  the  barons  (1126).  The  king  settled  the  affair  amicably  ; 
he  had  gained  what  he  wished,  the  formal  acknowledgment 
of  his  authority  in  that  important  part  of  the  South. 

He  desired  to  accomplish  the  same  in  the  North,  and 
remembered  that  Flanders  had  not  furnished  its  contin- 
gent in  the  year  11 24.  Count  Charles  the  Good  was 
assassinated  in  1127  by  a  family,  formerly  serfs,  who  were 
very  powerful  at  Bruges,  the  Van  der  Straten  family.  The 
lords  of  Manders  took  up  arms  to  avenge  his  death  ;  but 
Louis  obliged  them  to  come  to  Arms  to  elect  a  count  "  in 
his  presence."     He  brought  William  Clito  forward,  and  was 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE.  345 

SO  urgent  in  his  entreaties  that  he  made  them  elect  him 
count.  But  hardly  had  he  departed  when  the  Flemings 
revolted  against  William,  who  perished  at  the  siege  of 
Alost ;  then,  declaring  that  the  king  of  France  had  not  the 
right  to  dispose  of  their  government,  they  appointed  Theo- 
doric  of  Alsace. 

Louis  the  Fat  finally  prepared  the  way,  not  merely  for 
the  influence  but  for  the  direct  dominion  of  the  throne  over 
the  South,  by  the  marriage  of  his  son  Louis  the  Young  to 
Eleanor,  the  only  daughter  of  William  IX.,  Duke  of  Aqui- 
taine  :  the  duchy  of  Aquitaine  included  Poitou,  Limousin, 
Bordelais,  and  Agenois,  the  old  duchy  of  Gascony,  and  gave 
sovereignty  over  Auvergne,  Perigord,  La  Marche,  Saintonge, 
Angoumois,  etc. 

The  accession  of  Louis  VIL  to  the  throne  gave  him  a 
dominion  extending  from  the  north  to  the  south  of  the 
France  of  that  date  ;  but  he  did  not  know  how 
(ii^7°-"iito)^Vn  ^°  keep  it.  A  question  of  investiture  involved 
France;  ste-  him  in  that  sccond  crusade  which  was  so  fatal 
Henry  II.  0135^  in  its  rcsults  to  Fraucc.  A  dispute  had  arisen 
1189.)  in  Eng-  between  Popc  Innoccut  IL  and  himsclf  ou  the 
subject  of  the  nomination  of  an  archbishop  of 
Bourges.  St.  Bernard  declared  for  the  Pope,  Suger  for  the 
King.  While  waging  war  on  the  Count  of  Champagne,  who 
upheld  the  choice  of  the  Pope,  Louis  burned  the  church  of  Vi- 
try,  and  1200  persons  who  had  fled  there  for  refuge  perished 
in  the  flames.  His  own  remorse  and  the  excommunication 
that  followed  induced  him  to  set  out  for  the  Holy  Land, 
where  he  lost  his  whole  army  without  making  a  single  con- 
quest, as  we  have  seen.  On  his  return  he  divorced  Eleanor 
on  the  ground  of  consanguinity,  and  restored  her  dowry 
(1152),  which  Henry  the  Count  of  Anjou,  better  advised, 
quickly  secured  by  marrying  the  offended  wife. 

As  the  King  of  England,  Henry  L,  had  lost  his  son  by 
shipwreck,  he  declared  his  daughter  Matilda  heir  to  the 
throne.  Matilda  was  the  widow  of  the  German  Emperor 
Henry  V.  ;  she  married  again  in  11 27,  Geoffrey,  Count  of 
Anjou,  called  Plantagenet  because  he  was  in  the  habit  of 
wearing,  by  way  of  plume,  a  piece  of  broom  (genet)  in 
his  helmet.  Henry  died  in  1135  ;  he  had  charged  his 
nephew  Stephen  of  Blois,  whom  he  had  loaded  with  domains 
in  England,  to  protect  the  "  Empress,"  as  Matilda  was 
called.     Stephen  kept  a  wolf's  watch,  in  feudal  language ;, 


34<^  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

that  is,  he  took  the  crown  of  England  for  himself,  which 
was  the  beginning  of  great  disorder.  Matilda  protested  and 
gained  adherents  among  the  Normans  in  England.  Almost 
from  the  very  beginning  Stephen's  reign  was  a  constant 
warfare.  In  the  west  there  were  incursions  of  the  Welsh  \ 
in  the  north  invasions  of  David  King  of  Scotland,  who 
came  across  the  Tweed.  The  Normans  and  the  Scotch  met 
in  the  great  battle  of  the  Standard,  near  Allerton,  to  the  north 
of  York.  The  warriors  of  the  claymore  rushed  on,  shout- 
ing "  Albin,  Albin  !  "  the  old  name  for  their  country  ;  they 
broke  through  the  enemy's  center"  as  through  a  cobweb," 
but  the  Saxon  archers  and  the  Norman  horsemen  soon  over- 
powered them.  "  It  was  a  beautiful  sight,  to  see  the  sting- 
ing flies  dart  humming  from  the  quivers  of  the  men  of  the 
South,  and  fall  as  thick  as  rain."  The  Scotch  withdrew,  but 
kept  the  provinces  in  the  north  of  England. 

Stephen  then  had  to  fight  Matilda,  who  landed  in  the 
south,  and  who  supported  the  Norman  barons  of  the  north 
and  west.  The  war  was  again  fought  at  the  expense  of  the 
poor  Saxons.  "  The  Normans,"  said  a  Saxon  chronicler, 
"  seized  all  those  who  seemed  to  have  any  property  in  order 
to  wrest  from  them  their  silver  and  gold.  Some  were  hung 
over  a  column  of  smoke  ;  some  hung  up  by  their  thumbs, 
with  fire  under  their  feet  ;  some  they  tortured  by  tightening 
a  strap  about  their  heads  until  it  forced  in  the  skull  ;  others 
were  put  into  the  chamber  of  tortures.  This  was  a  kind  of 
short,  narrow,  and  shallow  chest  lined  with  sharp  stones, 
where  the  victim  was  kept  screwed  up  until  his  limbs  were 
dislocated."  The  Middle  Ages  were  rich  in  tortures — 
Meantime,  Stephen  was  taken  prisoner  ;  then  Matilda  in 
her  turn  just  escaped  capture.  Stephen's  son  had  died  ; 
and  finally  a  treaty  was  made.  It  was  agreed  that  the  King 
should  keep  his  crown  until  his  death,  and  that  then  Henry 
of  Anjou,  Matilda's  son,  should  succeed  him.  He  died  in 
the   following  year  (i  154). 

Henry  held  Normandy,  Maine,  and  England,  through 
his  mother ;  Anjou  and  Touraine,  through  his  father  ; 
through  his  wife,  the  duchy  of  Aquitaine,  and  its  de- 
pendencies. In  a  word,  he  possessed  about  forty-seven 
of  the  present  departments  of  France,  and  the  King  of 
France  had  hardly  twenty.  Later,  by  marrying  one  of 
his  sons  to  the  heiress  of  Brittany,  he  extended  his  power 
also  over  that  country.     It  is  strange  that  so  vast  a  power, 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE,  347 

the  most  important  then  in  Europe,  should  not  have  se- 
cured a  lasting  preponderance  ;  and  that,  especially,  it 
should  not  have  absorbed  the  weak  monarchy  of  France. 
But  that  it  did  not,  was  due  to  the  discord  prevailing  in 
England  for  two  centuries,  first  in  the  royal  family,  between 
husband  and  wife  and  between  father  and  children  ;  then 
in  the  kingdom,  between  the  king  and  the  clergy,  and  later, 
between  the  king  and  the  barons.  It  was  also  due  to  the 
feudal  inferiority  of  the  King  of  England  on  the  continent ; 
he  would  have  needed  very  large  forces,  impossible  for  him 
to  collect  on  account  of  intestine  wars,  to  break  that  bond 
of  sovereignty  which,  though  weak  and  loose  at  first,  grew 
stronger  and  closer  as  time  went  on,  and  which  enabled  the 
King  of  France  in  after  years  to  bind  all  the  French  prov- 
inces of  England  to  his  throne. 

This  was  apparent  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  He 
tried  to  make  good  certain  claims  of  his  wife  on  Toulouse. 
Louis  VII.  threw  himself  into  the  city,  and  the  vassal  did 
not  dare  besiege  his  sovereign.  He  wished  to  limit  the  ex- 
cessive independence  of  the  clergy  ;  Thomas  a  Becket  rose 
against  him, — Thomas  a  Becket  himself  at  first,  and  later, 
more  terrible  still,  his  murdered  ghost. 

The  clergy  had  had  the  privilege  of  jurisdiction  over  its 
own  members  from  the  time  of  the  Roman  Empire.  When 
Abuse  of  ec-  ^  clergyman  was  concerned  in  a  suit,  the  lay 
ciesiasticai  jur-  tribunals  wcrc  incompetent  to  treat  the  case  ; 
T  h  o  m  a  s  a"  it  could  be  decided  only  by  an  ecclesiastical 
Becket.  court.*     In  England   William  the  Conqueror 

had  greatly  extended  the  field  of  this  privilege,  called  the 
"benefit  of  clergy";  his  aim  was  to  make  powerful  tools  of 
his  bishops,  who  were  always  docile  under  his  strong  hand. 
Great  founders  always  go  through  the  same  experience  : 
they  count  too  much  on  the  strength  of  their  power  ;  after 
their  death  it  declines,  and  that  of  which  they  had  no  fear 
becomes  in  time  a  formidable  force.  We  find  also  that  the 
clergy  was  in  a  state  which  had  been  very  often  seen  on  the 
continent,  for  instance,  under  Charles  Martel.  The  eccle- 
siastical benefices  of  which  the  conquered  had  been  despoiled 
had  been  seized  upon  by  the  conquerors,  and  with  them  en- 

*  This  is  not  trae  as  a  universal  rule.  It  was  the  case  only  at  certain 
places  and  for  certain  times.  It  was  something  for  which  the  Church 
was  constantly  striving,  but  which  it  had  never  fully  attained. — Ed. 


34^  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

tered  a  spirit  of  license  which  always  follows  conquerors 
into  the  conquered  country.  So  the  Norman  clergy,  who 
professed  themselves  sent  to  reform  the  Saxon  clergy,  fell 
into  the  worst  forms  of  vice  :  murders,  acts  of  violence,  and 
scandals  had  become  common  events  there  ;  during  the  first 
years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  nearly  a  hundred  homicides 
were  recorded,  committed  by  priests  still  living.  Besides 
the  fact  of  the  natural  inclination  of  the  clergy  to  spare  its 
own  members,  the  punishment  inflicted  by  its  tribunals  was 
comparatively  light  :  it  consisted  of  penance,  at  times  severe, 
but  the  penalty  was  never  death.  Abuses  crept  into  what 
had  formerly  been  good  institutions  :  the  clergy  was  the 
only  asylum  in  the  Middle  Ages  which  feudal  violence  did 
not  dare  to  violate  ;  a  refuge  for  the  weak  is  an  admirable 
thing,  but  a  refuge  for  crime  is  thrice  odious.  Henry  II, 
tried  to  remedy  this  evil  ;  but  he  came  into  collision  with 
one  stronger  than  himself. 

Gilbert  Becket,  one  of  the  London  middle  class,  and  his 
wife  Rohesia  or  Matilda,  both  probably  of  Norman  birth, 
were  the  parents  of  Thomas  a  Becket.  Given  a  careful 
education  by  his  father,  the  child  became  skillful  in  the  ex- 
ercises of  body  and  of  mind,  was  made  archdeacon  of  Can- 
terbury, and  attracted  the  notice  of  Matilda's  son,  who 
became  much  attached  to  him.  First  as  tutor  of  the  King's 
eldest  son,  and  then  as  chancellor,  he  was  a  conspicuous 
figure  in  the  first  ranks  of  the  kingdom,  and  displayed  a 
pomp  and  state  far  exceeding  the  most  magnificent  of  the 
nobles.  Finally  Henry  appointed  him  to  the  see  of  Canter- 
bury (1162),  hoping  that  he  would  be  of  use  to  him  in  his 
reforms.  But  the  courtier  vanished  in  the  archbishop  ;  the 
dogs  and  birds  and  costly  raiment  all  disappeared  ;  Becket 
became  a  strict  and  austere  priest.  Henry  II.  was  irritated 
by  this.  Nevertheless  he  broached  his  plans,  and  in  a  great 
assembly  of  bishops,  abbots,  and  barons  held  at  Clarendon 
(1164),  he  caused  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  to  be 
adopted,  which  obliged  every  clerk,  who  was  accused  of 
crime,  to  appear  before  the  king's  court  of  justice,  forbade 
any  ecclesiastic  to  leave  the  kingdom  without  the  royal 
permission,  and  assigned  to  the  king  the  guardianship  and 
revenues  of  any  vacant  bishopric  or  benefice. 

Thomas  a  Becket  rebelled  against  these  statutes  ;  pur- 
sued by  the  murmurs  of  the  bishops  who  were  partisans  of 
the  king,  he  cried  out :  "  I  shall  appeal  to  the  sovereign 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE.  349 

pontiff,  and  shall  summon  you  before  him."  And  withdraw- 
ing, he  reached  the  coast  of  Sandwich  in  disguise,  and 
embarked  for  France.  Louis  VII.,  received  him  there  with 
favor,  and  after  six  years  of  fruitless  effort  he  succeeded  in 
reconciling  him  with  Henry  II.  (1170).  But  Becket  had 
not  wavered  in  the  slightest.  On  his  return  to  Canterbury 
he  again  excommunicated  the  Archbishop  of  York.  At 
this  news  Henry  II.,  who  was  then  in  Normandy,  was  filled 
with  wrath.  "  What  !  "  he  cried,  "  a  wretch  who  came  to 
my  court  on  a  limping  horse,  who  has  eaten  of  my  bread, 
and  dares  to  brave  me  thus  !  Will  no  one  rid  me  of  him  ?  " 
Four  knights,  who  understood  what  he  meant  by  those 
words,  crossed  over  to  England,  and  five  days  later  the 
archbishop  fell,  assassinated  by  them,  at  the  very  foot  of 
the  altar  (Dec.  29,  11 70).  The  Saxons  made  a  martyr  of 
him,  and  popular  imagination,  with  that  vigorous  creative 
power  inherent  in  it,  soon  came  to  believe  that  at  his  tomb 
the  blind  would  recover  their  sight,  the  deaf  their  hearing, 
and  that  even  the  dead  would  there  be  restored  to  life. 

The  crime  came  back  upon  Henry  II.,  whose  authority  was 
shaken  for  a  long  time.  He  did  not  obtain  indulgence 
from  the  Holy  See  until  he  had  performed  many  acts  of 
submission  and  had  annulled  the  constitutions  of  Clarendon. 
Lastly  he  undertook,  in  the  cause  of  the  Church  at  Rome, 
an  important  conquest,  which  was  of  no  less  importance  to 
him,  ^nd  for  the  success  of  which  he  used  the  same  pontifi- 
cal authority  to  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  submit. 

Ireland  had  been  a  Christian  country  since  the  fourth 

century  ;  it  was  even  called  the  "  Isle  of  the  Saints."     But 

^  ,      -    shut  off,  as  it  was,  at  the  extremity  of  Europe, 

Conquest     of  ,,'.  ,  '.        ...  .-'_,  ^' 

Ireland  (1 1 71);  and  havmg  kept  itself  free  from  European 
France"fus-  domination,  even  from  that  of  the  Romans, 
tains  the  revolt  the  "  grccn  island  of  Erin  "  covered  with  pas- 
the  En^gns°h  turc  lands,  the  "  Pearl  of  the  Ocean"  beaten 
king(n73).  by  the  tidcs,  the  "  wooded  island  "  given  over 

to  savage  customs  in  all  their  ferocity,  to  patriarchal  gov- 
ernment of  the  clans  and  annual  division  of  the  land,  had  pre- 
served a  certain  independence  even  in  the  matter  of  its  conver- 
sion, and  did  not  submit  either  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Holy 
See  or  to  the  strict  methods  of  canonical  discipline.  But 
in  the  Middle  Ages  it  was  very  dangerous  to  differ  from 
the  Roman  communion.  The  Anglo-Saxons  had  dearly 
paid  for  their  arrears  in  St.  Peter's  tithe,  at  the  time  of  Wil- 


35°  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

liam  the  Conqueror.  Henry  II.  promised  to  establish  it  in 
Ireland  ;  in  1156  Pope  Adrian  IV.  authorized  him  to  pro- 
ceed. 

An  Irish  chief,  who  had  been  banished  by  one  of  his 
rivals,  called  a  troop  of  Normans  to  his  assistance  ;  the 
cross-bows  and  light  arms  of  the  Irish  were  powerless 
against  the  great  iron-clad  horses,  and  lances  eight  cubits 
long.  Richard  Strongbow,  the  chieftain  of  the  Norman 
adventurers,  by  marrying  the  daughter  of  an  Irish  chieftain, 
found  himself  master  of  the  whole  of  Leinster.  Henry  II. 
demanded  homage  of  him  and  went  himself  to  the  island 
(1171)  ;  all  the  chiefs  in  the  south  acknowledged  him  as 
their  sovereign  ;  at  the  same  time  a  synod  called  at  Cashel 
put  the  Church  of  Ireland  under  the  supremacy  of  the 
primate  of  England.  But  the  northern  and  western  parts 
of  the  island  remained  independent. 

The  end  of  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  was  taken  up  by  quar- 
rels with  his  sons  ;  Eleanor,  who  was  annoyed  by  the  favor 
shown  Fair  Rosamond  by  the  king,  stirred  them  up  to  re- 
volt, and  the  King  of  France  held  himself  in  readiness  to 
profit  by  the  result.  The  eldest  son  Henry,  in  the  mean 
time,  had  received  from  his  father  in  1169  Maine  and  An- 
jou  ;  the  second,  Richard  the  Lion-hearted,  had  Aquitaine  ; 
Geoffrey,  the  third  son,  became  Duke  of  Brittany  ;  while 
the  youngest,  John,  had  nothing  ;  he  was  called  John  Lack- 
land. The  eldest  son  desired  Normandy,  too.  The  two 
younger  brothers  believed  a  revolt  necessary  for  them- 
selves ;  so  they  all  three  took  up  arms  and  paid  homage 
to  the  King  of  France.  Henry  sent  out  against  them,  to 
the  continent,  mercenaries  trained  to  the  trade  of  war.  In 
England,  where  the  revolt  might  spread,  he  undertook  to 
win  over  the  people,  by  appeasing  the  shades  of  Thomas 
a  Becket.  Barefooted  and  clothed  in  a  simple  woolen 
gown,  he  repaired  to  the  tomb  of  his  martyr,  passed  a  day 
and  night  there  in  pr^iyer,  on  his  knees  on  the  stone,  with- 
out eating  or  drinking,  while  his  bishops  scourged  him. 
After  which,  "he  departed  joyfully."  It  was  all  over  ;  the 
penance  was  accomplished,  the  load  of  remorse  removed, 
and  public  opinion  reconciled.  From  that  time  he  was  vic- 
torious over  the  King  of  Scotland  as  well  as  the  King  of 
France,  with  whom  he  signed  the  treaty  of  Montlouis  (11 74). 
But  he  could  not  settle  matters  with  his  sons,  who  had  the 
French  provinces  ready  to  support  their  cause.     The  south 


Chap.  XXIV.]    FlkST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE.  35  i 

had  seized  with  joy  the  opportunity  to  "drive  away  the 
sceptre  of  the  north."  The  troubadour  knights,  with  Ber- 
tram de  Born  at  their  head,  inflamed  the  people  with  their 
warlike  poetry,  briUiant  and  sonorous  as  a  clarion.  In 
1 183  and  in  1188  there  were  new  revolts  ;  Henry  even  saw 
his  youngest  and  best  beloved  son,  John,  raising  his  hand 
against  him.     He  died,  cursing  them  all  (1189). 

These  quarrels  saved  Louis  VH.  from  dangers  which 
otherwise  he  would  assuredly  have  called  down  upon  his 
head,  for  he  was  much  more  of  a  monk  than 
gusVu's^utso)  ^"  active  and  resolute  king.  Yet  he  still  en- 
and  Richard  couragcd  the  communal  movement.  Twenty- 
hearted  U189).  five  charters  are  signed  with  his  name.  But, 
^f^French^roy-  '^^e  his  father  before  him,  he  did  not  wish 
ally  in  the  thir-  any  of  them  on  his  own  lands.  At  Orleans  a 
century.  coQ-iQ-mnal  movement  was  harshly  suppressed. 
Sometimes  he  even  aided  the  feudal  lords  in  doing  on  their 
domains  what  he  was  doing  on  his  own. 

The  figure  of  his  minister  is  more  pleasing  to  contem- 
plate,— Suger,  who  advised  him  not  to  go  on  the  crusade, 
and  continued  to  remind  him  of  it  from  the  time  of  his 
departure,  adjuring  him  "  by  the  oath  of  his  coronation," 
no  longer  to  abandon  his  flock  to  the  ravening  wolves. 
Here  we  see  the  first  indications  of  the  new  character 
assumed  by  French  royalty.  From  the  ninth  to  the  twelfth 
century  the  king  had  lived,  but  royalty  seemed  dead,  for 
the  public  powers  which  ought  to  have  remained  in  its  hand 
had  been  seized  by  all  the  great  proprietors,  and  were  used 
by  them  as  domain  powers.  This  aristocratic  revolution, 
which  had  destroyed  the  unity  of  the  country  for  three 
centuries,  was  followed  by  another  which  endeavored  to 
unite  the  scattered  members  of  the  French  community  to 
take  away  from  the  feudal  lords  the  rights  they  had  usurped, 
in  order  to  return  them  to  the  crown.  The  monarchical 
revolution,  making  the  king  sole  judge,  sole  administrator, 
and  sole  legislator  of  the  country,  began  with  Louis  the 
Fat,  Philip  xVugustus,  and  St.  Louis,  and  was  not  accom- 
plished until  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  because  of  various 
circumstances,  such  as,  for  instance,  the  hundred  years'  war 
in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  and  the  religious 
wars  in  the  sixteenth,  which  interrupted  the  progress  of  the 
great  interior  development. 

Philip  Augustus  (1180),  son  of  Louis  VII.,  retrieved  his 


352  FRAUCE  AMD  ENGLAX^D.  [Book  VIII. 

father's  mistakes.  It  is  noticeable  that  he  was  the  last 
king  to  be  consecrated  before  his  accession.  This  pre- 
caution lost  its  usefulness  when  the  Capetian  royal  family 
had  thoroughly  established  itself. 

Philip  Augustus  was  remarkable  for  the  patience  he 
always  showed  in  waiting  for  a  favorable  opportunity. 
When  fifteen  years  old  and  menaced  by  his  vassals,  he  said  : 
"  Whatever  they  may  do  now,  it  pleases  me  to  endure  their 
villainies,  violence,  and  outrageous  conduct.  If  it  is  God's 
will,  they  will  grow  feeble  and  old  and  I  shall  grow  in 
strength  and  wisdom  ;  then  it  will  be  my  turn  for  revenge." 
His  first  acts  showed  that  he  was  a  pious  king  ;  he  robbed 
and  banished  the  Jews,  and  in  those  days  that  was  con- 
sidered a  pious  duty.  He  allowed  them  to  come  back,  it  is 
true,  on  the  payment  of  a  fine.  The  Jews  were  periodically 
banished  and  called  back  in  this  way.  They  were  like  a 
sponge,  which  was  allowed  to  fill  itself  with  the  gold  of  the 
middle  classes  and  the  nobility,  and  which  was  then  squeezed 
into  the  royal  treasury  ;  at  each  reprieve  the  active  tribe 
began  anew  to  work,  and  the  pressure  recommenced  as  soon 
as  they  had  repaired  their  fortunes.  The  most  useful  act 
of  the  beginning  of  Philip's  reign  was  the  acquisition  of 
Vermandois,  Valois,  and  Amiens,  which  were  yielded  to 
him  by  the  heiress  in  order  to  obtain  his  protection  against 
Philip  of  Alsace,  Count  of  Flanders.  When  he  had  become 
master  of  the  county  of  Amiens,  the  bishop,  who  held 
sovereign  power  there,  demanded  homage  in  virtue  of  his 
new  title  ;  '•  The  king  pays  no  man  homage,"  he  replied. 
It  was  a  new  and  pregnant  principle,  and  changed  the  nature 
of  the  fiefs  acquired  by  the  crown.  So  when  they  passed  out 
of  his  hands  again,  in  the  form  of  appanages,  it  was  under 
very  different  conditions  from  the  other  feudal  domains. 

He  formed  a  close  alliance  with  the  rebellious  Richard, 
and  they  were  inseparable  friends  so  long  as  Henry  II. 
lived  :  they  ate  at  the  same  table,  slept  in  the  same  bed. 
They  resisted  the  king  of  England  and  dictated  their  con- 
ditions ;  both  also  pledged  themselves  to  set  out  together 
on  the  third  crusade.  King  Richard,  who  succeeded  his 
father  in  1189,  was  a  somewhat  lawless  knight,  brilliant  but 
brutal,  a  hard  fighter  as  we  should  now  say,  and  as  such  in- 
clined to  rule  his  people  with  an  iron  hand  :  for  the  rest  he 
was  a  bold  and  caustic  poet,  imaginative  even  in  his  exac- 
tions, as,  for  instance,  when  he  conceived  the  idea  of  losing 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE.  353 

his  ro3^al  seal  and  of  having  another  made,  so  that  all  those 
who  had  charters  were  obliged  to  have  them  sealed  anew — 
for  a  consideration.  He  sold  everything,  offices,  castles, 
and  villages,  and  departed  for  the  crusade,  where  his  hard 
fighting  won  him  the  name  of  the  Lion-hearted. 

The  third  crusade,  which  has  already  been  described,  was 
a  complete  failure,  but  it  had  no  fatal  results  for  France, 
as  had  the  preceding  crusade.  Though  Richard  proved 
himself  the  bravest  man  there,  yet  Philip  appeared  as  the 
sovereign  of  the  English  king.  He  was  the  first  to  return, 
and  while  his  rival  was  fighting  in  Palestine  and  afterwards 
was  kept  a  prisoner  in  Austria,  he  made  use  of  his  time  to 
work  the  ruin  of  the  too  powerful  house  of  England.  He 
came  to  an  understanding  with  one  of  Richard's  brothers, 
who  had  been  left  at  home,  John  Lackland,  for  they  both 
hoped  to  share  the  spoils.  But  Richard,  escaping  from  the 
prison  where  the  German  emperor  had  kept  him,  notwith- 
standing his  given  word  to  the  contrary,  made  haste  to 
avenge  himself  on  his  brother  and  his  rival.  The  former 
bought  his  pardon  by  killing  a  French  garrison  which  he 
had  conveyed  into  one  of  the  castles  ;  Philip  Augustus  pre- 
ferred to  go  to  war.  It  began  in  Normandy  and  was  fought 
with  violence.  Richard,  both  troubadour  and  king,  waged 
it  and  sang  it  at  the  same  time.  He  defeated  Philip  near 
Gisors,  but  derived  little  advantage  from  his  victory.  Pope 
Innocent  III.  interposed  and  made  them  sign  a  truce  of  five 
years  (January,  1199).  Two  months  later,  Richard  was 
killed,  struck  by  an  arrow  at  the  siege  of  the  castle  of 
Chalus  in  Limousin,  where  he  was  trying  to  carry  off  a 
treasure  which  had  been  found  by  the  lord  of  the  castle. 
But  though  he  had  ruled  his  subjects  badly  and  had  con- 
stantly plundered  them,  he  was  a  lamented  and  popular 
hero.  "  With  him  was  interred,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  the 
glory  and  the  honor  of  chivalry." 

The  crown  of  England  should  go,  by  right,  to  Arthur,  the 

young  son  of  Geoffrey,  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  John's  elder 

brother  ;  but  the  latter  usurped  it.     Anjou, 

tweenVhiifp     Poitou,  and  Tourainc,  which   were   weary  of 

Augustus  and     English  domination,  surrendered   to   Arthur 

John  Lackland;  f    .  ,       ,      ,  •  ,„,.,.  r^. 

Conquest  of    and    uivokcd  the   protection  of  Philip.     The 

PoitTuul.oJ"'*     King  of  France  undertook  to  defend  Arthur 

and  then  abandoned  him  (1200),  as  soon  as 

he  had  obtained   from  John  the  advantages  desired  in  his 


354  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

selfish  policy.  He  took  up  arms  again,  however,  when  he 
saw  the  possibility  of  great  benefits  to  himself  in  the  revolt 
of  all  his  French  possessions  from  the  King  of  England. 
To  gain  them  at  the  least  possible  expense  he  left  the  bur- 
den of  the  war  to  Arthur.  The  unfortunate  young  man 
was  conquered,  captured,  killed,  and  thrown,  it  was  said, 
into  the  Seine  by  John  himself  (1203).  This  murder  gave 
Philip  Augustus  the  opportunity  he  desired  ;  as  the  avenger 
of  a  crime  which  roused  universal  indignation,  he  sum- 
moned John  to  appear  at  his  court.*  John  demanded 
sureties  for  his  safe  coming  and  going.  "  For  coming,  you 
may  have  them,"  was  the  reply:  "your  return  will  depend 
upon  the  decision  of  the  peers."  John  did  not  go.  Philip, 
delighted  with  this  forfeiture,  seized  all  the  fortresses  in 
Normandy  and  even  entered  Rouen  :  that  rich  province, 
whence  the  conquerors  of  England  had  set  out,  was  French 
from  that  time,  and  Brittany,  which  was  dependent  on  it, 
became  an  immediate  fief  of  the  king  (1204).  Philip  as- 
sumed the  guardianship  of  Alice,  Arthur's  sister,  and  later 
gave  both  the  heritage  and  the  heiress  to  one  of  his  rela- 
tions, Peter  Mauclerc.  The  occupation  of  Poitou,  Tou- 
raine,  and  Anjou  followed  this  great  conquest,  so  that  the 
royal  domain  was  suddenly  much  increased  and  well  pro- 
tected toward  the  west. 

John's  baseness  had  given  France  those  fair  provinces  : 
his  quarrel  with  the  Holy  See  and  with  his  barons  secured 

_.        ,   .          her  possession  of  them.     He  had  his  father's 

Quarrel     b  e  -  T  .  ,  ,  , 

tweenjohn  feclings  ui  regard  to  the  clcrgy  ;  togamcon- 
i^ifno^'enf  \\\.  ^rol  ovcr  them  he  appointed  one  of  his  tools  to 
(1207)  ;  Battle  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury.  The  suf- 
°i2i4°)"i'^T'h  e  fragan  bishops  protested,  and  Pope  Innocent 
\ll\l)  ^'^^''*^''  HI.,  insisting  upon  a  new  election,  had  the 
trust  given  to  the  English  Cardinal  Stephen 
Langton  (1207).  John  Lackland  was  exceedingly  angry. 
He  drove  the  monks  out  of  Canterbury,  and  when  three 
bishops  came  to  see  him  in  the  name  of  the  Pope  he  threat- 
ened to  have  them  beaten  if  they  did  not  withdraw.  He 
swore,  "by  the  teeth  of  God,"  that  he  would  cut  off  the 
nose  of  any  Roman  who  should    enter  his  kingdom,  and 

*  Recent  investigations  make  it  altogether  probable  that  John  was  not 
condemned  in  1204  for  the  murder  of  Arthur,  but  that  his  only  condem- 
nation by  the  King's  court,  not  a  court  of  the  twelve  peers,  was  in  I20a 
on  complaint  of  his  vassals  in  Poitou. — Eu, 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  LV  THE  STRIFE.  355 

spoke  of  throwing  all  the  English  clergy  into  the  sea.  If 
the  reports  of  the  day  are  to  be  believed,  he  went  so  far  as 
to  intend  becoming  a  Mussulman  in  order  to  obtain  help 
from  the  Emir  Al-Moumenin  of  Morocco.  The  end  of 
all  this  senseless  rage  was  his  rushing  to  the  other  extremes 
when  excommunicated  and  threatened  with  an  invasion 
by  Philip  Augustus,  who  was  authorized  by  Innocent  III.  to 
conquer  England.  He  groveled  before  the  Holy  See,  and 
promised  tribute  and  acknowledged  himself  a  vassal  (1213). 

He  tried  to  avenge  himself  for  his  disgrace  by  forming  a 
vast  coalition  against  Philip  Augustus.  He  was  to  attack 
France  on  the  southwest  while  the  German  Emperor  Otto 
IV.,  the  counts  of  Flanders  and  Boulogne,  and  all  the 
princes  of  the  Netherlands  were  to  make  their  attack  on 
the  North.  But  France  rose  to  repel  the  foreign  invasion. 
The  king's  son,  Louis,  went  to  oppose  the  English  king  in 
Poitou  ;  and  Philip,  with  the  remainder  of  the  chivalry,  and 
the  communal  soldiers  of  the  North,  marched  toward  the 
enemy,  met  them  near  the  bridge  of  Bouvines,  on  theMarq, 
entered  Lille  and  Tournai,  and  having  incurred  great  dan- 
gers, secured  a  complete  victory  (Aug.  29,  12 14).* 

Philip  seems  not  to  have  reaped  all  the  advantages  that 
he  might  from  his  great  success.  He  acquired  no  new 
land  ;  Flanders  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  wife  of 
Ferrand,  the  county  of  Boulogne  in  the  hands  of  Renaud's 
daughter,  and  John  of  England  bought  a  truce  which  left 
him  Saintonge  and  Guienne.  But  he  had  repelled  a 
formidable  invasion,  had  put  an  emperor  and  a  king  to 
flight,  had  foiled  the  designs  of  several  great  vassals, 
finally  had  given  the  Capetian  dynasty  the  baptism  of  glory 
which  it  had  lacked  till  that  time,  and  had  revealed  France 
to  herself.  His  triumph,  in  fact,  roused  something  in  his 
country  hitherto  unknown  there,  the  national  spirit,  patriot- 
ism ;  a  weak  feeling  as  yet,  in  spite  of  the  explosion  of 
public  joy,  and  several  times  it  seemed  to  have  been  extin- 
guished, but  it  always  reappeared  with  victorious  energy. 
France  had  now  a  nation  and  a  king. 

The  nobility  of  France  again  bore  witness  to  their  warlike 

*  This  battle  was  one  of  the  most  important  of  all  the  Middle  Ages. 
In  France  it  increased  greatly  the  prestige  of  the  crown  ;  in  England  it 
was  a  decisive  step  leading  to  the  Magna  Charta  ;  in  Germany  it  so 
broke  the  power  of  Otto  IV.  that  resistance  was  no  longer  possible  to  the 
advance  of  the  young  Hohenstaufen  Frederick  II. — Eu, 


356  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

activity  in  two  great  enterprises  :  the  fourth  crusade,  which 
changed  the  Greek  empire  into  a  French  empire,  and  the 
war  against  the  Albigenses,  which  secured  the  intractable 
population  of  the  South  to  the  Frenph  dominion. 
N  Ph'jlip  took  part  in  neither  of  these  expeditions.  He 
allowed  his  nobles  to  consume  their  resources  and  their 
energies  in  these  wars,  which  were  of  twofold  advantage  to 
France,  both  in  the  consequent  establishment  of  order  in 
the  kingdom,  and  in  the  glory  shed  on  its  name  in  distant 
lands.  He  wrote  to  the  Pope,  who  was  urging  him  to  en- 
gage in  a  crusade  against  the  Albigenses,  "  I  am  flanked  by 
two  great  and  terrible  lions,  the  Emperor  Otto  and  King 
John  ;  accordingly  I  cannot  leave  France."  After  their 
experience  at  Bouvines,  however,  neither  one  nor  the  other 
caused  him  much  annoyance. 

While  his  allies  had  been  suffering  defeat  in  Flanders, 
John  had  been  defeated  in  Poitou.  Returning  to  his  island 
conquered  and  humiliated,  he  found  his  barons  in  insurrec- 
tion. Stephen  Langton,  the  primate,  was  at  their  head. 
They  did  not  feel  secure  while  they  were  in  the  power  of  a 
tyrant  who  had  no  respect  for  anything,  and  they  wished  to 
place  bounds  to  his  caprice.  They  brought  out  again  the 
charter  of  Henry  I.,  and  when  the  King  was  holding  his 
court  at  Worcester,  at  Christmas  time,  they  presented  them- 
selves well-armed  before  him  and  asked  him  to  confirm  the 
privileges  granted  to  them  by  that  charter.  John  evaded 
the  question,  asked  for  time,  and  at  last  declared  that  he 
would  grant  nothing  :  "  Why  don't  they  ask  me  for  my 
kingdom?  "  he  cried,  livid  with  rage.  But  the  barons  were 
determined  not  to  yield  :  they  proclaimed  themselves  the 
"army  of  God  and  of  His  holy  Church,"  entered  London 
amid  the  cheers  of  the  multitude,  and  on  the  15th  of  June, 
1215,  on  the  plain  of  Runnymede,  near  Windsor,  they 
forced  the  king  to  sign  the  Magna  Charta,  the  fundamental 
basis  of  English  liberties. 

When  the  charter  had  been  signed  and  the  barons  had 
separated,  John,  who  was  beside  himself  with  rage,  wished 
to  tear  it  to  pieces  :  he,  the  cynic,  heaped  imprecations  on 
his  own  head  for  havingyielded,  and  swore  to  give  England 
over  to  plunder  and  pillage.  He  appealed  to  the  Pope, 
Innocent  HI.,  who  on  his  own  authority  declared  the  great 
charter  null  and  void  and  released  the  King  from  his  oaths. 
Then   he   called    in  his   mercenaries  from   the   continent, 


Chap.  XXIV.]     FIRST  PERIOD  IN  THE  STRIFE.  357 

who  laid  the  country  waste  in  every  direction,  until  the 
barons,  in  wrath,  offered  the  crown  to  Louis,  son  of  Philip 
Augustus  and  nephew  of  John  through  his  wife,  Blanche 
of  Castile.  Innocent  III.  threatened  Philip  Augustus  with 
excommunication,  and  the  King  pretended  that  he  would 
like  to  stop  his  son.  But  I.ouis  replied  to  him  :  "  Sire,  I 
am  your  liege  man  for  the  lands  which  you  have  given  me 
in  France  ;  but  it  does  not  belong  to  you  to  decide  upon  the 
fate  of  England."  So  Louis  proceeded  in  his  enterprise,  and 
notwithstanding  an  excommunication  from  the  Pope,  he 
landed  in  England,  on  May  30,  12 16.  The  effect  of  an 
excommunication  had  grown  weaker  by  the  force  of  repeti- 
tion, and  would  not  have  hindered  the  success  of  the  French 
prince  in  the  least,  had  it  not  been  that  John  died  of  an 
attack  of  indigestion  in  1216.  He  left  a  child,  Henry  III. 
The  barons  knew  that  this  child  king  would  be  worth  more 
to  their  cause  than  a  foreign  prince,  who  no  doubt  would  be 
little  likely  to  respect  their  privileges  after  his  victory  was 
gained,  and  who  would  have  the  assistance  of  French 
forces  in  time  of  need.  Louis's  cause  was  gradually  aban- 
doned, and  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  France  in  1217. 

The  first  period  in  the  strife  between  France  and  England 
ends  with  the  death  of  John  Lackland  and  Philip  Augustus. 
Beginning  with  the  year  1217,  the  histories  of  the  two 
countries,  which  had  run  together  so  long,  followed  separate 
courses  for  one  hundred  and  twenty  years. — Each  one  re- 
turned to  its  own  way  of  life  ;  France  grew  more  and  more 
monarchical,  England  more  and  more  constitutional,  and 
they  met  only  at  long  intervals,  in  a  few  combats.  We 
must  now  take  up  as  separate  histories  what  we  have  studied 
for  a  time  as  a  united  history. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE    ROYAL     POWER    IN   FRANCE   FROM 
PHILIP  AUGUSTUS  TO  PHILIP  OF  VALOIS. 


Internal  administration  of  Philip  Augustus. — Louis  VIII.  (1223)  and 
the  regency  of  Blanche  of  Castile.  Saint  Louis,  his  ascendancy  in 
Europe  ;  treaties  with  England  (1259),  and  with  Aragon  (125S). — 
Government  of  Saint  Louis.  Progress  of  the  royal  authority. — New 
character  of  politics,  PhiHp  III.  (1270),  Philip  IV.  (12S5),  new  war 
with  England  (1294). — A  new  struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the 
State  (1296-1304).  The  Papacy  at  Avignon  (1309-1376). — Con- 
demnation of  the  Templars  (1307). — Administration  of  Philip  IV.; 
reign  of  his  three  sons  (1314-1328). 


Philip  Augustus  had  reigned  gloriously  for  forty-three 
years  ;  he  had  doubled  the  royal  domain  by  the  acquisition 
of  Vermandois,  Amiens,  Artois,  Normandy,  Maine,  Anjou, 
Touraine,  Poitou,  and  a  part  of  Auvergne,  which  he  divided 
into  78  provostships,  under  the  superintendence  of  bailiffs  ; 
he  had  attacked  feudalism  in  its  most  odious  right,  the 
right  of  waging  private  wars,  by  establishing  the  quaran- 
taine-le-roy*  and  the  asseurement  ;\  he  had  adorned  and 
paved  Paris,  surrounded  it  with  a  wall,  and  given  it  mar- 
kets and  a  better  police  ;  the  Louvre  had  been  begun  and 
the  University  of  Paris  had  been  established  with  great 
privileges,  and  the  Archives  had  been  started  ;  the  author- 
ity of  the  court  of  the  peers  had  been  established  by  a  inem- 
orable  example,  the  condemnation  of  the  king  of  England  ;J 
and,  last  of  all,  the  royalty  reappeared  in  the  light  of  a  legis- 
lative power,  and  its  ordinances  were  considered  as  apply- 

*  This  was  an  enforced  truce  for  forty  days  between  a  murder  or  other 
acts  of  violence  and  the  taking  of  vengeance  by  the  party  injured.  In 
the  interval  passions  might  be  appeased,  the  king  might  interfere,  and 
justice  be  done. 

f  The  asseurement  was  a  guarantee  of  the  royal  protection  to  any  one 
who  referred  the  decision  of  a  private  quarrel  to  the  king's  court  instead 
of  appealing  to  arms  himself. — Ed. 

I  See  above,  p.  354,  note, — Ed. 

358 


Chap.  XXV.]         THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  359 

ing  to  the  whole  state,  which  had  not  been  the  case  since 
the  capitularies  of  Charles  the  Simple.  He  had  made  the 
royal  power  entirely  independent,  to  the  great  advantage 
of  order,  industry,  and  commerce,  which  he  encouraged,  that 
is  to  the  advantage  both  of  the  royal  power  and  of  the 
people. 

This  prince  had  nevertheless  incurred  the  censures  of 
Rome.  He  had  married  as  his  second  wife  Ingeborg  of 
Denmark  (1193);  but  repudiated  her  the  very  day  after  the 
marriage.  A  council  of  bishops  pronounced  this  union  null 
and  void,  and  Philip  immediately  married  Agnes  of  Meran. 
It  naturally  created  a  great  scandal,  that  a  man,  because  he 
was  king,  should  make  sport  of  the  honor  of  a  woman,  a 
foreigner  who  was  without  help  or  protection.  Philip 
thought  that  the  sentence  of  the  bishops  would  end  all  dis- 
cussion. But  Ingeborg  appealed  to  the  Pope,  and  Inno- 
cent III.  took  up,  in  behalf  of  outraged  morality  and 
religion,  the  cause  of  the  poor  woman  who  had  been 
abandoned  by  every  one  else.  Philip  resisted  his  decrees, 
and  the  Pope  hurled  an  interdict  against  his  kingdom. 
All  religious  services  ceased,  and  the  people  were  left  with- 
out prayers  and  consolation.  In  vain  did  the  King  expel 
from  their  sees  all  the  bishops  who  observed  the  interdict ; 
he  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the  universal  discontent,  which 
endangered  his  crown.  He  sent  away  Agnes  of  Meran,  who 
died  of  grief,  and  took  back  Ingeborg,  in  1201.  Another 
great  example  had  been  given  to  the  world,  and  one  such 
as  Christianity  alone  was  capable  of  giving. 

Philip  showed  wisdom  in  yielding  in  this  case  ;  another 
time  he  showed  equal  wisdom  in  resisting.  In  1203  he  in- 
vaded the  fiefs  which  John  had  lost  by  his  treachery.  Inno- 
cent III.  threatened  him  with  the  anathemas  of  the  Church 
if  he  advanced  a  step  farther  ;  but  Philip,  after  assuring 
himself  of  the  co-operation  of  his  great  vassals,  and  having 
received  from  them  in  writing  their  promise  to  uphold  him 
in  this  cause  against  every  one  else,  even  against  the  Pope, 
went  on  with  his  undertaking. 

In  these  two  cases  the  Pope  and  the  king  appealed  in 
turn  to  public  opinion  and  justice;  the  one  by  interesting 
the  people  in  the  cause  of  morality,  the  other  by  interesting 
the  barons  in  the  legitimate  prerogatives  of  the  crown. 
This  shows  some  progress,  and  that  we  are  beginning  to 
leave  behind  us  the  times  when  force  alone  was  of  any  avail. 


360  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

In  his  short  reign  the  son  of  Philip  Augustus  completed 

the  work  begun  by  his  father.     During  the  lifetime  of  his 

father  Louis  VIII.  had  been  proclaimed  king, 

Louis   VIII.     for  a  short  time,  by   the    revolted    English 

(i223)The  •'  " 

regency  of  barous,  and  had  also  made  two  crusades 
Ca^suTe'i'^^  °^  against  the  Albigenses.  On  becoming  king 
of  France  he  continued  these  two  wars.  He 
conquered  from  the  English  the  part  of  Poitou  which  had 
escaped  Philip  Augustus,  Aunis,  Rochelle,  Limoges,  and 
Perigueux,  and  took  Avignon  in  Languedoc. 

The  country  extending  from  the  Rhone  to  within  four 
leagues  of  Toulouse  made  submission  to  him,  and  he 
stationed  seneschals  or  bailiffs  at  Beaucaire,  Carcassonne, 
and  Beziers.  Thus  all  the  country  west  of  the  Rhone, 
with  the  exception  of  Guienne  and  Toulouse,  recognized 
the  royal  authority.  France  was  no  longer  divided  into 
two  countries,  and  the  work  of  establishing  territorial  unity 
was  constantly  advancing.  But  the  south  of  France  was 
avenged  by  an  epidemic  which  decimated  the  army  and 
carried  off  the  king. 

For  the  whole  of  the  last  century  the  sword  of  royalty, 
that  is,  of  France,  had  been  valiantly  worn  ;  but  the  son  of 
Louis  VIII.  was  a  child  of  only  eleven  years.  The  barons 
claimed  that  the  regency  could  not  be  entrusted  to  a  woman, 
and  refused  to  make  the  queen  mother,  Blanche  of  Castile, 
regent.  They  declared  that  the  king  should  not  be  con- 
secrated unless  guarantees  were  given  them  against  the 
court  of  peers  and  against  the  recent  encroachments  of 
the  royal  authority.  Here  was  then  already  a  strong  feudal 
reaction.  Theobald,  Count  of  Champagne,  Peter  of  Dreux, 
the  Duke  of  Brittany,  Hugh  of  Lusignan,  Count  of  La 
Marche,  Richard,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  and  Raymond  VII., 
Count  of  Toulouse,  formed  a  league,  with  Enguerrand, 
Sire  of  Coucy,  at  its  head.  But  the  Capetian  dynasty  was 
not  yet  to  undergo  the  fate  suffered  by  the  Carolingians. 
Their  dynasty  was  founded  firmly  on  its  own  domain,  and 
on  the  sympathies  of  the  people,  even  in  the  states  of  its 
vassals.  It  was  also  sustained  by  the  great  authority  of  the 
Papacy,  without  which  neither  the  usurpation  of  the  Caro- 
lingians or  that  of  the  Capetians  would  have  succeeded. 
The  cardinal  legate  of  Saint-Ange  was  in  the  service  of 
Blanche  of  Castile,  and  helped  her  with  his  advice  ;  while 
she  herself  gained  over  to  her  cause  the  Count  of  Cham- 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  AIONARCHY.  361 

pagne,  the  famous  trouvere  whose  heart  she  had  touched. 
Louis  IX.  was  consecrated  in  1227,  and  the  treaty  of  Saint- 
Aubin  du  Cormier  in  1231  brought  the  war  to  an  end,  with 
all  the  advantage  on  the  side  of  the  royal  power. 

Languedoc  had  revolted  during  these  events,  in  which  the 
new  Count  of  Toulouse,  Raymond  VII.,  was  secretly  con- 
cerned. A  last  expedition,  aided  by  the  Inquisition,  brought 
about  the  treaty  of  Paris  in  1229,  by  which  the  conquests 
of  the  last  few  years  were  regulated.  Raymond  formally 
abandoned  to  France  all  lower  Languedoc,  which  was  made 
into  the  two  divisions  of  Beaucaire  and  Carcassonne  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  seneschals.  He  only  retained  half  of  the 
diocese  of  Toulouse,  Agenois,  and  Rouergue,  and  merely  a 
life  interest  in  those,  on  the  condition  of  their  being  the 
dowry  of  his  only  daughter,  who  was  betrothed  to  Alfonso, 
the  second  brother  of  the  king. 

The  more  the  royal  power  increased,  the  larger  grew  the 
territory  directly  subject  to  it.  In  1234  Theobald  of  Cham- 
pagne, who  had  become  King  of  Navarre  by  the  death  of 
his  wife's  father,  started  off  to  conquer  his  inheritance,  and 
sold  the  counties  of  Blois,  Chartres,  and  Sancerre  to  the 
crown  of  France. 

The  majority  of  Saint  Louis  was  proclaimed  in  1236. 

We  have  now  come  to  the  true  hero  of  the  IMiddle  Ages, 

a  prince  who  was  as  devout  as  he  was  brave,  who  loved 

_,  .  ,   ^     .       feudalism  and  yet  struck  some  telling  blows 

Saint     Louis,  .  .  -'  11/^1  1     i  1 

his  a  s  c  e  n-  ag-auist  it,  who  rcvcrcd  the  Church  but  knew 
rope.^   '"  when  it  was  necessary  to  resist  its  head  ;  who 

respected  all  rights,  but  yet  pursued  the 
course  of  justice  ;  who  had  a  gentle,  loving,  and  sincere 
heart,  filled  with  Christian  charity,  and  condemning  the 
method  of  torturing  the  body  of  a  sinner  in  order  to  save 
his  soul  ;  a  man  who  lived  on  earth  as  if  heaven  were  always 
before  his  eyes,  and  who  made  his  royal  office  into  a  magis- 
tracy of  order  and  justice.  Rome  has  canonized  him,  and 
the  people  still  think  of  him  as  sitting  under  the  oak  at  Vin- 
cennes  administering  justice  to  all  who  came  to  him.  This 
saint,  this  man  of  peace,  in  the  simplicity  of  his  heart  did 
more  to  extend  the  royal  authority  than  the  wisest  coun- 
sellors or  than  ten  warlike  kings  could  have  done,  because 
after  his  time  the  king  seemed  to  the  people  the  incarnation 
of  order  and  justice.  He  found  the  royal  authority  all  the 
more  firmly  established  from  its  having  just  made  a  trial  of 


362  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIlI. 

its  strength.  Another  Philip  Augustus  would  have  used 
the  many  forces  which  were  ready  to  his  hand  to  advance 
still  farther  in  the  same  direction,  and,  with  great  advantage 
to  the  kingdom,  would  have  driven  the  English  from  Gui- 
enne  which  they  still  held  in  France ;  Saint  Louis,  on  the 
contrary,  checked  the  progress  of  the  royal  authority,  but 
also  gave  it  a  sacred  character.  The  French  royalty  seemed 
very  admirable  at  this  time,  as  wrapped  in  its  robe  of  blue 
sprinkled  with  fleur-de-lis,  pure  and  upright,  it  took  the  part 
of  arbiter  between  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  and  yet  was 
brave  and  valiant  in  repelling  any  attack  made  upon  it.  In 
the  place  of  the  old  feudalism  which  was  hostile  to  it,  it  was 
surrounded  by  a  new  feudalism  which  was  still  easily  con- 
trolled because  it  had  first  sprung  from  the  royal  family 
itself. 

After  having  rooted  out  the  old  feudalism,  the  royal  family 
spread  itself  over  all  France.  Robert,  the  oldest  brother  of 
the  king,  had  been  made  Count  of  Artois  (1237),  and  had 
succeeded  in  attaching  the  northern  provinces  to  the  king- 
dom by  the  alliances  which  he  formed.  The  royal  house 
gained  the  southern  provinces  in  the  same  way.  Alfonso, 
Count  of  Poitou  and  Auvergne,  was  heir  to  the  great  county 
of  Toulouse,  which  extended  as  far  as  the  Pyrenees. 
Charles,  who  received  Anjou  and  Maine  in  1246,  became 
Count  of  Provence  by  his  marriage  with  its  heiress  Beatrice, 
and  extended  the  French  influence  as  far  as  the  Mediter- 
ranean. With  the  support  of  this  family  feudalism  and  of 
his  lawful  rights,  Saint  Louis  was  invincible,  at  least  within 
his  own  provinces. 

Until  the  time  of  his  war  with  the  English,  he  was  not 
very  active,  but  he  already  showed  the  firmness  of  a  prince 
who  never  draws  back  because  he  never  advanced  further 
than  was  just.  In  1241,  when  the  Emperor  Frederick  II. 
detained  the  French  prelates  who  were  on  their  way  to  a 
council  at  Rome,  Saint  Louis  demanded  that  they  should  be 
set  at  liberty,  and  wrote  :  "  Since  the  prelates  of  our  king- 
dom in  no  way  have  deserved  this  detention,  it  is  just  that 
your  Highness  should  set  them  at  liberty  ;  in  that  way  you 
will  appease  us,  for  we  regard  their  detention  as  an  injury, 
and  the  royal  majesty  would  lose  its  consideration  if  we 
were  silent  under  such  circumstances.  .  .  .  May  your  im- 
perial prudence  not  be  content  with  pleading  your  power  or 
your  will  as  an  excuse,  for  the  kingdom  of  France  is  not  so 


Chap.  XXV.  J         THE   FRENCH  iMONARCHY.  l^Z 

weak  as  to  be  resigned  to  being  trodden  under-foot  by 
you."  The  Emperor  released  his  prisoners.  Shortly  be- 
fore this  Louis  had  refused  to  receive  for  himself  or  for  one  of 
his  brothers  the  imperial  crown  of  Frederick  II.,  which  was 
offered  him  by  the  Pope.  He  had  also  refused  to  allow  the 
bishops  to  use  his  royal  authority  in  constraining  excommu- 
nicated persons  to  submit  within  a  year  and  a  day,  unless  he 
himself  were  made  judge  of  the  causes  of  the  excommuni- 
cations. 

Louis  showed  as  much  firmness  in  his  actions  when  he 
was  forced  to  take  up  arms,  as  he  had  done  in  his  words. 
In  1 24 1  the  lords  of  Aquitaine,  who  had  always  been  hostile 
to  France,  formed  a  coalition  against  her.  The  kings  of 
England,  Aragon,  and  Navarre  were  included  in  it,  and  the 
Count  of  Toulouse  hoped  to  break  the  treaty  of  1229.  The 
Count  of  LaMarche  began  the  war  by  refusing  to  pay  hom- 
age to  his  suzerain  Alfonso,  Count  of  Poitiers.  Louis  IX. 
demanded  arms  and  supplies  of  the  communes,  and  wisely 
provided  himself  with  tents,  wagons,  machines,  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  brought  a  fine  army  into  the  field.  Henry  III.  of 
England,  who  was  ill-supported  by  his  barons,  came  to 
meet  him  with  an  army  of  French  soldiers.  Louis  rapidly 
entered  Poitou  and  La  Marche,  forced  a  passage  from 
Charente  to  Taillebourg  (1242),  and  gained  a  complete  vic- 
tory near  Saintes,  which  he  entered.  Henry  III.  took  to 
flight  and  the  French  lords  submitted  to  the  king.  Shortly 
afterwards  the  English  king  asked  for  a  truce,  and  the  war 
ended  in  1243.  The  following  year.  Saint  Louis  made  a 
vow  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land,  which  vow  he  performed  in 
1248.     This  crusade  has  already  been  described. 

This  prince  was  as  anxious  to  prevent  quarrels  between 
states  as  between  private  individuals.  As  he  amicably  set- 
tled the  disputes  of  his  subjects,  under  the  oak  at  Vin- 
cennes,  so  too  he  tried  to  prevent  all  wars,  those  disputes 
which  cost  the  people  so  dear,  in  blood  and  tears.  With 
this  view  he  tried  to  introduce  an  exactness  and  frankness 
into  the  relations  of  the  States  to  each  other,  and  even  when 
it  was  his  own  loss,  to  do  away  with  all  rival  pretensions. 
On  his  victory  in  1242  he  could  have  forced  all  the  barons 
to  submit  to  him  ;  he  preferred  to  leave  them  free,  but  told 
them  that  they  could  not  serve  two  masters,  and  that  all  those 
who  held  fiefs  both  from  him  and  from  the  king  of  England 
must  choose  the  one  or  the  other.     Later  he  carried  this  deli- 


364  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [BooK  VIII. 

cacy  even  farther, — much  farther  than  is  customary  in 
pontics,  and  even  farther  than  was  favorable  to  the  legitimate 
interests  of  France.  He  hardly  knew  what  to  think  of  the 
conquests  of  his  predecessors.  Perhaps  the  lack  of  suc- 
cess of  his  first  crusade  seemed  to  him  a  punishment  sent 
by  God  for  some  fault  into  which  he  must  inquire  and  from 
which  he  must  purify  himself.  "  His  conscience  pricked 
him,"  on  hearing  the  unceasing  complaints  of  Henry  HI.  ; 
and  he  consented  in  1259  to  sign  a  treaty  by  which  he  gave 
up,  or  made  over  to  the  king  of  England,  whom  he  had  de- 
feated in  a  just  war,  Limousin,  Perigord,  Quercy,  Agenois, 
a  part  of  Saintonge,  and  the  duchy  of  Guienne,  on  the 
condition  of  receiving  liege  homage.  In  return,  he  was  ac- 
knowledged undisputed  master  of  Normandy,  Touraine,  An- 
jou,  Poitou,  and  of  Maine.  He  thus  gained  a  right  over  the 
provinces  retained  by  him  which  was  of  more  value  in  his 
eyes  than  the  simple  right  of  conquest. 

He  followed  the  same  principles  in  his  negotiations  with 
the  king  of  Aragon,  yielding  him  irrevocably  the  full  sove- 
reignty of  Catalonia  and  Rousillon,  but  obliging  him  to 
abandon  all  suzerainty  over  the  fiefs  of  Auvergne  and  Lan- 
guedoc  which  had  been  held  from  him  (1258).  A  depar- 
ture was  thus  made  from  all  the  vague  and  concurrent 
rights  which  had  resulted  from  the  confused  origin  of  the 
feudal  system,  and  the  states  from  this  time  were  free  in 
their  movements  and  less  likely  to  embarrass  and  interfere 
with  each  other. 

The  reputation  for  integrity  possessed  by  Saint  Louis 
caused  him  to  be  chosen  arbiter  of  the  dispute  between  the 
king  of  England  and  his  barons,  over  the  Provisions  of 
Oxford  (1264).  He  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  king,  but 
this  time  unsuccessfully,  for  the  barons  paid  no  heed  to 
this  sentence  and  overthrew  King  Henry  HL 

He  was  fortunate  elsewhere  and  settled  a  question  of 
succession  in  Flanders  which  was  involving  the  country  in 
civil  war. 

In  the  south  the  French  influence  was  extended  even  into 
Italy  by  Charles  of  Anjou,  the  brother  of  the  king,  who  by 
his  marriage  had  become  master  of  Provence,  and  who  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  continual  intercourse  between  his 
new  subjects  and  Italy  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  that 
country,  where  (as  we  saw  in  Chapter  XVIII.)  he  finally 
became  king.     We  have  also  seen  that  this   prince,  after 


Chap.  XXV.]         THE  FREh^CH  MONARCHY.  365 

mounting  the  throne  of  Sicily,  directed,  in  his  own  interest 
the  second  crusade  of  Saint  Louis  against  Tunis. 

In  spite  of  the  ill-success  of  his  two  crusades  Saint  Louis 

continued  the  work  of  Philip  Augustus  :  and  under  him  the 

power   of   France   grew   apace.      His   expe- 

f  <?°^f T'"^"*    ditions  beyond  the  sea  showed  him  to  be  a 

01  Saint  L>ouis.  ■'  .  . 

Progress  of  the  truly  dcvout  man;  and  he  merited  his  name 
royal  author-  ^£  Saint  cvcn  morc  by  the  wisdom  of  his  in- 
ternal government,  by  his  solicitude  for  the 
welfare  of  his  people,  and  by  his  beneficent  reforms.  He 
felt  that  it  was  his  mission  to  substitute  peace  and  order  for 
this  social  confusion  of  his  times,  and  to  replace  with  a  true, 
impartial,  and  deliberate  justice  the  mere  forms  of  feudal 
justice  which  hardly  concealed  the  right  of  force.  In  1245 
he  renewed  the  ordinance  of  Philip  Augustus  which  pre- 
scribed a  truce  between  the  accuser  and  the  accused  during 
40  days  {quarantaine-le-roy),  and  gave  the  weaker  party  the 
right  of  making  a  requisition  of  the  asseureme^it  of  the  king. 
He  also  made  a  marked  distinction  between  the  judgments 
of  the  royal  courts  and  the  judgments  of  the  feudal  courts  ; 
he  abolished  throughout  his  domains  the  judicial  duel,  which 
was  one  of  the  greatest  evils  of  the  age  :  "  whoever  would 
prove  his  case  by  the  combat  shall  prove  it  either  by  wit- 
nesses or  written  documents  "  (1258). 

The  use  of  witnesses  and  written  evidence  instead  of  the 
lists  was  the  beginning  of  a  revolution.  The  knights  them- 
selves, skilled  only  in  the  arts  of  war,  had  not  sufficient 
keenness,  learning,  or  powers  of  application  to  find  their 
way  through  the  subtleties  of  proofs  and  the  confusion  of 
documents.  They  called  the  lawyers  to  their  aid,  who 
belonged  to  a  new  profession  versed  in  the  laws,  and 
especially  in  Roman  law.  At  first  the  barons  made  these 
plebeians  sit  on  little  benches  at  their  feet,  but  before  long, 
in  this  intercourse  between  ignorance  and  learning,  the 
latter  took  its  rightful  place,  and  the  barons,  whose  words 
were  of  no  avail,  were  silent  before  their  counsellors.  The 
whole  direction  of  the  trial,  and  the  fate  of  the  guilty,  even 
of  the  highest  noble,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  lawyers. 
They  were  admitted  to  all  the  different  degrees  of  jurisdic- 
tion, to  the  parliament  of  the  barons,  which  served  the  king 
as  a  council,  and  to  the  feudal  courts  presided  over  by  royal 
bailiffs.  They  everywhere  tried  to  enforce  the  observance 
of  the  principles  of  Roman  law,  and  to  make  the  French 


3^^  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

royalty  the  heir  of  the  imperial  maxims.  The  quod  principi 
placuit  legis  habet  vigorem  was  soon  exactly  translated 
into  Whatever  the  king  wills,  the  law  wills,  and,  in  spite 
of  his  respect  for  established  rights,  Saint  Louis  did  not 
hesitate  to  make  laws  to  be  enforced  even  on  the  lands 
of  vassals:  "Know  ye  (1257)  that  on  the  deliberation  of 
our  council,  we  have  prohibited  all  wars  within  our  king- 
dom, all  destruction  by  fire,  and  all  prevention  of  agricul- 
ture." In  the  same  way  many  suits  were  transferred  from 
the  feudal  courts  to  the  court  of  the  king.  By  straining  a 
little  the  right  of  faiissement  de  jugement,^  which  was  con- 
tained in  the  feudal  customs,  and  by  carrying  cases  under 
it  to  the  suzerain,  the  lawyers  were  able  to  make  these 
appeals  very  frequent.  They  also  enlarged  the  number  of 
royal  cases,  that  is,  the  causes  in  which  the  jurisdiction  was 
reserved  to  the  king.  The  establishment  of  the  royal 
enquesteurs,  who  were  something  like  the  77iissi  of  Charle- 
magne, the  fixing  of  the  standard  of  the  king's  money  at 
the  definite  figure  of  79  grains  to  a  silver  sou,  and  its  en- 
forced circulation  through  the  provinces,  concurrent  with  the 
feudal  moneys,  all  were  inspired  by  a  spirit  which  wished  to 
extend  the  royal  authority  as  far  as  possible,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  have  its  intervention  felt  everywhere  as  a  benefit. 

Saint  Louis  was  the  first  king  to  summon  simple  burghers 
to  his  council,  to  consult  with  them  "concerning  questions 
of  finance,"  and  consequently  of  commerce.  He  enfran- 
chised many  of  the  serfs  on  his  domains,  and  remembered, 
what  feudalism  had  forgotten,  that  "  in  a  Christian  king- 
dom, all  men  are  brothers."  He  only  founded  one  com- 
mune, that  of  Aigues-Mortes,  and  he  abolished  those  of 
Rheims  and  Beauvais.  He  had  no  understanding  of  polit- 
ical liberty,  which  was  not  even  dreamed  of  by  the  men  of 
his  times,  and  he  was  strongly  impressed  with  the  rights  of 
the  royal  authority,  of  which  he  certainly  made  a  very  good 
use.  This  same  conviction  of  the  legitimacy  of  his  rights 
made  him  ready  to  defend  them  at  every  point.  It  is,  how- 
ever, an  error  to  attribute  to  him,  as  was  formerly  done,  a 
pragmatic  sanction,  which  would  have  fixed  a  limit  to  the 
pretensions  of  the  Pope,  restored  to  the  cathedral  churches 

*  This  was  a  rude  form  of  appeal  in  which  the  person  condemned 
declared  the  judgment  false,  and  offered  to  prove  it  by  a  duel  with  each 
one  of  the  judges. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  367 

and  abbeys  the  right  of  electing  their  preliites,  repressed 
the  encroachments  of  the  clergy  upon  the  temporal  author- 
ity, and  restricted  the  impositions  that  could  be  laid  by  the 
papal  court  upon  the  churches  of  France,  to  times  of  most 
urgent  necessity. 

The  same  principle  on  which  all  the  virtues  of  Saint  Louis 
were  founded  forbade  the  possession  of  one  virtue  unknown 
to  the  Middle  Ages  ;  that  of  tolerance.  Saint  Louis  was 
without  mercy  for  Jews  and  heretics. 

Two  great  legislative  monuments,  which,  however,  are 
only  private  collections  without  royal  sanction,  have  been 
attributed  to  him  :  1 .  Les Etablissetnents  selon  f  usage  de  Paris 
et  d'Oi  leafis,  a  kind  of  civil  and  criminal  code  which  was 
compiled  in  1272-3,  and  divided  into  two  books,  the  first 
of  which  hardly  did  more  than  confirm  the  customary  and 
feudal  rights,  while  the  second  constantly  refers  back  to 
the  Roman  law  :  2.  Les  Etablissements  des  me'tiei-  de  Paris, 
which  contains  the  statutes  of  one  hundred  trades,  revised 
by  the  provost  Stephen  Boileau  in  1258. 

The  age  of  sentiment  breathed  its  last  with  Saint  Louis. 
The  general  council  of  Lyons  (1274)  decreed  a  crusade, 
which  no  one  performed  ;  a  decree  and  a 
cateraT  PhuVp  rcsult  which  Were  often  repeated.  Dynastic 
pV'-  r'  ^  W  '  iriterests  and  struggles  for  political  influence 
C1285).  New  will  henceforth  govern  the  external  relations 
land  0(294) f"^"  °^  ^^^  European  states,  and  the  crusades  and 
Jerusalem  were  forgotten  in  the  endeavor  to 
organize  these  states  in  a  more  regular  way.  In  this  new 
era  France  plays  the  principal  role.  For  the  next  half  cen- 
tury she  was  possessed  of  that  preponderance  of  power  in 
Europe,  which  had  been  formerly  claimed  by  the  emperor  ; 
and  within  her  limits  the  work  of  organization  went  on 
more  vigorously  and  rapidly  than  anywhere  else.  At  this 
time  the  lead  in  revolution  was  taken  by  the  king,  as  in 
the  time  of  Hugh  Capet  it  had  been  by  the  aristocracy,  and 
as  after  Louis  XIV.  it  was  to  be  by  the  people.  The 
French  royalty,  which  formerly  had  been  limited  to  the  four 
or  five  counties  possessed  by  Philip  I.,  had  already  broken 
down  many  barriers  and  was  now  marching  with  great 
strides  toward  absolute  power.  It  had  already  imposed 
upon  its  turbulent  vassals  the  king's  peace,  the  king's  jus- 
tice, and  the  king's  money,  and  had  assumed  the  right  of 
making  laws  for  all. 


3^^  FRANCE  AMD  ENGLAND.  [Book  Vlll. 

Philip  III.,  the  son  of  Saint  Louis,  found  himself  the  ar- 
biter of  the  destiny  of  the  whole  South  of  Europe.  By  the 
death  of  his  brother  Alfonso,  whose  body  he  brought  back 
from  Africa,  he  inherited  the  county  of  Toulouse  and 
Rouergue,  which  were  joined  to  the  crown  ;  the  county 
Venaissin,  a  part  of  his  inheritance,  and  half  of  Avignon, 
he  ceded  to  the  Pope. 

A  defeat  suffered  by  the  Count  of  Foix,  who,  on  being 
made  prisoner  in  his  capital,  was  forced  to  promise  faithful 
obedience  to  the  king  and  to  give  up  part  of  his  lands,  served 
as  a  lesson  to  the  unruly  lords  of  the  Pyrenees  ;  the  creation 
of  a  parliament  at  Toulouse,  though  it  had  only  a  short 
existence,*  showed  that  the  royal  authority  was  not  to  be 
excluded  from  the  South.  The  sway  of  the  king  of  France 
extended  to  the  Pyrenees,  and  even  beyond  them.  Philip 
married  his  son  to  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom  of  Navarre, 
which  thus  came  into  the  possession  of  the  house  of  France  ; 
and  though  he  failed  in  his  attempts  to  have  a  prince  who 
was  completely  under  his  influence  proclaimed  king  of 
Castile,  and  to  obtain  the  crown  of  Aragon  for  his  second 
son  Charles,  he  at  least  carried  his  arms  as  far  as  Catalonia, 
where  he  took  the  fortress  of  Girona.  The  Capetian  royalty, 
which  had  been  steadily  successful  within  the  kingdom  since 
Louis  VI.,  was  already  trying  to  extend  its  conquests  with- 
out. Such  attempts  were,  however,  premature,  as  there  was 
still  much  to  be  done  within  the  kingdom  before  outside 
conquest  could  really  be  begun. f  This  mistake  of  the 
Capetians  was  repeated  by  the  Valois  when  Charles  VIII. 
wished  to  conquer  Naples  instead  of  Flanders,  and  by  the 
Bourbons  when  Louis  XIV.  gave  Spain  to  his  grandson  in- 
stead of  gaining  the  Netherlands  for  France. 

*From  1280  to  1291,  and  composed  of  a  commission  from  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Paris.  The  Parliament  of  Toulouse,  the  oldest  in  the  kingdom, 
next  to  that  of  Paris,  received  its  definite  establishment  in  the  fifteenth 
century. — Ed. 

f  The  expedition  of  Charles  VIIL  may  be  taken  perhaps  as  marking 
the  date  when  international  politics  in  our  sense  begins,  when  the  vari- 
ous states  had  become  so  far  organized  and  consolidated  internally  that 
they  could  attempt  to  extend  their  power  externally  by  foreign  conquest. 
During  the  earlier  period  there  are  numerous  foreign  alliances  and  foreign 
intrigues,  but  in  almost  every  case  the  object  sought  was  something  to  be 
gained  in  the  internal  politics  of  the  state  rather  than  an  increase  of  its 
external  influence,  and  mediaeval  history  knows  no  international  politics 
of  the  modern  sort  — Eu. 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  369 

This  unsuccessful  expedition  to  Catalonia  was  moreover 

undertaken  in  pursuance  of  a  merely  family  interest. 
Philip  wished  to  punish  Don  Pedro,  king  of  Aragon,  for 
the  support  he  had  given  to  the  Sicilians  in  their  revolt 
against  Charles  of  Anjou.  Philip  died  on  his  return  from 
this  expedition.  The  new  king,  Philip  the  Fair  (1285),  was 
the  lawyer's  king.  All  he  accomplished  was  done  through 
them,  and  he  seemed  to  think  any  usurpation  permissible 
which  could  be  made  by  means  of  a  judicial  decree.  Philip 
IV.  was  at  first  obliged  to  continue  the  war  in  Spain,  but  he 
brought  it  to  an  end  as  soon  as  possible.  The  treaty  of  ■ 
Tarascon,  which  was  signed  in  1291,  allowed  France  to  with- 
draw from  the  ambitious  pretensions  she  had  raised  across 
the  Pyrenees,  and  also  to  retain  Navarre. 

Philip  the  Fair  was  wise  enough  to  realize  that  these  ex- 
ternal wars  were  only  injurious  as  long  as  internal  warfare 
was  not  put  down,  and  that  the  king  had  still  much  to  con- 
quer inside  his  kingdom.  He  had  received  Quercy  from 
Edward  I.,  king  of  England,  in  consideration  of  his  paying 
him  three  thousand  livres  rent,  which,  however,  he  did  not 
pay.  This  only  tempted  him  to  take  more.  A  quarrel 
broke  out  in  1292  between  some  sailors  of  Normandy  and  of 
England,  and  there  was  soon  war  between  the  seamen  of 
the  two  countries.  Instead  of  taking  up  arms,  Philip  began 
proceedings  in  his  capacity  of  suzerain  by  ordering  his  civil 
officers  pacifically  to  take  possession  of  Guienne.  The 
English  garrisons  drove  them  out  ;  for  this  misdeed  Philip 
summoned  the  king  of  England  before  his  court,  and  the 
latter  consented  to  a  forty  days'  sequestration  of  his  prov- 
ince. When  forty  days  passed  and  Philip  did  not  give  it 
up,  Edward  indignantly  took  up  arms  against  his  suzerain, 
a  crime  deserving  the  punishment  of  forfeiture.  The  law- 
yers immediately  decreed  the  confiscation  of  the  fiefs  of  the 
king  of  England.  In  the  end  the  appeal  had  to  be  made  to 
arms,  but  Philip  had.  the  advantage  of  having  at  least  the 
appearance  of  law  on  his  side. 

In  this  war,  which  can  be  considered  as  the  prelude  to  those 
of  the  next  century,  we  must  notice  the  alliance  of  Philip 
with  the  Welsh  and  the  Scotch,  and  that  of  Edward  with 
the  Count  of  Flanders  and  Adolf  of  Nassau,  king  of  the 
Romans.  This  combination  of  allies  continued  for  a  long 
time. 

The  events  of  this  war  resulted  in  favor  of  the  French 


37°  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

king.  He  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Duke  of  Brittany, 
which  closed  that  approach  to  France,  which  had  become 
very  convenient  and  so  often  thrown  open  to  the  English. 
He  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Adolf  of  Nassau,  and  even 
concluded  a  remarkable  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  latter's 
rival,  Albert  of  Austria  by  which  it  was  said  France  stip- 
ulated for  the  recognition  of  the  Rhine  as  her  boundary. 
If  his  party  in  Scotland  fell  with  Balliol,  it  arose  again  with 
Wallace.  He  himself  invaded  Flanders  with  complete 
success  (1297),  while  another  French  army  held  Guienne. 
Edward  was  kept  in  England  by  the  Scotch,  and  begged  for 
a  truce,  which  was  concluded  under  the  mediation  of  Pope 
Boniface  VHI.  on  most  favorable  terms  to  France  (1298). 
The  two  kings  delivered  up  their  allies  into  each  other's 
hands  ;  and  Edward  defeated  and  killed  Wallace,  while 
Philip  sent  Guy,  the  Count  of  Flanders,  to  the  castle  of  the 
Louvre,  and  took  possession  of  all  his  country  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Ghent.  He  promised  to  increase  the  liberties  of 
the  burghers,  but  they  were  imprudent  enough  to  reveal 
their  wealth  by  the  magnificence  of  their  dress.  "  I  have 
seen  six  hundred  queens,"  said  the  queen  of  France  with 
displeasure.  Flanders  was  in  fact  the  richest  country  in 
Europe,  for  it  was  the  country  where  the  most  work  was 
done.  In  this  fertile  country  population  and  wealth  had 
rapidly  increased.  There  were  many  cities,  containing  an 
active  and  industrious  population,  who  were  attached  to 
England  from  the  fact  that  the  wool  used  in  their  manufac- 
tures was  derived  from  there,  as  were  the  cities  of  Gui- 
enne, especially  Bordeaux,  because  England  furnished  them 
with  a  steady  market  for  their  wines.  The  cloths  of  Flan- 
ders were  sold  throughout  all  Christendom,  even  as  far  as 
Constantinople,  and  the  cities  of  the  Netherlands  were  the 
markets  where  the  products  of  the  North,  brought  thither 
from  the  Baltic,  were  exchanged  for  those  of  the  South, 
which  came  from  Venice  and  Italy  by.the  Rhine. 

Philip  appointed  James  Chatillon  governor  over  them  ; 
he  overwhelmed  them  with  taxes,  which  incited  them  to 
revolt.  The  French  nobles  hastened  thither  under  Robert 
of  Artois,  to  restore  order  and  to  pillage  these  peasants. 
With  the  imprudence  which  they  have  so  often  shown,  they 
plunged  head  first  into  a  ditch  with  which  the  Flemings 
had  protected  their  front,  and  more  than  6000  were  mas- 
sacred.     This   battle   of  Courtray  (1302)    was  a  terrible 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  371 

revelation  to  the  French  lords  ;  it  showed  them  that  villeins 
could  have  as  much  courage  as  nobles,  and,  like  them,  knew 
how  to  fight.  Philip  the  Fair,  who  had  lost  his  brother 
Robert  of  Artois  and  his  chancellor  Peter  Flotte  in  this 
battle,  marched  upon  Flanders  with  an  army  raised  by 
means  of  forced  contributions.  He  was  victorious  at  Mons- 
en-Puelle  (1304),  but  the  Flemings  still  resisted.  To  put  an 
end  to  the  war  he  restored  Flanders  to  her  count,  and 
only  retained  French  Flanders,  Lille,  Douai,  Orchies,  and 
Bethune. 

Thus  the  French  royalty  was  forced  to  draw  back  before 
the  Flemish  democracy,  but  the  German  royalty  almost  at 
same  time  was  obliged  to  retreat  before  the  Swiss  de- 
mocracy. The  isolated  communes  of  France  succumbed  ; 
in  Flanders  and  in  Switzerland,  they  joined  forces  and  were 
triumphant. 

Philip  the  Fair,  in  order  to  rule  far  and  wide  as  he  wished 

to    do,   required   a  great  deal  of  money.      The   expenses 

of   the  administration,  the    army,    the    fleet, 

gi^  b  eTw^e  e^ii     ^"<^  the  subsidics  to  foreigners  became  enor- 

the  Papacy  and     mous,  while  the  rcsourccs  remained  iustwhat 

the  state  (1295-      ,,  i  .1         r        i     i  .1 

1304).  they  were   under  the  feudal  system,  that  is 

they  amounted  to  almost  nothing.  The 
result  was  that  the  kings  grew  perfectly  indifferent  to  the 
means  employed  as  long  as  money  was  raised.  Philip  pil- 
laged the  Jews,  but  in  this  he  only  followed  the  ancient 
tradition.  He  also  gradually  lowered  the  standard  of  the 
money,  and  imposed  taxes  upon  the  clergy.  This  latter 
course  raised  a  storm,  which  proved  nothing  less  than  the 
renewal  of  the  quarrel  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire.* 
The  quarrel  between  Pope  and  Emperor  is  too  often 
represented    as   a  struggle  between   Italy    and    Germany, 

*  The  struggle  between  the  Empire  and  the  Papacy  was  a  contest  for 
supremacy  between  two  world  theories  and  two  world  powers — the  Holy 
Roman  Empire  and  the  Holy  Catholic  Church.  It  was  the  outgrowth 
of  purely  medieval  ideas.  The  contest  between  Philip  and  Boniface  was 
different  in  principle.  It  was  a  struggle  of  the  mediccval  Papacy,  that  is, 
a  real  political  power  throughout  Europe  built  up  upon  the  ideas  of 
Gregory  VII.,  with  the  new,  modern  nation,  which  had  had  no  existence 
in  the  time  of  Gregory  but  which  was  now  coming  into  existence  every- 
where, and  naturally  with  its  growing  sense  of  national  unity  and  strength 
was  disposed  to  resist  vigorously  the  old  papal  claims.  This  struggle  in 
France  is  to  be  likened  to  that  in  England  between  Henry  II.  and  Thomas 
4  Becket,  rather  than  to  that  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Empire. — Ed. 


372  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

while  these  two  countries  were  merely  the  principal  theater 
of  hostilities.  It  extended  throughout  the  whole  of  Europe, 
because  it  really  was  the  struggle  between  the  spiritual  and 
temporal  powers,  which  has  lasted  almost  to  the  present 
day.  In  the  time  of  Gregory  VII.  and  Innocent  IV.  it  was 
carried  on  mainly  by  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  ;  in  the 
time  of  Boniface  VIII.  the  king  of  France  was  the  oppo- 
nent of  the  Holy  See. 

Boniface  VIII.,  a  native  of  Anagni,  had  been  a  canon  at 
Paris  and  at  Lyons.  When  he  was  elected  Pope,  on  the 
abdication  of  Celestin  V.,  the  great  family  of  the  Colonna, 
the  Ghibellines  of  Rome,  accused  him  of  having  forced  the 
abdication  ;  he  immediately  banished  them.  The  world 
had  greatly  changed  since  the  time  of  the  Innocents  and 
the  Gregorys,  but  none  the  less  did  Boniface  resume  their 
projects.  The  day  of  his  installation  his  horse  was  led  by 
the  kings  of  Sicily  and  of  Hungary,  and  during  the  ban- 
quet they  waited  upon  him  at  table,  with  their  crowns  on 
their  heads.  In  the  Bull  Unam  sa/ictatn  his  language  even 
surpasses  that  of  Innocent  III.;  for  instead  of  being  content 
with  acknowledging  the  existence  of  two  powers,  the  spir- 
itual and  the  temporal,  of  which  one  was  inferior  to  the 
other,  he  seemed  to  attempt  to  absorb  the  latter  and  to  com- 
pletely subordinate  the  royal  power  to  the  tiara. 

Great  force  was  given  to  his  pretensions  by  the  fact  that 
as  under  Justinian  the  corpus  Juris  civilis  had  been  drawn 
up  by  collecting  the  edicts  of  the  emperors  and  the  opin- 
ions of  their  jurisconsults,  and  in  this  way  they  had  been 
made  imperishable,  so  since  the  time  of  Gregory  IX.,  or 
even  earlier,  the  corpus  juris  canonici,  or  the  canon  law, 
had  been  forming  by  writing  the  pontifical  decretals  and 
rescripts  in  a  collection  which  grew  unceasingly. 

This  ecclesiastical  law  was  interpreted  by  the  canonists, 
and  as,  in  the  interpretation  of  any  law,  the  spirit  of  the 
legislator  is  always  what  is  sought  for,  the  jurisconsults,  in 
studying  this  law,  encountered  first  of  all  the  spirit  of  papal 
dominion  which  had  inspired  it ;  for  instance,  the  right  of 
deposing  kings  and  emperors,  which  could  be  read  in  every 
line  of  it.  Therefore  they  tried  to  make  this  spirit  prevail. 
Thus  the  Papacy  possessed  in  all  the  Christian  states  advo- 
cates who  maintained  the  cause  of  its  ambition. 

In  right  of  these  same  principles  of  canonical  law,  the 
Pope  was  able  not  only  to  impose  religious  laws,  but  also  to 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  373 

exempt  from  them ;  he  possessed  the  right  of  granting  dis- 
pensations, a  right  which  cost  the  Papacy  very  dear  in  later 
times.  He  also  claimed  the  right  of  disposing  of  ecclesias- 
tical benefices,  at  first  of  a  certain  number.  Honorius  III. 
only  asked  that  each  church  should  have  two  prebendaries 
appointed  by  the  Holy  See,  but  later  Clement  IV.,  Boni- 
face VIII.,  and  Clement  V.  introduced  the  theory  that  to 
the  Pope,  as  universal  patron,  belonged  the  distribution  of 
all  benefices.  Under  Henry  III.  England  was  in  a  manner 
invaded  by  Italian  priests.  The  pretension  to  the  right  of 
disposing  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  of  all  Christendom 
followed  as  a  natural  consequence  ;  and  from  1199  Innocent 
III.  levied  from  the  whole  Christian  clergy  a  fortieth  of 
their  income,  which  he  had  collected  by  his  own  agents. 
Under  various  pretexts  his  successors  renewed  and  multi- 
plied orders  of  this  kind,  and  we  must  not  forget  that 
during  the  Middle  Ages  the  clergy  possessed  about  one- 
third  of  Germany  and  a  fifth  each  of  France  and  England. 

The  princes  were  made  uneasy  by  this  great  wealth  of 
the  clergy,  and  some  of  them  felt  the  danger  of  it  and  took 
measures  to  restrict  the  increase  of  this  wealth  by  limit- 
ing by  law  the  right  of  the  clergy  to  acquire  any  landed 
property  which  should  come  into  mortmain,  that  is,  where  any 
future  change  of  ownership  became  impossible,  and  where 
the  land  was  exempt  from  public  charges.  This  was  a 
right  which,  in  a  time  when  land  was  the  only  capital, 
insured  an  enormous  power  to  the  united  and  disciplined 
body  into  whose  possession  it  came.  Such  was,  among 
others,  the  object  of  the  law  published  in  England  in  1279 
under  the  title  of  the  Statute  of  Mortmain. 

The  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  the  fortunate  rival  of  the 
civil  jurisdictions,  had  made  a  like  progress.  It  was  not 
the  clergy  alone  who  were  removed  from  lay  tribunals,  but 
many  persons  by  means  of  a  simple  religious  vow,  or  by  a 
promise  to  go  on  a  crusade,  acquired  the  same  privilege, 
and  a  great  many  suits  were  carried  at  once  before  the 
ecclesiastical  tribunals.  At  first  the  secular  power  was  not 
opposed  to  this,  and  several  kings  favored  the  progress  of  the 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  undoubtedly  because  the  feudal 
justice  lost  more  than  the  royal  justice  by  this  progress. 
In  England,  however,  this  extension  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  clerical  tribunals  had  been  in  the  twelfth  century  the 
cause  of  a  bloody  conflict  between  the  temporal  power  and 


374  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND,  {Book  VIII. 

the  clergy.  But  Thomas  a  Becket,  though  dying,  was 
triumphant.  Whatever  the  clergy  and  the  bishop  had  ac- 
quired in  the  matter  of  jurisdiction,  the  Holy  See  now  tried 
to  obtain  by  means  of  appeals  to  the  court  of  Rome,  just  as 
it  was  trying  to  obtain,  by  levies  of  money,  a  part  of  the 
wealth  they  had  acquired. 

Armed  with  the  canons  of  the  Church,  which  seemed  to 
put  the  law  on  his  side,  and  sustained  by  the  clergy  and  by 
the  great  army  of  mendicant  friars,  how  could  Boniface 
VIII.  fail  to  think  that  the  head  of  a  Church  which  possessed 
so  much  wealth,  such  a  system  of  land,  and  so  extended  a 
jurisdiction,  was  the  superior  of  kings  ?  In  1300,  he  would 
have  smiled  at  any  doubt  on  the  subject,  when  at  the  great 
jubilee  appointed  by  him,  he  appeared,  it  was  said,  before 
the  numberless  Christians  who  had  gathered  at  Rome,  in 
the  imperial  ornaments  and  preceded  by  two  swords,*  and 
when  the  treasures  of  Europe  were  poured  out  before  the 
altar  of  St.  Peter.  Three  years  later  the  whole  scene  had 
changed,  and  the  temporal  power,  after  so  many  defeats, 
had  suddenly  triumphed,  and  it  was  definitely  decided  that 
Europe  was  not  to  become  a  theocracy.  This  blow  to  the 
papal  power  was  struck  by  France. 

Nevertheless,  since  France  existed,  she  had  never  been 
unworthy  of  the  title  of  eldest  daughter  of  the  Roman 
Church.  Under  Clovis  she  had  been  the  right  arm  of  the 
Church  against  the  Arians,  under  the  Carolingians  against 
the  Lombards,  the  Greeks,  and  the  idolators  of  Germany, 
and  later  still  against  the  Albigenses.  France  had  sent 
many  men  to  the  crusades,  and  had  given  shelter  to  fugitive 
popes.  She  was  covered  with  monasteries,  and  her  Univer- 
sity of  Paris,  her  doctors,  and  her  Saint  Bernard,  were 
among  the  lights  of  Catholicism.  It  was  with  great  reluct- 
ance that  the  popes  had  excommunicated  Philip  I.  and 
Philip  Augustus  for  flagrant  sins  against  the  moral  law. 
They  had  given  to  the  house  of  France  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily,  of  which  it  had  taken  possession,  and  that  of  Aragon, 
which  it  was  unable  to  gain.  Even  Boniface  praised 
the  family  of  the  Capets  on  every  occasion.  But  the 
interests  of  the  two  powers,  which  had  been  united  so  long, 

*  In  medieval  theories  the  two  swords  represented,  as  suggested  by 
Luke  xxii.  38,  the  delegated  Divine  authority,  the  one  over  temporal 
affairs,  the  other  over  spiritual  affairs.  The  Pope's  act  was  a  virtual  claim 
to  exercise  the  authority  of  both. — Ed, 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  375 

now  became  opposed  to  each  other,  and  war  broke  out 
under  a  hard,  merciless  man,  who  allowed  no  considerations 
to  interfere  with  his  projects. 

The  difference  between  Philip  the  Fair  and  Boniface 
VIII.  began  in  1296,  over  the  question  of  the  taxes  imposed 
by  the  king  on  the  churches  of  France  for  the  needs  of  the 
war.  By  the  Bull  Clericis  la'icos*  the  Pope  advanced  the 
pretension  that  no  tax  could  be  imposed  upon  ecclesiastics 
without  the  consent  of  the  Holy  See.  He  excommunicated 
every  clergyman  who  paid  a  tax  without  the  order  of  the 
Pope,  and  all  who  should  establish  such  taxes  "  whoever 
they  might  be"  (1296).  This  was  to  exempt  the  immense 
land  of  the  Church  from  the  action  of  the  local  govern- 
ments in  behalf  of  the  national  needs  ;  it  was  to  constitute  a 
separate  State  within  the  State.  The  French  royalty,  which 
had  been  occupied  for  the  last  century  in  trying  to  re-estab- 
lish the  unity  of  authority  which  had  been  broken  down  by 
the  feudal  system,  could  not  permit  one-fifth  of  the  French 
territory  to  be  removed  from  its  control.  Philip  replied  in 
his  defense  by  forbidding  by  law  all  foreigners  to  sojourn 
in  France,  v  hich  expelled  all  the  Roman  priests  and  the 
bearers  of  the  bull,  and  by  not  allowing  any  money  to  go 
out  of  the  country  without  his  permission,  which  was 
intended  to  intercept  the  revenue  of  the  Holy  See.f  The 
Pope  was  intimidated  by  the  anger  of  the  king,  and  took  a 
step  backward.  He  incited  him  to  be  on  his  guard  against 
the  treacherous  counsellors  who  surrounded  him,  and  be- 
sought him  to  treat  the  Church  mildly,  who,  whenever  she 
should  see  him  in  danger,  would  spare  no  means  to  help 
him,  ''not  even  the  cross  and  the  chalice."  This,  however, 
was  not  enough  for  Philip  ;  he  claimed  that  as  the  clergy 
were  citizens  of  the  State  as  well  as  members  of  the  Church 
they  should  contribute  to  its  defense,  if  not  by  taking  up 
arms  at  least  by  giving  subsidies.  The  Pope  authorized 
the  levying  of  certain  tithes,  recognizing  the  right  of  the 
royal  power  to  impose  such  taxes,  and  only  reserving  for  him- 
self the  right  of  preventing  extortions.  Peace  seemed  to  be 
re-established,  and  Boniface  VIII.  sealed  his  reconciliation 

*  The  papal  bulls  are  designated  by  their  first  words. 

f  This  prohibition,  which  also  applied  to  horses,  arms,  and  other 
objects,  was  quite  as  much  directed  against  the  English  and  the  Flemings 
with  whom  Philip  was  at  war. 


37^  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

by  pronouncing  the  canonization  of  Saint  .Louis  the  fol- 
lowing year.  But  in  1301  the  quarrel  was  revived  by  the 
supercilious  interference  of  the  Pope  in  the  internal  affairs  of 
the  country.  One  of  his  legates,  Bernard  Saisset,  the  bishop 
of  Pamiers,  defied  the  king  to  his  face.  The  king  had  him 
arrested  on  the  pretext  of  a  conspiracy  against  his  authority, 
and  began  a  suit  against  him.  However,  he  did  not  dare 
strike  a  blow  against  a  man  who  was  clothed  with  an  eccle- 
siastical office,  and  asked  the  archbishop  of  Narbonne,  his 
metropolitan,  to  degrade  him  canonically.  The  archbishop 
referred  the  matter  to  the  Pope,  who  convoked  a  council  at 
Rome,  and  threatened  the  king  with  excommunication  for 
having  dared  lift  his  hand  against  a  bishop.  At  the  same 
time  he  promulgated  the  Bull  Ausculta  fill,  in  which  he 
reproached  the  king  with  overwhelming  his  people,  both  the 
clergy  and  the  laity,  with  exactions,  with  disturbing  them 
by  changing  the  value  of  their  money,  with  encroaching  on 
the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  with  annulling  the  effect  of 
episcopal  sentences,  and,  finally,  with  swallowing  up  the 
revenues  of  vacant  churches  under  the  abusive  pretexts  of 
the  right  of  regale!^  Moreover,  the  pretension  of  the  Pope 
that  there  was  within  the  kingdom  a  power  above  that  of 
the  king's,  that  of  the  Holy  See,  was  discernible  in  his 
words  :  "  God  has  placed  us,  unworthy  though  we  be,  over 
kings  and  kingdoms,  in  order  that  we  shall  root  out, 
destroy,  disperse,  edify,  and  plant  in  his  name  and  by  his 
doctrine.  Do  not  allow  yourself  to  think  that  you  have  no 
superior,  and  that  you  are  not  subject  to  the  head  of  the 
ecclesiastical  hierarchy.  Whoever  thinks  this  is  a  mad- 
man ;  whoever  supports  him  in  this  belief  is  a  heretic." 

The  reproaches  of  the  Pope  on  the  subject  of  the  bad 
administration  of  Philip  the  Fair  were  well  founded  ;  but, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  neither  the  king  nor  the  Pope  had 
any  very  clear  idea  of  the  limits  of  the  temporal  authority 
of  the  former  or  the  spiritual  authority  of  the  latter.  As 
every  evil  deed  was  a  sin,  the  pontiff  thought  that  he  had  a 
right  to  judge  and  punish  the  reprehensible  acts  of  the 
prince,  and  the  prince  on  his  side,  guided  by  lawyers,  who 
followed  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  law  and  recognized  the 


*  The  recognized  right  of  the  king  to  collect  the  revenues  of  a  church 
of  which  he  was  the  guardian  during  the  time  between  the  deatli  of  the 
last  incumbent  and  the  consecration  of  his  successor. 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  377 

absolute  authority  of  the  king,  beHeved  that  he  had  a  right 
to  interfere  in  the  administration  of  the  churches,  and  de- 
sired that  the  bishops,  like  the  rest  of  his  subjects,  should 
be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  his  officers  and  his  tribunals, 
just  as  they  were  at  the  time  of  the  Roman  emperors  and  of 
Charlemagne.  These  rival  pretensions  were  the  cause  of  a 
bitter  quarrel.  Philip  declared  in  full  court  that  he  would 
disinherit  his  children  if  they  condescended  to  recognize 
any  power  above  them,  in  temporal  affairs,  except  that  of 
God. 

As  the  pontifical  bull  contained  certain  home  truths, 
Philip  had  it  publicly  burned*  (1302).  His  famous  chan- 
cellor, Peter  Flotte,  then  composed  and  distributed  to  the 
public  what  was  supposed  to  be  an  extract  from  this  bull,  in 
which  the  original  terms  of  the  Pope,  in  claiming  the  tem- 
poral as  well  as  the  spiritual  power,  were  exaggerated  ;  and 
he  also  composed  a  reply  to  this  false  bull  in  the  same  style  : 
"  Philip,  King  of  the  French,  by  the  grace  of  God,  to  Boni- 
face who  calls  himself  Pope,  little  or  no  greeting.  Let  your 
very  great  fatuity  know  that — etc."  This  was  putting  him- 
self in  the  wrong  as  far  as  the  outside  appearances  went, 
though  he  was  in  the  right  as  to  the  main  matter. 

The  king  must  have  felt  entirely  supported  by  the  opinion 
of  the  nation  to  dare  advance  so  far  in  the  direction  of  vio- 
lence and  outrage.  This  was  in  fact  the  case,  and  he 
wished  to  prove  it.  On  the  loth  of  April,  1302,  he  assem- 
bled in  the  Church  of  Notre  Dame  a  parliament,  to  which 
for  the  first  time  deputies  from  communes  were  admitted, 
and  which  for  this  reason  is  considered  as  the  first  assem- 
blage of  the  States  General.  Clergy,  barons,  and  com- 
moners all  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  king,  and  in  an 
address,  which  was  supposed  to  come  from  the  deputies  of 
the  third  estate,  spoke  thus  to  the  king  :  "  To  you,  most 
noble  prince,  to  you,  our  lord  Philip,  the  people  of  your 
kingdom  present  this  entreaty  and  demand,  that  you  shall 
preserve  the  sovereign  freedom  of  this  state,  which  will  not 
permit  you  to  recognize  as  your  sovereign  on  earth,  in 
your  temporal  affairs,  any  other  than  God."  Thus  the  first 
word  spoken  by  the  people  of  France  was  a  cry  for  national 
independence. 

*  This  public  burning  of  the  Bull  A  nscttlfa  ^li  by  the  king  is  now 
regarded  as  extremely  doubtful. — Ed. 


37^  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

To  this  assembly  of  France  Boniface  VIII.  opposed  one 
of  the  Church.  Forty-five  prelates  left  the  kingdom  to  go 
to  a  synod  at  Rome,  in  spite  of  the  threats  of  Philip,  who 
seized  their  goods  and  commenced  legal  proceedings  against 
them.  Boniface  now  promulgated  the  famous  Bull  Utiam 
Sanctmn.  In  this  he  declared  that  the  Church  is  a  single 
body  and  has  but  a  single  head  ;  that  it  possesses  the  two 
swords,  one  spiritual,  the  other  temporal  ;  the  former  should 
be  used  by  the  Church,  the  latter  for  the  Church  ;  the  former 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  priesthood,  the  latter  in  those  of 
the  barons  and  kings,  but  was  only  to  be  used  when  and  in 
what  manner  the  priesthood  should  permit.  After  this 
declaration  Boniface  excommunicated  Philip,  who  persisted 
in  his  hostile  measures. 

Philip,  however,  had  again  assembled  his  States  General 
(1303),  putting  his  trust  in  the  firm  support  which  he  had 
found  in  the  representatives  of  his  country.  The  lawyers 
showed  great  feeling  against  the  Pope.  William  of  Nogaret, 
professor  of  law  at  Toulouse,  accused  him  of  simony, 
heresy,  and  of  the  most  infamous  vices.  Another  lawyer, 
William  of  Plasian,  proposed  that  the  king  should  convoke 
a  general  council  and  summon  Boniface  to  appear  before 
it.  Both  these  men  were  from  the  south,  and  undoubtedly 
some  old  Albigensian  leaven  stirred  them  up  against  the 
papal  power, — the  executioner  of  their  country  :  the  grand- 
father of  Nogaret  had  been  burned  as  a  heretic.  One  of 
the  counsellors  who  had  the  most  influence  with  the  King, 
Peter  Dubois,  went  even  further  and  demanded  the  sup- 
pression of  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope ;  the  proposi- 
tion of  Plasian  was  adopted.  It  was  necessary  to  seize  the 
person  of  the  Pope  in  order  to  arraign  him  before  the 
tribunal  by  which  he  was  to  be  condemned.  William  of 
Nogaret  went  to  Italy,  where  he  came  to  an  understanding 
with  Sciarra  Colonna,  a  Roman  noble,  who  was  a  mortal 
enemy  of  the  Pope.  Boniface  was  then  in  his  native  city, 
Anagni.  By  means  of  money  Nogaret  gained  over  the 
chief  of  the  soldiers  of  Anagni,  and  entered  the  place  one 
night  with  four  hundred  men  at  arms  and  several  hundred 
foot-soldiers.  On  hearing  the  noise  they  made  in  entering 
the  city,  and  their  cries  of  "  Death  to  the  Pope  !  Long  live 
the  King  of  France  !  "  Boniface  thought  his  last  hour  had 
come.  The  active  old  man  (he  was  eighty-six  years  old) 
showed  no  weakness.     He  clothed  himself  in  his  pontifical 


Chap.  XXV.]         THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  379 

garments,  seated  himself  on  his  apostolic  chair  with  the  tiara 
on  his  head,  the  cross  in  one  hand  and  the  keys  of  St.  Peter 
in  the  other,  and  thus  awaited  his  murderers.  They  called 
on  him  to  abdicate,  and  Colonna  cried  :  "  Son  of  Satan,  give 
up  the  tiara  you  have  usurped  !  "  He  replied  :  "  Here  is 
my  head,  here  my  neck  ;  betrayed  like  Jesus  Christ,  if  I  must 
die  like  Him,  at  least  I  will  die  as  Pope."  Sciarra  Colonna 
dragged  him  from  his  throne,  struck  him  with  his  iron 
glove,  and  would  have  killed  him,  if  Nogaret  had  not  pre- 
vented him.  "  O  wretched  Pope,"  said  this  grandson  of 
the  Albigenses,  '*  consider  and  see  the  kindness  of  my  lord 
the  King  of  France,  who,  in  spite  of  the  distance  of  his 
kingdom,  preserves  and  defends  you  through  me."  In  this 
way  at  least  the  scene  was  described. 

Nevertheless  Nogaret  hesitated  to  drag  the  old  man  away 
from  Anagni.  He  allowed  the  people  time  to  recover  from 
their  stupor.  The  citizens  armed  themselves,  and  the 
peasants  collected  and  together  they  drove  the  French  from 
the  city.  The  Pope,  for  fear  that  poison  should  be  mixed 
with  his  food,  had  remained  three  days  without  eating,  and 
shortly  afterward  died  of  shame  and  anger  at  the  unworthy 
insults  he  had  endured. 

With  Boniface  VHI.  fell  the  haughty  power  of  the 
Roman  pontiff,  which  two  centuries  before  had  kept  the 
emperor,  the  supreme  representative  of  the 
at  Avignon  temporal  powcr.  Standing  barefoot  in  the  snow 
(1309-1376J.  forthreedays.     This  vengeance,  however,  was 

not  taken  by  the  emperor,  but  by  the  king  of  France,  who 
now  held  almost  the  same  place  in  Europe  that  was  form- 
erly held  by  the  emperor,  and  who.  represented  more  than 
any  other  sovereign  the  principle  of  the  separation  of  nation- 
alities, which  the  pontifical  government  had  desired  wholly 
to  eradicate,  and  also  that  of  the  independence  of  the  tem- 
poral govern-ment,  which  the  Holy  See  had  wished  to  sub- 
ordinate to  the  ecclesiastical  power. 

Philip  the  Fair  had  failed  in  his  attempts  against  the 
Flemish  soldiers,  anew  power,  but  he  had  succeeded  against 
the  Papacy,  a  power  of  former  days.  He  did  not  feel  that 
his  success  was  complete  until  he  had  the  Papacy  completely 
under  his  control. 

The  one  thought  of  the  successor  of  Boniface,  Benedict 
XI.,  in  his  short  pontificate  of  seven  months,  was  to  recon- 
cile the  two  ancient  allies,  the  Papacy  and  France,  and  he 


380  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  Vlll. 

revoked  all  the  excommunications  pronounced  by  Boniface 
except  those  against  Nogaret,  Colonna  and  the  authors  of 
the  attack  on  Anagni.  His  death  has  sometimes  been  attri- 
buted to  poison,  but  that  is  improbable.  Philip,  however, 
took  measures  to  gain  control  of  the  election  of  the  new 
pontiff  ;  and  Bertrand  de  Goth,  archbishop  of  Bordeaux, 
was  proclaimed  pope,  with  the  name  of  Clement  V.,  after 
having  promised  the  king  to  follow  all  his  wishes. 

The  Papacy,  from  the  time  when  it  became  a  power  noto- 
riously subordinate  to  the  king  of  France,  lost  much  of  its 
moral  authority  over  the  Christian  world.  Clement  V.  did 
not  dare  appear  at  Rome  ;  he  was  crowned  at  Lyons  (1305), 
and  took  up  his  residence  at  Avignon,  a  possession  of  the 
Holy  See  to  the  west  of  the  Alps,  where  both  by  his  manner 
of  life  and  his  weak  subserviency  to  the  king  of  France,  he 
gave  great  cause  for  scandal.  After  him  seven  popes  re- 
sided in  this  city,  and  were  completely  under  the  influence 
of  France  (1309-1376).  This  was  the  time  of  the  Babylo- 
nian captivity,  which  unsettled  the  Church  and  prepared  the 
way  for  the  great  schism  of  the  West,  which  itself  was  the 
precursor  of  the  Reformation. 

Philip  was  never  content  with  half  a  vengeance.  After 
Boniface's  death,  he  wished  to  have  his  memory  condemned 
and  his  bones  burned  like  those  of  a  heretic,  in  order  to 
give  success  to  his  cause  and  to  remove  the  effects  pro- 
duced throughout  Christendom  by  his  violent  deeds.  In 
vain  did  Clement  V.  use  all  his  complaisance  and  his  efforts 
to  escape  from  the  false  position  in  which  he  had  placed 
himself.  He  succeeded  in  avoiding  pronouncing  the  sen- 
tence himself,  but  was  obliged  to  summon  an  oecumenical 
council  to  judge  a  cause  which  was  in  reality  that  of  the 
Papacy  itself.  The  council  met  at  Vienne  in  131 1,  and  de- 
clared that  Boniface  VIII.  had  always  been  orthodox,  but 
that  Philip  had  not  committed  any  sin  against  the  Church. 

Villani   describes   a   dark    scene,   the  sinister    interview 

between  the  Pope  and  the  king  in  the  forest  of  St.  Jean- 

_     .        ,.       d'Angely,  where  the  latter  sold  the  tiara  and 

Condemnation       ,         ,-  ,  ,        .  n-,i   •       •  n 

of  the  Templars  the  former  bought  It.  1  his  interview  really 
'^*3°^^'  never  took  place,  but  certain  conditions  were 

undoubtedly  made  and  accepted.  One  of  these  was  no  less 
a  thing  tlian  the  destruction  of  the  Order  of  the  Templars. 
This  military  order,  the  living  reminder  of  the  crusades,  was 
an  obstacle  and  a  danger  in  the  path  of  the  royal  power  by 


Chap.  XXV. J         THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  3^1 

its  devotion  to  the  Holy  See,  its  intimate  connection  with 
all  the  nobility  of  Europe,  especially  with  that  of  France, 
from  which  it  was  mainly  recruited,  its  popularity  gained  by 
valor,  its  extension  throughout  Christendom,  where  it  pos- 
sessed more  than  10,000  manors  and  a  number  of  impregna- 
ble castles,  and  finally  its  firm  union  in  an  organization 
which  placed  the  knights  under  the  control  of  a  grand  mas- 
ter. Besides  all  these  considerations  they  were  very  rich  ; 
in  the  treasury  of  the  order  there  were  150,000  gold  florins, 
without  counting  all  the  silver  and  the  precious  vessels. 

Nothing  was  known  of  what  happened  in  the  houses  of 
the  order.  Everything  w-as  kept  secret  ;  but  vague  rumors 
spoke  of  orgies,  scandals,  and  impieties.  Philip  could  with 
the  same  blow  overthrow^  these  men  who  were  so  much  to 
be  feared,  and  gain  possession  of  rich  spoils. 

On  the  morning  of  the  thirteenth  of  October,  1307,  the 
Templars  were  arrested  throughout  all  France.  This  was 
an  iniquitous  deed,  but  it  shows  the  power  of  the  king,  and 
with  what  promptness  he  was  obeyed.  His  influence  was 
so  great  that  he  caused  all  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  to 
make  the  same  arrests.  In  vain  did  Clement  V.  try  to  call 
this  formidable  process  before  his  own  court ;  Philip  main- 
tained that  in  this  affair  he  was  acting  as  the  champion  of 
the  Church.  The.  charges  brought  against  the  Templars 
were  of  secret  impiety  and  of  a  profound  immorality,  and 
they  did  not  succeed  in  clearing  themselves  entirely  from 
these  accusations,  to  which  some  weight  was  given  by  their 
constant  intercourse  with  the  East.  Torture  was  used  with 
the  usual  result  of  extorting  all  sorts  of  avowals,  both  false 
and  true.  Philip,  by  an  assembly  of  the  States  General, 
convoked  at  Tours,  declared  that  the  knights  were  worthy 
of  death  (1308).  Provincial  councils  were  then  assembled 
to  judge  them  ;  that  of  Paris  was  presided  over  by  Mari- 
gney,  the  archbishop  of  Sens,  and  brother  of  the  king's 
first  minister.  Fifty-four  Templars  were  here  condemned 
to  die  at  the  stake,  and  this  frightful  sentence  was  carried 
out  (1310).  Two  years  later  Clement  V.,  in  the  Council 
of  Venice,  pronounced  the  abolition  of  the  order.  After 
this  Philip  the  Fair  assumed  the  cross  and  promised  to 
go  in  their  place  to  the  Holy  Land.  Finally,  in  13 14, 
James  du  Molay,  the  Grand  Alaster  of  the  Temple,  and 
several  other  dignitaries,  were  brought  from  prison,  where 
they  had  suffered    fearful    things  from  torture  and  from 


3^2  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  Vllt 

the  dampness  of  their  cells.  The  Grand  Master  and 
the  Commander  of  Normandy,  after  having  retracted 
their  previous  avowals,  were  condemned  to  the  flames  ;  they 
died  protesting"  their  innocence.  A  popular  legend  was 
founded  on  their  death  :  it  was  rumored  that  the  Grand 
Master  had  summoned  the  Pope  and  the  king  to  appear 
before  the  throne  of  God,  the  one  at  the  end  of  forty  days, 
the  other  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Philip  died  on  November 
29,  1314. 

During  this  reign  two  new  elements  of  the  government 
either  made  their  appearance  or  were  organized,  namely, 
the  States  General  and  the  Parliaments.  An 
The  adminis-  ordinance  or~i7o^  decreed  that  twice  a  year 
Philip  IV.  The  the  parliament  should  be  held  at  Paris,  the 
threl  sons.  ^'^  eckiquier  at  Rouen,  and  the  gratids  Jours  at 
Troyes.*  The  parliament  of  Paris  was  per- 
manently fixed  in  that  city,  where,  indeed,  it  had  always 
been  the  custom  to  hold  it.  The  institution  of  the  minis- 
tere  public,  or  of  magistrates  who  were  charged  to  defend 
the  rights  of  the  king,  and  later  the  rights  of  society  in 
general,  in  all  suits,  seems  to  date  back  to  Philip  the  Fair. 

Philip  IV.  often  changed  the  value  of  the  money,  and  he 
made  it  so  difficult  for  the  lords  to  coin  money  that  they 
preferred  to  sell  their  right  to  do  so  to  the  king.  As  he 
needed  money  at  whatever  price  he  had  to  pay  for  it,  he 
freed  many  of  his  serfs,  disguising  his  interested  motives 
under  fine  words,  concerning  the  "  freedom  of  every  human 
creature."  He  imposed  taxes  on  everything,  even  on  the 
hay  sold  in  the  market,  which  caused  in  1304  a  great  rising 
in  Paris.  Money  became  a  power,  and  its  increased  rapid- 
ity of  circulation  demanded  the  institution  in  1305  of  four- 
teen bureaus  of  exchange  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom 
and  of  the  creation   in  the  parliament  of   a  chamber  of 


*  The  Parliament  of  Paris,  the  supreme  court  of  the  kingdom,  was  a 
gradual  development  from  the  earlier  king's  court,  curia  regis,  by  giving 
to  it  greater  deliniteness  of  composition  and  procedure, and  fixed  times  and 
places  of  meeting.  The  ordinance  of  1303  recognized  already  estab- 
lished customs.  The  courts  mentioned  in  the  text  for  Normandy  and 
Champagne,  with  that  for  Toulouse  mentioned  above,  were  commissions 
from  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  substituted  by  the  kings  for  the  supreme 
courts  of  these  great  feudal  dominions  when  they  were  annexed  to  the 
crown.  The  system  was  afterwards  extended  still  further  and  gave  rise 
in  the  fifteenth  century  to  the  permanent  provincial  parliaments. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXV.]        THE  FRENCH  MONARCHY.  3^3 

accounts.  This  indicated  a  great  social  change.  War  had 
already  lost  its  feudal  character  and  began  to  be  carried  on 
by  mercenaries.  Philip  the  Fair  defeated  the  Flemish 
fleets  by  Genoese  galleys. 

Three  sons  of  Philip  the  Fair  ruled  after  him.  Under 
the  first,  Louis  X.,  the  nobility  were  in  active  opposition  to 
the  lawyers  ;  they  formed  confederations  and  demanded  the 
restoration  of  the  "  good  customs  of  the  time  of  Saint 
Louis,"  and  dragged  the  king  with  them  in  this  reaction,  of 
which  the  victims  were  the  ministers  of  Philip  the  Fair, 
Enguerrand  de  Marigny  and  Raoul  de  Presle  (1315). 
Louis  X.  continued  to  give  freedom  to  serfs,  "  because  in 
the  country  of  the  Francs  no  one  should  be  a  serf."  But 
he  obliged  them  to  buy  their  liberty,  which  greatly  lessened 
the  boon, — firstly,  because  it  must  be  paid  for;  and  secondly, 
because  they  were  not  free  to  refuse  it. 

At  the  death  of  Louis  X.  (1316),  as  he  only  left  one 
daughter,  Jane,  and  as  his  wife  was  pregnant,  the  question 
as  to  the  succession  of  women  came  up  for  the  first  time. 
The  barons,  especially  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  Jane's 
uncle,  wished  that  the  crown  should  be  given  to  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  king,  in  case  the  queen  did  not  give  birth  to  a 
son.  The  queen  gave  birth  to  a  son,  but  he  only  lived  a 
few  days.  At  once  Philip  V.,  the  brother  of  Louis  X.,  who 
was  invested  with  the  regency,  was  crowned  at  Rheims,  and 
he  caused  the  clergy  and  the  bourgeoisie  of  Paris,  who  were 
assembled  in  the  market-place,  to  declare  that  "  a  woman 
never  could  succeed  to  the  crown  of  France," — an  entirely 
new  principle,  and  one  nowhere  to  be  found  in  the  Salic 
law,  to  which  it  has  so  often  been  referred. 

The  reign  of  Philip  V.  was  a  strange  mixture  of  wise 
ordinances  for  the  administration  of  the  rivers  and  forests, 
and  for  the  establishment  of  a  unity  of  weights  and  mea- 
sures throughout  the  kingdom,  and  at  the  same  time  of 
persecutions  of  the  Franciscans,  lepers,  and  Jews,  of  accu- 
sations of  witchcraft,  and  of  bloody  massacres.  When  the 
people  saw  Philip  V.  die,  in  his  turn,  without  male  issue, 
they  thought  that  a  curse  hung  over  the  family  of  Philip 
the  Fair  (1322). 

The  reign  of  Charles  IV.,  called  the  Fair,  was  very  much 
like  that  of  his  brother.  The  persecutions  and  executions 
continued  ;  the  members  of  the  parliament  grew  bolder  and 
bolder,  and   had  a  lord  of  the   south,  Jourdain  de  ITsle, 


384  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

who  was  famous  for  his  cruelty,  hung  on  "  the  common 
gallows." 

Besides  this,  he  favored  the  revolution  in  England  that 
deposed  Edward  II.,  and  received  the  homage  of  the  latter's 
son  for  Guienne  and  Ponthieu.  He  almost  succeeded  in 
gaining  the  imperial  crown  of  Germany.  But  a  certain 
fatality  was  attached  to  this  house.  These  tall  and  hand- 
some princes,  who  all  seemed  to  have  the  promise  of  a  long 
career,  died  in  the  prime  of  life, — Philip  the  Fair  at  forty- 
six,  Louis  X.  at  twenty-seven,  Philip  the  Long  at  twenty- 
eight,  and  Charles  the  Fair  at  thirty-four.  The  people 
considered  these  early  deaths  as  a  sign  of  the  vengeance  of 
Heaven  on  the  family  who  had  laid  violent  hands  upon 
Boniface  VIII.,  who  perhaps  had  poisoned  Benedict  XL, 
and  who  had  burned  the  Templars. 

The  Middle  Ages  are  now  drawing  to  their  close,  espe- 
cially in  France,  for  all  that  had  most  flourished  in  them, 
the  crusades,  chivalry,  and  feudalism,  had  either  come 
to  an  end  or  were  very  near  it.  The  Papacy,  baffled  in 
Boniface  VIIL,  was  a  prisoner  in  Avignon  ;  the  successor 
of  Hugh  Capet  was  a  despot,  and  the  sons  of  villeins  sat  in 
the  States  General  along  with  the  nobles  and  the  clergy. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

PROGRESS    OF    ENGLISH     INSTITUTIONS     FROM     THE 

GRANTING    OF  THE      MAGNA    CHARTA   UNTIL 

THE    HUNDRED    YEARS    WAR    (1217-1328). 


Pledges  made  by  the  Magna  Charta  (1215).  Henry  HI.  (1216). — The 
League  of  the  Barons  ;  Provisions  of  Oxford  ;  the  Parliament  (1258). 
Edward  I.  (1272).  Conquest  of  Wales  (1274-1284). — War  with 
Scotland  (1297-1307)  ;  Balliol,  Wallace  and  Bruce. — Edward  II. 
(1307)  ;  Progress  of  Parliament. 


We  have  seen  that  the  Magna  Charta  dated  back  to  the 

time  of  John   Lackland.      The   English  monarchy,  which 

from   the    first  had  been   strong  enough  to 

Pledges  made     niakc    itsclf  feared   by  the   barons   and  the 

by  the    Magna  •' 

Charter  C1215).  middle  classcs,  and  even  by  the  clergy,  found 
(i2i6).'^^  ^^^"  these  three  classes  in  league  against  it.  It 
will  now  be  ■  shown  how  liberty  for  all  re- 
sulted from  their  common  efforts,  the  barons  having  made 
stipulations  for  the  middle  classes  at  the  same  time  as  for 
themselves,  because  they  had  need  of  their  support. 

In  this  memorable  document  the  king  promised  the  clergy 
that  he  would  respect  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  particularly 
in  the  matter  of  elections  ;  he  promised  the  lords  to  ob- 
serve the  limits  laid  down,  in  the  time  of  Henry  I.,  to  his 
feudal  rights  of  relief,  guardianship,  and  marriage  ;  he 
promised  the  middle  classes  not  to  lay  any  tax  on  the 
kingdom  without  the  consent  of  the  common  council ;  and 
he  granted  to  all  the  famous  law  of  Habeas  Corpus,*  and  of 
the  jury,  the  foundations  of  the  liberty  and  individual  se- 
curity which  have  ever  since  been  England's  noblest  attri- 


*  The  Habeas  Corpus  rests  upon  the  clause  in  the  Magna  Charta  which 
says;  "  No  freeman  shall  betaken  or  imprisoned  ....  unless  by  the 
legal  judgment  of  his  peers  or  unless  by  the  laws  of  the  land."  Its 
great  development  as  a  check  on  the  crown  is  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
It  does  not  become  a  statute  till  1679. — Ed. 


38$ 


386  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

butes.  Finally,  he  gave  to  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  a 
fixed  residence.  Another  charter,  called  the  Forest  Charter,* 
joined  with  the  former,  moderated  the  extreme  severity  of 
the  punishments  inflicted  for  violations  of  the  hunting  laws 
in  the  king's  forests,  and  gave  the  liberties  acquired  greater 
security  by  the  establishment  of  a  commission  of  twenty- 
five  barons  charged  with  seeing  it  carried  into  effect  and 
with  obliging  the  king  by  every  means  in  their  power  to 
reform  abuses. 

When  John  died,  the  barons  abandoned  his  rival,  Louis 
of  France,  and  turned  to  his  son,  Henry  III.  As  he  was 
still  a  child  he  was  placed  under  the  guardianship  of  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  was  made  to  confirm  the  Magna 
Charta  (1216).  Thus  from  his  infancy  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  protesting  his  respect  for  the  fundamental  compact  of 
English  liberty,  though  it  was  repugnant  to  all  the  English 
kings,  and  he  himself  repudiated  it  on  more  than  one  occa- 
sion. 

During  almost  the  whole  of  his  reign,  which  began  with 
a  minority,  the  royal  power  was  eclipsed  by  the  private  in- 
fluences which  struggled  for  mastery  at  the  court  :  first,  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  then  Hubert  de  Burgh,  who  succeeded 
him,  and  Peter  des  Roches,  his  rival  and  a  native  of  Poitou, 
bishop  of  Winchester.  The  last-mentioned  drew  great 
numbers  of  his  fellow-countrymen  to  the  court,  who  took 
possession  of  all  ofifices  to  the  great  discontent  of  the  Nor- 
man barons.  Later  (1236),  Henry  HL  having  married 
Eleanor  of  Provence,  the  court  was  crowded  with  Provencals, 
while  one  of  the  Queen's  uncles,  Peter  of  Savoy,  brought 
from  his  mountains  a  bevy  of  poor  young  girls  whom  the 
king  obliged  his  barons  to  marry.  Another  uncle  of  Ele- 
anor was  made  primate  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Finally, 
the  court  of  Rome  took  possession  in  a  way  of  England, 
owing  to  the  numbers  of  Roman  clergymen  to  whom  Eng- 
lish benefices  were  given.  They  fell  upon  the  country  in  a 
crowd,  and  possessed  at  that  time  as  much  as  70,000  marks 
of  revenue. 

No  glory  was  shed  about  the  English  name  at  that  time 
to  compensate  for  the  ravages  of  those  foreign  leeches. 
St.  Louis  defeated  Henry  IH.  at  Taillebourg  and  at  Saintes, 

*  There  was  no  separate  Forest  Charter.  These  provisions  are  a  part 
of  the  Magna  Charta. — Eu, 


Chap.  XXVI.]        ENGLISH  INSTITUTIONS.  387 

and  only  left  him  his  French  provinces  through  an  excess 
of  honesty.  His  second  son  Edmund,  to  whom  the  Pope 
Alexander  IV.  had  offered  the  throne  of  Sicily,  then  occu- 
pied by  Manfred,  was  not  able  to  hold  it.  His  brother 
Richard  of  Cornwall,  who  was  elected  emperor  by  the 
enemies  of  the  Swabian  house,  saw  them  turn  against  him 
when  his  purse  was  empty. 

Thus  England's  money  was  frittered  away  while  she 
derived  no  profit  from  it.  Henry  HI.  tried  by  every  possi- 
ble means  to  raise  money.  Naturally  he  did  not  spare  the 
miserable  Jews :  they  were  accused  of  frightful  crimes,  as, 
for  instance,  of  having  subjected  a  child  to  flagellation  and 
crucifixion.  The  Jews  could  not  defend  themselves.  But 
when  the  king  undertook  to  fleece  the  Christians  too,  that 
was  a  very  different  matter,  and  the  barons  then  made  a 
stand. 

Although  Henry  IH.  had  sworn  four  different  times,  and 
with  great  solemnity,  to  respect  the  Magna  Charta,  he  did 
not  scruple  to  violate  it  in  what  concerned 
League  of  the  the  imposts,  and  all  the  more  because  the 
visions'  of  Ox-  Popc  had  released  him  from  his  oaths.  The 
men't  0258)'.*^"  barons  showed  great  forbearance.  But  when 
in  1258  an  envoy  from  Alexander  IV.  arrived 
at  London  to  demand  40,000  marks,  besides  interest,  on 
account  of  Edmund's  affair  in  Italy,  the  indignant  barons 
resolved  to  tie  the  king  down  by  a  public  constitution,  and 
no  longer  trust  to  an  oath,  a  weak  support  when  dependent 
on  a  conscience  such  as  his.  On  the  eleventh  of  June, 
1258,  in  the  great  national  council  at  Oxford,  the  first 
assembly  which  had  officially  received  the  name  of  parlia- 
ment,* they  forced  the  king  to  confide  the  work  of  reform 
to  twenty-four  barons,  twelve  of  them  only  to  be  appointed 
by  him.  The  twenty-four  delegates  published  the  famous 
Statutes  or  Provisions  of  Oxford  ;  the  king  confirmed  the 
Magna  Charta  ;  the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Lord  Treasurer, 
the  judges  and  other  public  officers,  including  the  gover- 
nors of  the  castles,  were  to  be  responsible  to  the  twenty- 
four.  Finally,  parliament  was  to  be  convoked  three  times 
a  year. 

Henry  III.  protested,  and  appealed  to  St.  Louis  to  arbi- 

*  The  first  recorded  use  of  the  word  for  a  national  assembly  is  in 
1246. — Ep, 


388  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIIL 

trate  between  them.  The  king  of  France  decided  in  his 
favor  in  the  assembly  at  Amiens.  But  the  barons  did  not 
accept  his  decision,  took  up  arms  against  Henry  under  the 
lead  of  Simon  de  Montfort,  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  son  of 
the  conqueror  of  the  Albigenses,  and  took  the  king  prisoner, 
together  with  his  son  Edward,  at  the  battle  of  Lewes  (1264). 
Leicester  then  governed  in  the  name  of  the  king,  whom  he 
held  captive.  It  was  he  who  organized  the  first  complete 
representation  of  the  English  nation  by  writs  issued  in 
December,  1264,  which  directed  the  election  of  two  knights 
from  every  county,  and  of  two  citizens  or  burgesses  from 
each  one  of  the  large  or  important  towns  of  England. 

Thus  an  alliance,  fruitful  for  English  liberty,  was  sealed 
between  the  nobles  and  the  commons  by  the  admis- 
sion of  the  lesser  nobility  and  the  middle  class  together  to 
the  country's  great  council.  Leicester,  who  was  not  cor- 
dially supported  by  the  great  nobles,  did  not  long  keep  the 
power  in  his  hands.  The  Earl  of  Gloucester  brought  about 
a  division  ;  Prince  Edward  escaped.  They  both  collected 
an  army  and  fought  the  Earl  of  Leicester  at  Evesham, 
where  he  was  defeated  and  killed  (August,  1265).  Henry 
in.  again  became  king  in  reality,  but  did  not  dare  undo 
the  work  of  Leicester. 

Edward  I.,  son  of  Henry  III.,  was  in  the  Holy  Land 
when  his  father  died  (1272).  On  hearing  the  news  he 
returned  and  was  crowned.  His  reign  was 
(i2  72)^'^Conl  an  important  one  for  England,  and  brought 
quest  of  Wales  her  much  glory  !  for,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
(1274-1284).  1     •     •  c       lu  ,.   ^-  r^u 

admission    of      the    representatives    of    the 

commons  to  parliament  was  established  as  a  recognized 
rule  in  1295,  thus  making  the  representative  system  a  fixed 
institution  in  England  ;*  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  king- 

*  A  vitally  important  fact  at  this  point  in  the  development  of  repre- 
sentative institutions  in  England,  was  the  union  into  a  single  body  of  the 
representatives  of  the  lesser  nobility  and  of  the  towns.  Upon  this 
depended,  in  great  part  at  least,  whether  England  should  follow  out  the 
same  line  which  the  continental  states  were  to  follow,  of  division  and 
separation  of  class  interests,  and  the  consequent  weakness  and  ultimate 
overthrow  of  the  elements  of  liberty,  or  whether  it  should  pursue  an  inde- 
pendent course,  in  which  a  close  union  of  people  and  nobles  in  a  common 
cause  against  the  power  of  the  crown  should  make  the  triumph  of  liberty 
secure,  however  slow.  Very  important  in  deciding  this  question  were  the 
existence  and  influence  of  the  shire  moots  or  county  courts  in  which  that 
union  had  long  existed,  and  in  which  the  formal  election  of  both  knights 
of  the  shires  and  representatives  of  the  towns  took  place. — Ed, 


Chap.  XXVI.]        ENGLISH  INSTITUTIONS.  389 

dom  was  enlarged  by  the  acquisition  of  Wales,  and  for  a 
time  had  Scotland  under  its  sway. 

The  Celtic  race  had  maintained  its  independence  in  the 
mountains  of  Wales,  while  a  succession  of  powers  had 
held  the  country  about  them.  Besides  her  independence, 
Wales  had  kept  her  bards,  who  promised  that  one  day 
a  Welsh  prince  should  sit  upon  the  throne  of  England, 
and  she  offered  a  refuge  to  all  enemies  of  the  Norman 
power.  Nevertheless  a  Welsh  chieftain  had  been  forced  to 
render  homage  to  Henry  III.;  but  Llewelyn  refused  it  to 
Edward  I.,  who  thereupon  marched  into  his  country.  After 
a  desperate  struggle  Llewelyn  was  killed  ;  his  head,  crowned 
with  ivy,  was  exposed  on  the  Tower  of  London.  His 
brother  David  took  his  place.  He  was  made  prisoner,  and 
the  four  quarters  of  his  body  distributed  through  the  coun- 
try, "because  he  had  conspired  in  different  places  for  the 
death  of  the  king,  his  lord."  England  inflicted  this  horri- 
ble punishment,  even  until  the  eighteenth  century,  on  all 
who  were  condemned  of  high  treason.  The  citizens  of 
Winchester  and  York  disputed  for  the  right  shoulder  of 
the  unhappy  man,  as  if  it  were  an  honored  relic.  Edward 
organized  Wales  on  the  same  plan  as  England,  bade  the 
bards  be  silent,  and  to  change  the  hopes  which  their  predic- 
tions inspired  in  the  Welsh,  gave  his  son  the  title  of  Prince 
of  Wales,  which  has  always  been  held  by  the  heir  apparent 
since  that  time  (1284). 

Scotland,    like    Wales,    had    retained    its    independence, 

although  certain  of  its  kings  had  rendered  a  passing  homage 

War   with     ^^  ^hc  king  of  England.     When  Edward  be- 

Scotiand  (1297-    came  king,  the  throne  of  Scotland  belonged 

1307);    Balliol,       ^  '"t. T  •  •  111*. 

Wallace,  and  to  a  young  Norwegian  princess,  who  had  not 
^'■"'=^-  taken  possession.     He  succeeded  in  betroth- 

ing her  to  his  son,  believing  that  he  was  preparing  for  the 
happy  union  of  the  two  countries  in  this  manner.  But 
when  "the  Maid  of  Norway"  came  to  seek  her  throne  and 
her  husband,  she  was  not  able  to  accomplish  her  journey, 
but  died  of  fatigue  at  the  Orkney  Islands.  The  most  im- 
portant among  the  many  claimants  who  offered  themselves 
for  the  throne  of  Scotland  were  John  Balliol  and  Robert 
Bruce.  The  Scotch  referred  the  decision  of  the  question 
to  Edward.  He  chose  Balliol  (1292),  with  the  formal  stipu- 
lation that  Scotland  should  henceforth  own  his  sovereignty. 
Balliol  soon  tried  to  free  himself  from  that  humiliating  posi- 


39°  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND.  [Book  VIII. 

tion.  He  was  defeated  at  Dunbar  (1296),  taken  prisoner, 
and  sent  to  die  at  Andelys,  in  Normandy.  Edward  gave 
the  offices  and  fortified  places  of  Scotland  into  the  hands  of 
the  English,  and  took  away  the  great  stone  of  Scone,  on 
which  the  kings  of  Scotland  were  crowned,  and  which  is 
still  used  for  the  same  purpose  in  England. 

Scotland  was  too  proud  to  allow  herself  to  be  treated  like 
a  conquered  country  without  resistance.  William  Wallace, 
a  simple  gentleman,  led  the  movement.  No  one  could 
more  valiantly  handle  tha  claymore.  He  fell  upon  the  van- 
guard of  the  English  army,  which  had  just  crossed  the 
Forth  by  a  narrow  bridge,  near  Stirling,  and  drove  it  into 
the  river  (1297).  These  brave  but  ferocious  bands  were 
laying  waste  the  north  of  England  when  Edward  came  to 
the  rescue.  He  conquered  at  Falkirk  (1298),  and  Wallace, 
given  up  by  a  traitor,  was  beheaded  and  quartered. 

The  third  act  in  this  glorious  drama  of  resistance  belongs 
to  Robert  Bruce,  Balliol's  rival.  When  Balliol  revolted 
against  Edward,  Bruce  hoped  to  be  put  in  his  place,  and 
fled  to  the  English  camp,  and  from  that  time  had  served  in 
their  ranks.  One  day,  after  a  skirmish  with  the  Scotch,  he 
took  his  place  at  table,  his  hands  covered  with  blood. 
"See,"  said  some  of  the  English  in  low  tones, — "see  this 
Scotchman  feeding  upon  his  own  blood."  He  heard  them, 
and  from  very  shame  made  a  vow  to  liberate  his  country.* 
He  assembled  the  Scottish  barons,  who  proclaimed  him 
king,  and  were  at  first  defeated.  Scotland  would  perhaps 
have  fallen  under  the  English  yoke  forever  if  Edward  I. 
had  not  died  (1307). 

Edward  H.,  a  weak  and  despicable  prince,  seemed  all 
the  more  so  because  he  succeeded  a  sovereign  who  was 
energetic  and  brave.  He  wished  to  continue 
(i307)^^'^Pariia-  the  war  with  Robert  Bruce,  and  at  Bannock- 
gres"^'^  ^ '^°"  burn  (1314),  he  suffered  the  most  complete 
defeat  that  is  recorded  in  the  annals  of  Eng- 
land. Scotland's  independence  was  assured.  Robert  Bruce 
retained  his  seat  upon  the  throne. 

The  plague  of  this  reign  was  again  the  influence  of 
favorites  and  foreigners.  Gaveston,  a  Gascon,  later  the  two 
Despencers,  successively  enjoyed  the  favor  of  the  king  and 

*  This  explanation  of  Bruce's  change  of  sides  is  of  course  legendary.—' 
Ed. 


Chap.  XXVI.]        ENGLISH  INSTITUTIONS.  391 

incurred  the  hatred  of  the  barons.  The  latter  were  joined 
[at  the  end  of  the  reign]  by  Isabel,  daughter  of  the  king  of 
France,  Philip  the  Fair,  who  had  married  Edward  11.  in 
1308,  and  whose  cruelty  equaled  her  charms.  In  131 2  the 
barons  seized  Gaveston  and  beheaded  him.  In  1326,  Isabel 
herself  raised  an  army  on  the  continent,  and,  assisted  by  the 
nobles,  sent  the  two  Despencers  to  execution  and  her  hus- 
band to  prison,  where  he  was  forced  to  abdicate  in  favor  of 
his  son,  Edward  III.,  and  where  he  was  soon  assassinated 
by  the  orders  of  that  terrible  woman. 

Liberty  took  a  step  in  advance,  however,  under  this  weak 
king.  Parliament  had  already  voted  on  the  question  of 
taxation.  Now,  in  the  second  year  of  Edward  II. 's  reign, 
the  members  added  conditions  to  their  vote,  and  exacted 
from  the  king  that  he  should  take  their  advice  and  redress 
their  grievances.     To  recapitulate  the  steps  already  taken  : 

In  1 2 15,  all  England,  united  against  the  odious  John 
Lackland,  obliged  him  to  grant  the  Magna  Charta,  a 
declaration  of  national  liberty. 

In  1258,  the  Provisions  of  Oxford,  under  Henry  III., 
established,  for  the  moment,  the  stated  recurrence  of  the 
great  national  council  or  Parliament. 

In  1265,  under  the  same  prince,  the  Earl  of  Leicester 
admitted  to  Parliament  the  knights  of  the  shire  and  the 
representatives  of  the  townspeople,  who  formed  later  the 
Lower  House,  or  House  of  Commons,  while  those  person- 
ally summoned  to  attend  by  the  king  from  the  great  nobles 
formed  the  Upper  House,  or  the  House  of  Lords. 

Beginning  with  the  year  1295,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I., 
the  attendance  of  the  county  and  town  members  became 
regular,  making  Parliament  a  real  representative  of  the 
country. 

In  1309,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  II.,  Parliament  revealed 
its  possible  strength  by  putting  conditions  on  its  vote  of 
taxes. 

We  see,  then,  that  the  foundations  of  the  English  Con- 
stitution were  laid  in  the  thirteenth  century  ;  the  fourteenth 
century  confirmed  and  extended  them.  It  was  on  this 
ancient  foundation  that  the  power  and  freedom  of  England 
arose  in  the  eighteenth  century. 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 
THE    HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR. 


Preliminaries  of  the  Hundred  Years  War  (1328-1337).— Battle  of  Sluys 
(1340)  ;  state  of  affairs  in  Brittany. — Crecy  (1346),  and  Calais  (1347). — 
John  (1350)  ;  Battle  of  Poitiers  ;  States  General  ;  The  Jacquerie  ; 
Treaty  of  Bretigny  (1360). — Charles  Y.  (1364)  ;  Du  Guesclin  ;  the 
great  Companies  in  Spain. — The  war  with  the  English  renewed 
(1369) ;  New  method  of  warfare. — Wycliffe. — Wat  Tyler  and  the 
English  King  Richard  11.(1377). — Deposition  of  Richard  II.  and 
accession  of  Henry  IV.  of  Lancaster  (1399). — Henry  V.  (1413)- — 
France  under  Charles  VI.  (1380-1422)  ;  Popular  insurrections. — 
Insanity  of  Charles  VI.  (1392)  ;  Assassination  of  the  Duke  of  Or- 
leans (1407)  ;  The  Armagnacs  and  the  Burgundians. — Henry  V. 
reopens  the  war  with  the  French  (1415).  Battle  of  Agincourt. — 
Henry  VI.  and  Charles  VII.  kings  of  France  (1422)  ;  Joan  of  Arc 
(1421-1431). — Treaty  of  Arras  (1435)  ;  CharleSjVII.  at  Paris  (1436)  ; 
End  of  the  Hundred  Years  War. 


At  last  two  countries,  both  of  which  had  attained  a  very 
high  degree  of  power,  were  going  to  meet  in  one  of  the 
longest  wars  known  to  history  ;  one  of  these 
o/tifi*Hind7ld  countries,  France,  was  now  almost  entirely 
Years  War.  united  Under  her  king  ;  while  the  other,  Eng- 
(132  -1337-  land,  had  become  a  nation  by  the  alliance  of 

the  Norman  barons  with  the  Saxon  people  and  also  retained 
a  large  domain  on  the  continent,  namely,  Guienne.  There 
was  much  more  of  orderly  discipline  in  the  feudalism  of 
England  than  in  that  of  France,  because  from  its  very 
origin  it  had  been  organized  and  held  in  check  by  powerful 
kings,  and  because  it  later  undertook  certain  designs  against 
these  kings  which  it  steadfastly  pursued  and  in  which  it 
did  not  scorn  to  receive  the  assistance  of  the  people. 
There  was  less  in  the  feudalism  of  France,  because  it  was 
more  frivolous  in  manners  and  more  contemptuous  of  the 
people,  both  from  its  natural  character  and  from  the  circum- 
stances in  which  it  was  placed.  The  court  of  France  was 
the  meeting-place  of  these  feudal  nobles  of  a  second  age — 

392 


Chap.  XXVIL]     THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  393 

a  chivalrous  and  brilliant  nobility,  but  better  adapted  to  the 
splendor  of  tournaments  and  passages  of  arms  than  to  a 
great  war.  It  formed  a  bold  cavalry,  and  the  finest  in 
Europe,  but  it  was  a  cavalry  unsupported  by  any  infantry, 
for  the  footmen  of  the  communes  were  kept  too  much  in  the 
background  and  held  in  too  great  contempt  to  be  able  to 
take  any  important  part  in  war  :  and  the  foreign  infantry, 
which  was  hired,  fought  poorly,  as  it  was  ill-treated  and 
little  respected.  The  armies  of  France  were  therefore 
brilliant  in  their  attack,  but  did  not  have  the  endurance 
necessary  to  win  the  final  victory.  In  England,  on  the 
contrary,  the  Saxon  archers,  who  were  drilled  in  the  use  of 
the  bow  from  the  age  of  seven  years,  formed  a  formidable 
and  respected  infantry.  They  were  placed  in  the  front  line 
in  battle,  and  it  was  through  them  that  the  English  gained 
their  victories.  The  nobility  of  France,  which  was  so  vain 
and  so  confident  in  its  strength,  became  much  more  so  after 
a  few  advantages  gained  over  the  infantry  of  the  communes, 
when  the  victory  of  Mons-en-Puelle,  under  Philip  IV.,  had 
effaced  the  melancholy  memory  of  Courtray.  The  victory 
of  Cassel,  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Philip  of  Valois, 
increased  this  unfortunate  confidence  of  the  nobility,  which 
resulted  in  its  ruin  and  almost  in  that  of  France. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  wealth  of  Flanders, 
but  we  must  also  mention  another  characteristic  of  this 
country.  On  this  low  and  moist  soil,  to  drain  which  a 
thousand  canals  had  been  cut,  and  among  so  many  cities 
defended  by  walls  and,  still  better,  by  a  population  accus- 
tomed to  work  at  the  hardest,  and  proud  of  its  numbers, 
strength,  and  wealth,  chivalry  had  not  had  a  fair  field, 
and  there  was  very  little  of  feudalism  in  Flanders.  Every 
city  had  its  privileges  and  it  was  not  prudent  to  interfere 
with  them,  but  their  Count,  Louis  of  Nevers,  belonged  to  one 
of  the  feudal  families  of  France  that  had  little  respect  for 
the  burgher  class.  He  took  it  especially  ill  that  these  peas- 
ants should  be  so  rich,  while  he,  their  Count,  had  not 
enough  for  the  foolish  expenditures  to  which  the  nobles 
had  already  accustomed  themselves.  When  his  exactions 
brought  on  a  revolt,  he  asked  aid  from  the  new  king  of 
France,  Philip  VI.,  of  Valois,  a  cousin  of  Charles  IV.,  who 
had  just  succeeded  to  the  throne  by  virtue  of  the  Salic 
law.  Philip  led  a  fine  army  into  Flanders,  and  was  accom- 
panied by  the  king  of  Bohemia,  and  several  foreign  princes. 


394  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

The  soldiers  of  Flanders  were  utterly  defeated  near  Cassel, 
and  Louis  of  Nevers  was  established  as  count  (1328.) 

Thus  the  French  nobles  thought  themselves  almost 
invincible  ;  while  the  king  of  France  on  his  side  was  power- 
ful, and  seemed  by  wise  measures  to  have  removed  all 
possible  opposition  to  his  succession.  In  the  first  place,  he 
had  indemnified  one  of  the  pretenders  to  the  throne,  Jane 
of  Evreux,  by  yielding  her  Navarre  *  and  the  counties  of 
Angouleme  and  Mortain,  in  exchange  for  which  Cham- 
pagne and  Brie  were  definitively  joined  to  the  crown.  In 
the  second  place  he  had  demanded  and  received  from  Ed- 
ward III.,  king  of  England,  feudal  homage  for  Guienne. 
This  same  Edward,  however,  was  to  enter  claim  to  be  the 
rightful  heir  of  the  Capetians,  as  grandson  of  Philip  IV.  by 
his  mother,  and  to  find  in  France,  and  even  among  the 
royal  family,  allies  who  would  open  the  way  for  him  to  the 
throne. 

Robert  III.  of  Artois,  one  of  the  royal  family  of  France, 
claimed  the  county  from  which  he  had  his  name,  which 
was,  however,  retained  by  his  aunt  Mahaut  (Matilda  or 
Maud),  and  by  her  daughters  after  her.  He  was  said  to 
have  poisoned  his  aunt  and  manufactured  and  used  false 
title  deeds  against  his  cousins.  When  summoned  to  appear 
before  the  court  of  peers  he  fled  into  Brabant  and  laid  the 
blame  on  the  king  himself.  To  reach  a  man  so  well  de- 
fended as  was  the  king  of  France  by  his  men  of  law,  he 
addressed  himself  to  the  powers  of  the  other  world,  to  those 
who,  according  to  the  superstitions  of  the  times,  received 
criminal  vows,  and  from  whom  fortune,  worldly  success, 
the  pleasures  of  revenge  and  the  death  of  an  enemy  could 
be  obtained — that  is,  to  the  Evil  One.  The  art  of  magic  had 
laid  down  rules  by  which  to  gain  the  aid  of  the  evil  spirits 
whose  legions  peopled  the  lower  world  ;  one  of  these  meth- 
ods was  the  making  of  a  wax  image  resembling  the  person 
whose  death  was  desired,  which  was  then  baptized,  and 
during  a  mass  said  for  this  purpose  a  needle  was  thrust  into 
its  heart,  and  this  inevitably  resulted  in  the  death  of  the 
victim  if  the  operation  was  correctly  performed.  Robert 
was  accused  of  using  this  means  against  Philip  VI.,  and 
then  fled  to  England  to  avoid  a  punishment  which  might 

*  That  is,  female  succession  was  recognized  in  Navarre.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Louis  X.,  and  the  wife  of  Philip,  Count  of  Evreux. — Eu. 


Chap.  XXVII.]  THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  395 

have  rendered  the  magical  ceremony  of  no  effect  ;  once 
there,  he  persuaded  Edward  III.  to  advance  his  claims  to 
the  crown  of  France. 

Before  attacking  Philip  VI.  in  France,  Edward  III. 
attacked  him  in  England.  We  have  already  noticed  that 
Scotland,  hostile  to  England  on  account  of  its  neighbor- 
hood, had  been  the  natural  ally  of  France  ever  since  a 
Norman  prince  had  reigned  at  London  :  just  as  Flanders 
was  the  ally  of  England  because  she  furnished  the  latter 
with  the  most  important  market  for  her  wools,  which  the 
Flemings  employed  in  their  principal  industry.      Edward 

III.  sent  Edward  Balliol  to  Scotland  against  David  Bruce, 
which  latter  received  aid  from  Philip.  Philip  ordered  Louis 
of  Nevers,  who  owed  to  him  his  power  in  Flanders,  to  drive 
all  English  merchants  from  his  States.  Edward  replied  to 
this  by  a  measure  which  was  well  adapted  to  weigh  heavily 
on  the  Flemings  and  which  indirectly  became  the  source  of 
one  of  the  great  industries  of  England.  He  forbade  the 
exportation  to  Flanders  of  English  wools  and  the  use  in  his 
kingdom  of  cloths  made  in  any  but  the  English  workshops 
(1336)  ;  immediately  the  Flemish  workshops  stood  Still  for 
want  of  work  and  the  Flemish  workmen  crossed  the  Channel 
in  crowds.  This  was  a  final  blow  to  the  prosperity  of  Flan- 
ders ;  and  England  would  have  fallen  heir  to  it  if  James 
van  Artevelde,  a  weaver  of  Ghent,  had  not  assembled  the 
deputies  of  Ghent,  Bruges,  and  Ypres,  the  three  principal 
centers  of  Flemish  industry,  in  the  first  of  which  alone  there 
were  40,000  workshops,  and  shown  them  that  "  they  could 
not  live  without  the  King  of  England  :  for  the  whole  pros- 
perity of  Flanders  was  founded  on  the  cloth  manufacturing, 
and  without  wool  no  cloth  could  be  made."  The  Flemings 
were  convinced,  and  drove  out  their  count  and  formed  an 
alliance  with  England,  without,  however,  renouncing  the 
obedience  due  to  their  suzerain,  a  matter  still  serious  in 
those  times.  The  neighboring  princes  to  Flanders,  who 
were  both  interested  in  her  prosperity  and  hostile  to  France, 
whose  power  endangered  their  independence,  declared 
themselves  for  the  king  of   England.     The  Emperor  Lewis 

IV.  did  the  same.  The  alliance  between  the  Papacy  and 
France  still  continued,  and  this  was  reason  enough  for  the 
Emperor  to  declare  himself  in  favor  of  Edward  :  indeed 
there  was  a  good  deal  of  justice  in  his  conduct,  for  since 
the  Papacy  had  been  under  the  king  of  France,  the  head  of 


39^  ENGLAND  AND   FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

Christendom  had  been  subservient  to  one  of  its  members  ; 
and  therefore,  very  naturally,  papal  authority  seemed  a 
thing  of  the  past,  and  the  Emperor,  who  had  so  long  con- 
tested with  the  Holy  See  for  the  supremacy  of  Europe, 
seemed  now  to  be  alone  worthy  of  exercising  such  a  power. 
Lewis  IV.  assembled  a  diet  at  Coblentz,  at  which  the  king 
of  England  and  1700  knights  or  barons  were  present,  and 
there  promulgated  a  decree  which  declared  the  imperial 
dignity  independent  of  the  Papacy,  and  the  Emperor  the 
chief  of  the  Christian  world.  He  listened  to  Edward's 
complaints  and  appointed  him  his  vicar  in  the  Netherlands. 
The  Pope  in  turn  issued  bulls  against  this  imperial  de- 
cree, and  these  two  fallen  powers  hurled  their  thunder- 
bolts at  each  other  without  in  the  least  altering  the  course 
of  events,  thus  showing  that  their  weight  was  of  small  con- 
sequence in  the  political  balance,  and  that  the  real  prepon- 
derance had  passed  into  the  hands  of  France  and  England. 
Open  war  began  in  1339.  Edward,  entering  France  near 
Cambray,  penetrated  as  far  as  the  Oise.  This  was  the  time 
T,    ...        V    when  he  first  made  known  his  pretended  rights 

Battleof  ,  ._,  i-T  -111 

siuys  C1340);  to  the  crown  of  France,  which  until  then  he 
?a^n'"y  ;°crecy.'  sccmcd  to  havc  laid  aside.  The  first  result 
(1346')  and  obtained  by  him  was  his  recognition  asking 
aisci347)-  Qf  France  by  the  Flemings,  who  thus  suc- 
ceeded in  changing  their  suzerain  without  changing  the 
suzeraint3^  The  first  great  battle  was  fought  at  sea  (1340). 
France  did  not  yet  possess  a  navy,  but  she  had  gathered 
from  various  sources  a  fleet  of  200  vessels.  This  fleet  was 
poorly  commanded  and  was  destroyed  by  that  of  Edward  at 
Sluys.  Nevertheless  the  war  languished,  and  after  a  victory 
gained  by  the  French  at  Saint  Omer  and  the  failure  of  Ed- 
ward to  capture  Tournay,  it  was  suspended  by  a  truce  ( 1 340). 
In  1341  the  hostilities  revived  in  Brittany,  where  the  two 
kings  each  sustained  a  different  candidate  for  the  ducal 
throne.  The  duke,  John  III.,  had  just  died,  leaving  no 
children,  and  it  was  now  a  question  to  whom  the  duchy 
should  descend.  There  were  two  candidates,  one  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  older  of  John's  brothers,  who  had  died  before  him, 
Jane  of  Penthievre,  who  had  married  Charles  of  Blois,  a 
nephew  of  Philip  VI.,  the  other  his  younger  brother,  John 
of  Montfort.  According  to  strict  hereditary  right,  the 
Countess  of  Blois  should  succeed  him,  but  Montfort 
invoked  the    Salic    law,    that   recent    invention  which    had 


Chap.  XXVIL]    THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  IP'AR.  397 

thrown  all  feudal  succession  into  confusion.  The  parlia- 
ment, the  nobility,  and  even  Philip  of  Valois  himself,  who 
now  opposed  the  principle  by  which  he  had  risen  to  the 
throne,  pronounced  in  favor  of  Jane  ;  Montfort,  relying  on 
the  burgher  class  and  on  the  Celtic  element  in  Brittany, 
claimed  the  support  of  England.  He  recognized  Edward 
as  king  of  France  and  did  him  homage.  A  war  now  broke 
out  in  Brittany  between  the  austere  and  pious  Charles  of 
Blois  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other  Montfort  at  first, 
and  after  he  was  taken  prisoner  his  wife  Jane  of  Flanders,  a 
dauntless  heroine  ;  a  war  which  lasted  twenty-four  years, 
was  difficult  and  profitless,  with  no  events  except  the  sieges  of 
different  cities  and  fortresses,  and  small  actions  by  which  the 
great  numbers  of  nobles  who  were  attracted  there  by  the  mil- 
itary renown  of  Jane  of  Montfort  distinguished  themselves. 

One  thing  that  bitterly  excited  Brittany  against  the  Count 
of  Blois  and  against  France  was  the  cruel  execution  of 
fifteen  Breton  lords  who  had  gone  to  see  the  superb  festivi- 
ties which  were  continually  given  by  the  king  of  France,  at 
the  expense  of  the  people  whom  he  taxed  heavily,  and  of  the 
coinage  whose  standard  he  altered  unceasingly.  They  had 
entered  into  relations  with  England,  a  fact  which  Philip 
considered  reason  enough  for  their  execution  (1344). 
Among  the  victims  was  one  Oliver  of  Clisson,  whose  widow 
took  up  arms  and  whose  son  joined  the  army  of  Montfort. 

Edward  found  this  a  favorable  occasion  for  attack.  With 
Brittany  in  arms  at  the  west  and  Flanders  at  the  east, 
France  was  flanked  by  two  formidable  enemies,  and  two 
passages  were  opened  to  him  into  that  country  without 
counting  that  of  Guienne.  The  situation  of  affairs  deter- 
mined the  campaign  for  1345.  One  English  army  disem- 
barked in  Guienne  and  gained  a  victory  at  Auberoche  ; 
another  joined  Montfort  in  Brittany,  while  a  third,  com- 
manded by  Edward  himself,  turned  toward  Flanders.  Van 
Artevelde  still  ruled  this  country  ;  but  not  content  with 
having  made  the  Flemings  subjects  of  the  English  king,  he 
wished  to  give  them  another  count,  the  Prince  of  Wales. 
An  assembly  of  the  deputies  of  the  c"ities,  displeased  by  the 
ascendancy  of  a  man  who  had  risen  from  their  midst,  excited 
the  people  against  him,  and  he  died  the  victim  of  an  insur- 
rection. His  enemies,  however,  cared  less  for  a  change  in 
his  political  system  than  for  the  satisfaction  of  their  personal 
jealousy,  and  after  his  death  they  sent  ambassadors  to  the 


39^  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  Vlll. 

king  of  England  to  renew  and  strengthen  the  alliance  that 
had  been  concluded. 

Edward  prepared  a  great  armament  for  the  year  1346. 
A  French  exile,  Godfrey  of  Harcourt,  advised  him  to  make 
his  landing  in  Normandy,  which  he  devastated.  He  ascend- 
ed the  Seine  with  the  purpose  of  menacing  Paris,  when  a 
lack  of  supplies  obliged  him  to  change  his  direction,  to  march 
toward  Flanders,  whose  soldiers,  he  learned,  were  com- 
ing to  meet  him.  His  army  might  have  been  destroyed 
when  crossing  the  Somme,  but  he  was  allowed  to  establish 
himself  strongly  at  Crecy,  where  the  skill  of  the  English 
archers  and  the  rashness  of  the  French  nobles  made  a 
complete  victory  easy  for  him.  On  the  French  side  there 
was  a  loss  of  n  princes,  2  archbishops,  80  barons,  1200 
knights,  and  30,000  soldiers  (1346).  This  victory  did  not 
open  the  whole  of  France  to  the  English,  but  it  placed 
Calais,  the  key  to  the  country,  in  their  hands.  It  was 
taken  after  a  long  siege,  which  was  made  famous  by  the 
devotion  of  Eustace  of  St.  Pierre. 

France  was  defeated  at  every  point.  In  Scotland  David 
Bruce  had  been  taken  prisoner  at  Neville's  Cross  (1346)  ;  in 
Brittany, Charles  of  Blois  met  the  same  fate  at  Roche-Darrien 
(1347),  and  last  but  not  least  a  great  natural  calamity  was 
added  to  these  other  reverses  :  namely,  the  Black  Death  or 
FIorentineplague,"fromwhichathird  part  of  the  world  died." 
In  the  midst  of  so  many  misfortunes,  however,  the  crown 
still  continued  to  gain  power.  In  1349,  Philip  VI.  bought 
the  seignory  of  Montpellier  from  the  King  of  Majorca, 
and  in  the  same  year  he  gained  the  dauphine  of  Viennois, 
which  was  ceded  to  him  by  the  dauphin  Humbert  II. 
Since  then  it  has  been  the  custom  to  attribute  this  sove- 
reignty, with  the  title  of  Dauphin,  to  the  oldest  son  of  the 
king  of  France. 

Philip  VI.  was  succeeded  by  John  (1350),  who  began  his 
wretched   reign  by  committing  many  acts  of  violence  ;  he 

,  .       ,      ^      had  the  constable  of  Eu,  whom  he  accused 

John     ri35o)  ;         r       •    ,  ■         ^       ,    r  \.i        r      ..  i 

battle   of  Poi-  of  wishuig  to  deliver  over  the  fortress  under 

s'tatls-G^^n*!  '''i^  chargc  to  the  king  of  England,  executed 

rai;thejac-  without   a  trial.     Charlcs  the    Bad,  king   of 

oT'^'^Bretfgny  Navarre,  who  through  his   mother  Jane   had 

^'3^°^-  some   pretensions  to   the  throne  of    France, 

followed  the  royal  example.  He  had  the  constable  of 
Cerda  assassinated,  to  whom  John    had  given  Angouleme, 


Chap.  XXVIL]   THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  399 

to  which  he  laid  claim,  and  then  took  refuge  with  Edward, 
who  made  in  1355  a  campaign  in  Artois,  while  the  Prince  of 
Wales  was  ravaging  the  provinces  bounding  on  Guienne. 

When  the  States-General  were  convoked  to  ward  off 
these  dangers  they  raised  pretensions  such  as  were  unheard 
of  until  then.  They  granted  36,000  men-at-arms  (about 
100,000  men)  and  five  millions  of  livres,  proving  that  they 
were  actuated  by  patriotic  motives,  but  they  demanded,  in 
return,  concessions  which  recall  the  Magna  Charta  of  Eng- 
land :  the  right  of  administering  by  receivers,  appointed  by 
and  answerable  to  the  Assembly,  the  five  millions  which 
they  granted  ;  the  establishment  of  a  tax  on  all  three 
orders  alike  ;  the  abolition  of  the  droit  de  prise,'''  and 
the  right  of  resisting  by  force  all  who  attempted  to  exer- 
cise that  right  ;  the  necessary  intervention  of  the  States- 
General  in  matters  of  war  and  peace  ;  and  finally  a  date 
was  fixed  for  the  meeting  of  the  Estates  in  the  following 
year.  The  nobles  did  not  easily  resign  themselves  to 
these  encroachments  on  their  privileges,  and  especially  to 
the  extension  of  the  tax  to  their  order.  Several  of  the 
barons,  with  Charles  of  Navarre  at  their  head,  opposed  the 
levying  of  this  tax  on  their  lands.  One  day  when  the  Dau- 
phin Charles,  then  Duke  of  Normandy,  had  invited  the  king 
of  Navarre  and  his  friends  to  a  banquet,  John  having  learned 
the  hour,  came  to  Rouen  and  surprised  and  arrested  them 
himself  at  the  table  of  his  son.  In  spite  of  the  prayers  and 
tears  of  the  young  prince,  who  seemed  to  have  deliberately 
enticed  the  victims  into  a  trap,  John  had  the  king  of  Na- 
varre thrown  into  prison  and  had  the  Count  of  Harcourt 
and  several  others  executed. 

This  act  of  violence  seemed  to  Edward  to  give  him  a 
favorable  opportunity  for  action.  He  sent  into  Normandy 
an  army  commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  which  was 
repulsed.  In  Guienne,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  or  the  Black 
Prince  (called  so  from  the  color  of  his  armor),  penetrated 
by  the  Limousin  "  into  the  good  and  fertile  country  of 
Berry,"  advanced  as  far  as  Vierzon,  and  then  turned  to- 
ward Poitiers.  He  had  only  2000  knights,  4000  archers, 
and  2000  foot- soldiers  with  him,  and  King  John  was  there 
with  an  army  of  50,000  men  ;  but  the  battle  was  fought  with 

*  The  droit  de  prise  was  the  right  of  the  lord  to  take  in  special  cases 
certain  articles  belonging  to  his  vassal  for  his  own  use, — Ed. 


400  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

the  same  result  as  at  Crecy.  The  king  fought  better,  but 
was  taken  prisoner,  a  good  part  of  the  nobles  who  were 
with  him  fell  like  him  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and 
eleven  thousand  men  were  slain  on  the  field  of  battle,  "a 
loss  by  which  the  noble  kingdom  was  severely  weakened." 

With  the  king  a  captive,  and  the  nobles  either  prisoners 
or  killed,  the  salvation  of  France  depended  on  the  people, 
and  this  younger  son,  an  outcast  from  the  political  family 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  now  took  in  hand  the  government  of 
the  kingdom,  which  had  been  thrown  into  confusion  by  the 
incapacity  of  his  elder  brothers.  It  was  not  the  people  who 
had  been  beaten  at  Crecy  and  Poitiers.  These  reverses,  on 
the  contrary,  had  raised  their  position,  for  it  was  evident 
that  they  would  not  have  done  worse  than  the  nobles,  not- 
withstanding the  contempt  in  which  they  were  held,  and 
that  perhaps  they  would  have  encountered  the  English 
archers  with  better  success  than  did  the  knights.  It  was  a 
new  and  extraordinary  thing  for  the  people  to  rule.  Never- 
theless they,  or  at  least  their  leaders,  were  not  entirely  inex- 
perienced in  the  direction  of  affairs.  Their  previous  pro- 
gress had  prepared  them  in  some  sort.  The  commoners 
had  been  admitted  to  the  Parliament,  the  Church,  and  the 
Universities  ;  they  controlled  all  commerce  and  formed 
great  industrial  corporations.  The  lawyers  and  the  mer- 
chant class,  who  were  soon  to  become  the  aristocracy  of 
the  third  estate,  each  supplied  a  leader  to  the  people  after 
the  battle  of  Poitiers  :  Robert  le  Coq,  bishop  of  Laon,  and 
president  of  the  parliament  ;  and  Etienne  Marcel,  provost 
of  the  merchants  of  Paris. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  disaster,  the  first  care 
of  Marcel  was  to  complete  the  fortifications  of  the  city,  to 
provide  them  with  cannon,  and  to  barricade  the  streets. 
The  young  Dauphin  Charles  soon  arrived,  but  little  reli- 
ance was  placed  on  him  ;  his  conduct  at  Poitiers  had  been 
very  equivocal,  and  he  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  retreat. 
Charles  convoked  the  States  General  for  the  langue  d'oil 
at  Paris,  for  the  langue  d'oc  at  Toulouse  ;  800  deputies,  of 
which  400  came  from  the  cities,  assembled  at  Paris.  Mar- 
cel presided  over  the  third  estate,  Robert  le  Coq  over  the 
clergy.  The  nobility  had  but  a  small  representation,  and 
was  led  by  John  of  Pecquigny,  lord  of  Vermandois  and 
friend  of  the  king  of  Navarre.  The  three  orders  deliber- 
ated separately  ;  but  in  order  to  attain  more  unity  of  action 


Chap.  XXVII.]   THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  4°! 

they  appointed  a  mixed  commission  of  eighty  members. 
This  commission  formulated  the  will  of  the  Estates  and 
demanded  the  reform  of  the  kingdom  ;  the  dismissal,  and 
trial  before  judges  named  by  the  Estates,  of  the  king's  prin- 
cipal officers  of  finance  and  justice,  who  were  accused  of 
committing  malversation  and  of  selling  their  sentences  ;  the 
release  of  the  king  of  Navarre  ;  and  the  establishment  of  a 
council  of  four  prelates,  twelve  lords  and  twelve  commoners 
to  be  elected  by  the  States,  without  which  the  Dauphin 
could  do  nothing  and  which  should  control  the  whole  gov- 
ernment. On  this  condition  they  granted  the  Dauphin  for 
a  year  one-tenth  and  a  half  of  the  revenues  of  the  three 
orders.  By  these  revolutionary  claims  the  people  were  in 
reality  taking  their  place  on  the  throne  and  assuming  the 
direction  of  public  affairs  and  the  public  weal.  The  Estates 
of  the  langue  d'oc  showed  themselves  less  inclined  to  inno- 
vation, and  merely  voted  15,000  men  and  the  money  neces- 
sary to  support  them. 

The  Dauphin  was  by  no  means  willing  to  agree  to  such 
conditions.  He  skillfully  outwitted  the  deputies  of  the  third 
estate  by  persuading  them  to  consult  their  constituents 
again,  while  he  himself  went  to  seek  aid  of  his  uncle  the 
German  emperor,  Charles  IV.,  who  was  at  that  time  pub- 
lishing his  famous  Golden  Bull  in  the  diet  of  Nuremberg. 
The  Dauphin  went  as  far  as  Metz,  hoping  on  his  return 
to  find  the  deputies  discouraged  and  dispersed.  On  the 
contrary  the  provincial  estates  had  assembled  and  approved 
the  measures  of  the  States  General,  and  the  whole  country 
indorsed  them  to  the  full  (1357).  On  March  3,  the  Dau- 
phin was  obliged  to  convoke  a  general  assembly  at  the  pal- 
ace. The  bishop  of  Laon  was  the  spokesman.  He  asked 
the  prince  to  remove  from  his  service  twenty-two  of  his 
councillors  or  servitors  and  to  authorize  the  formation  of  a 
council  of  thirty-six  members,*  elected  by  the  Estates,  "  to 
regulate  the  needs  of  the  kingdom,  and  whom  all  the  world 
should  be  required  to  obey."  Commissioners  were  to  be 
sent  into  all  the  provinces  ;  and  finally  the  Estates  obtained 
the  power  of  watching  over  this  government  created  by 
them,  by  procuring  the  right  to  assemble  twice  in  the  year, 


*  Such  a  council  as  this  seems  never  to  have  been  appointed,  though 
some  persons  selected  by  the  Estates  had  a  place  in  the  kins's  council 
for  a  short  time. — Ed. 


4° 2  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

without  convocation.  As  to  the  reforms,  which  mainly  re- 
lated to  the  finances  and  to  the  administration  of  justice,  the 
Dauphin  provided  for  them  by  the  "  Great  Ordinance  of 
Reform."  In  this  memorable  charter  he  promised  never  to 
establish  a  tax  unless  voted  by  the  Estates,  to  divert  noth- 
ing from  the  treasury,  to  leave  the  raising  and  the  use  of 
the  taxes  to  the  delegates  of  the  Estates,  to  administer  jus- 
tice promptly  and  impartially,  no  longer  to  sell  the  judicial 
offices,  and  not  to  change  the  standard  of  the  coinage,  for 
which  the  provost  of  the  merchants  was  to  furnish  a  model. 
The  ordinance  also  reformed  the  following  abuses  :  the  droit 
de  prise,  forced  loans,  judgment  by  commission,  and  the 
alienation  of  the  crown  domains  ;  and  also  declared  all  the 
members  of  the  Estates  inviolable  and  authorized  armed 
resistance  to  any  illegal  encroachment. 

The  popular  government  of  1357  had  unfortunately  nei- 
ther the  strength,  harmony,  nor  experience  to  preserve  the  im- 
portant gains  which  the  people  had  just  made.  At  all  events, 
its  situation  was  exceedingly  unfavorable  ;  its  credit  was 
shaken  by  King  John,  who,  from  his  prison,  forbade  the 
Estates  to  assemble  and  the  people  to  pay  the  taxes  voted 
by  them.  The  country  was  in  the  most  deplorable  state. 
The  peasants  were  overwhelmed  with  taxes  and  with  heavy 
ransoms  for  their  captive  lords,  which  were  exacted  from 
them  with  torture,  and  were  no  longer  able  to  cultivate  the 
ground,  which  had  moreover  been  ravaged  by  the  previous 
military  expeditions.  They  relapsed  into  a  state  of  vaga- 
bondism, and  preferred  to  be  the  accomplices  rather  than 
the  victims  of  the  disbanded  soldiers  of  all  countries  who 
had  been  left  in  France  by  the  end  of  the  war.  The  Dau- 
phin felt  strong  enough  to  declare  that  he  would  no  longer 
have  any  guardians.  This  was  a  complete  rupture  with  the 
Estates,  and  a  resumption  of  absolute  power  by  the  crown. 

The  people  of  Paris  summoned  Charles  of  Navarre, 
who  had  been  released  from  prison,  against  the  Dauphin. 
This  ambitious,  clever,  and  eloquent  prince  made  himself 
the  orator  of  the  populace,  and  solemnly  harangued  or 
"  preached  "  to  a  large  concourse  of  people,  promising  to 
defend  the  country,  and  mentioning  the  fact  that  he  had 
some  claim  to  the  crown  of  France  himself.  The  Dauphin 
hoped  to  counterbalance  this  new  influence  by  the  same 
means.  And  as  if  by  a  stroke  of  magic,  Paris  was  sud- 
denly, in  the  midst  of  the  Middle  Ages,  adorned  with  two 


Chap.  XXVII.]   THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  4^3 

forums.  The  Dauphin,  however,  lost  all  he  might  have 
gained,  by  his  unfortunate  changes  in  the  coinage,  though,  to 
be  sure,  it  was  the  only  possible  means  of  procuring  any 
money  without  convoking  the  estates.  Marcel  at  once 
armed  the  citizens,  and  gave  them,  as  a  sort  of  uniform, 
caps  which  were  half  red  and  half  blue.  At  the  head  of  a 
company  of  these  men  he  penetrated  into  the  palace  of 
the  Dauphin,  had  his  two  principal  officers,  the  marshals 
of  Champagne  and  of  Normandy,  killed,  and  placing  a 
Parisian  cap  upon  the  prince's  head  to  insure  his  safety, 
said  to  him,  while  the  two  bodies  were  thrown  out  to  the 
crowd  :  "  I  require  you,  on  the  part  of  the  people,  to  ratify 
the  death  of  these  traitors,  for  they  died  by  the  will  of  the 
people  !  "  He  should  have  said,  by  the  will  of  a  small  part 
of  the  people,  by  the  will  of  the  Paris  bourgeoisie  (1358). 

In  fact,  the  farther  it  advanced,  the  more  did  this  revo- 
lution lose  its  general  character ;  the  ardor  of  the  deputies 
from  the  provinces,  far  removed  from  their  constituents, 
became  chilled,  while  the  commune  of  Paris,  always  in  the 
midst  of  things,  without  even  leaving  its  own  hearth,  re- 
tained its  numbers,  its  zeal,  and  its  popularity.  The  Estates, 
Jealous  of  the  influence  of  the  connnune,  consented  to  be 
removed  to  Compiegne  by  the  Dauphin.  The  nobles  rallied 
around  the  prince.  He  had  700  lances,  and  with  these  he 
lived  at  his  pleasure  off  the  country  between  the  Seine  and 
the  Marne,  ravaging  it  as  far  as  Paris,  which  latter  suffered 
greatly  from  want  of  food.  A  more  frightful  spectacle  had 
never  been  seen  :  the  peasants,  ruined  by  the  English,  by 
the  freebooters,  and  by  their  own  lords  whose  ransoms  they 
were  obliged  to  pay,  assembled  and  marched  about  in 
bands,  under  the  name  of  Jacques,*  and  led  by  a  king  of 
their  own  making,  William  Callet  by  name.  In  Cham- 
pagne, in  Picardy  there  were  more  than  100,000  of  them. 
They  were  animated  with  a  bitter  hatred  of  the  nobles,  and 
considered  themselves  called  upon  to  destroy  them  utterly. 
They  pillaged  the  castles,  killed  the  nobles,  and  outraged 
ladies  of  the  highest  rank.  They  were  finally  attacked  on 
all  sides,  and  7000  were  killed  at  Meaux.  This  great  peas- 
ant insurrection  was  drowned  in  blood.     This  acted  like  a 


*  Jacques  Bonhomme  was  the  ndme  contemptuously  applied  to  the 
French  peasant  class.  From  it  comes  the  name  "  Jacquerie  "  for  the 
insurrection. — Ed. 


404  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

blow  aimed  at  Marcel,  and  discord  began  to  appear  in  the 
commune.  The  provost  of  the  merchants,  obliged  to  seek 
help  elsewhere,  summoned  the  king  of  Navarre,  promising 
to  help  him  to  the  throne  of  France.  However,  many  of 
the  Parisians  were  tired  of  the  revolutionary  rule  and  would 
not  take  up  arms  against  the  Dauphin.  During  the  night 
of  July  13,  1358,  while  Marcel  was  changing  the  watch 
at  the  gate  of  Saint  Denis,*  through  which  Charles  of 
Navarre  was  to  enter,  he  was  massacred  with  those  who 
were  with  him,  by  the  sheriff  Maillard  who  had  discovered 
the  conspiracy.  The  Dauphin  returned  to  Paris  with  an 
army,  and  had  the  principal  supporters  of  Marcel  either  be- 
headed or  exiled. 

France  was  none  the  better  for  this  turn  of  affairs.  How- 
ever, peace  began  to  be  talked  of.  The  Dauphin  first  suc- 
ceeded in  calming  Charles  of  Navarre  by  the  treaty  of  Pon- 
toise,  and  John,  tired  of  captivity,  consented  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  Edward  ;  but  under  very  unfavorable 
conditions.  He  was  to  cede  the  half,  and  the  better  half,  of 
his  kingdom,  including  the  mouths  of  all  the  rivers  ;  besides 
this  he  was  to  pay  a  ransom  of  four  million  gold  crowns. 
The  Dauphin  saw  that  this  meant  utter  ruin  to  France,  and 
to  meet  this  great  danger,  consented  to  assemble  the  Estates. 
Very  few  deputies,  came  but  those  who  came  were  full  of 
patriotism.  "  After  the  letters  from  the  king  had  been  read 
and  re-read,  listened  to  with  attention  and  well  understood, 
and  considered  and  examined  point  by  point,  they  decided 
that  the  terms  of  the  treaty  were  too  severe,  and  replied 
with  one  voice  to  the  messengers  that  they  would  rather  bear 
and  endure  the  great  misfortunes  from  which  they  were 
then  suffering  than  allow  the  noble  kingdom  of  France  to 
be  diminished  and  defrauded  :  that  the  King  John  should 
still  remain  in  England,  and  when  it  pleased  God  he  would 
provide  the  remedy  for  their  troubles."  Edward  HI.  imme- 
diately took  up  arms  again  and  landed  at  Calais  with  a  large 
army,  followed  by  an  enormous  train.  He  hoped  to  have 
a  chance  to  fight,  but  none  was  given  him.  A  new  system 
of  defense  was  adopted  in  France  :  it  was  to  avoid  all  open 


*  This  account  of  the  death  of  Marcel  is  no  longer  accepted.  His 
death  probably  occurred  in  full  day,  and  had  no  connection  with  the  oc- 
cupation of  any  of  the  city  gates,  but  was  the  result  of  a  royalist  con- 
spiracy.— Ed. 


Chap.  XXVII.]   THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  405 

battles,  and  to  let  the  invasion  wear  itself  out.  The  Dau- 
phin stayed  at  Paris,  and  after  six  months  of  marches  and 
of  fruitless  provocations  Edward  arrived  at  Chartres  with  an 
army  which  was  decimated  by  famine.  A  violent  storm 
made  their  plight  even  worse,  and  the  King  of  England, 
stretching  out  his  arms  toward  the  cathedral,  vowed  to  God 
and  to  the  Holy  Virgin  that  he  would  no  longer  oppose  a 
peace.  The  treaty  of  Bretigny  was  concluded  (1360),  the 
terms  of  which  were  disastrous  enough  to  France,  but  accept- 
able considering  her  utter  poverty  and  the  reverses  she  had 
sustained.  Edward  renounced  all  claim  to  the  crown  of 
France,  and  received  in  direct  sovereignty  Poitou,  Aunis, 
the  Angoumois,  Saintonge,  the  Limousin,  Perigord,  Quercy, 
Rouergue,  the  Agenois  and  Bigorre  in  the  south,  and  Pon- 
thieu,  Calais,  and  Guines  in  the  north.  The  ransom  of  the 
king  was  fixed  at  three  millions  of  gold  crowns  payable  in 
six  years  (that  is,  nearly  fifty  million  dollars). 

An  occasion  soon  offered  to  make  good  part  of  these 
losses.  The  first  ducal  house  of  Burgundy  became  extinct 
in  1 36 1,  and  this  great  fief  fell  to  the  crown.  John  showed 
as  little  wisdom  in  his  peace  as  in  his  war  policy,  and  imme- 
diately bestowed  Burgundy  on  his  fourth  son,  Philip  the 
Bold,  who  had  fought  bravely  at  Poitiers.  This  Philip  was 
the  founder  of  the  second  house  of  Burgundy,  which  twice 
almost  ruined  France. 

John  died  in  1364,  a  prisoner  again,  but  this  time  by  his 
own  will  and  through  a  chivalrous  loyalty,  which  was  made 
much  more  easy  than  the  self-sacrifice  of  Regulus  by  the 
gay  life  and  festivities  of  the  English  court. 

The  reign  of  Charles  V.  was  one  of  reparation  and,  as  it 

were,  a  season   of  convalescence  for  the  sick  and    ruined 

Charles  V.     kingdom  of  France.     Three  great  evils,  which 

fi354);  DuGues-     were  left  untouched  by  the  treaties,  and  were 

clin  *    tn6  2frc3t 

companies  in  established  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  still 
^P^'"-  remained  to  be  cured. 

The  king  of  Navarre  and  the  free  companies  were 
together  one  of  these  evils.  Charles  the  Bad  had  gained 
control  of  some  of  those  heterogeneous  bands  of  adven- 
turers, which  had  recently  destroyed  a  feudal  army  at  Brig- 
nais,  and  appointed  over  them  the  Captal  de  Buch,  a  Gascon 
adventurer. 

Charles  V.  found  an  adversary  jvorthy  of  these  men  and 
their  leader,  an  adventurer  as  bold  and  even  more  clever,  a 


4o6  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE,  [Book  VIII. 

Breton  gentleman,  who  as  a  child  had  been  the  despair  of 
his  parents  on  account  of  his  ugliness,  his  deformity,  and  his 
evil  disposition,  and  who  had  continually  come  to  blows  with 
his  brothers,  comrades,  and  masters,  and  who  had  conse- 
quently always  been  covered  with  bruises  and  wounds. 
His  mother  said  :  "  His  father  and  I  would  gladly  have 
seen  him  buried."  This  quarrelsome  little  boy  became  at 
fifteen  a  bold  tilter,  lance  in  hand,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  he  made  the  name  of  Du  Guesclin,  later  so  famous, 
feared  throughout  his  country.  With  other  brave  com- 
panions at  Cocherel,  he  defeated  the  adventurers  of  the 
Captal  de  Buch,  and  took  the  latter  prisoner  (1364).  The 
following  year  the  king  of  Navarre  was  obliged  to  sign  a 
treaty  by  which  he  gave  up  his  strong  places  in  the  basin 
of  the  Seine,  Mantes,  Meulan,  and  Longueville,  which  in  his 
hands  had  proved  too  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  France, 
and  received  in  exchange  the  seignory  of  Montpellier. 
There  he  was  at  least  out  of  reach  of  the  English. 

The  war  still  continued  in  Brittany,  and  Charles  sent  Du 
Guesclin  thither  to  crush  the  English  party.  But  the 
Breton  was  less  fortunate  in  his  own  country,  as  there  he 
was  not  supreme  in  command.  Charles  of  Blois,  the  head 
of  the  French  party,  would  not  follow  his  advice,  and  was 
killed  at  Auray,  where  Du  Guesclin  was  taken  prisoner. 
Charles  at  once  opened  negotiations,  and  consented  to  the 
treaty  of  Guerande,  by  which  Jane  of  Blois  had  the  county 
of  Penthievre  and  John  IV.  of  Montfort  the  duchy  for 
which  he  paid  homage  to  the  king. 

The  battle  of  Cocherel,  however,  had  not  entirely  done 
away  with  the  free  companies  :  there  was  still  much  bad 
blood  to  be  let  in  France,  and  a  good  opportunity  was  now 
offered  in  Spain.  Charles  V.  wished  to  sustain  Henry  of 
Transtamara  against  Peter  the  Cruel  in  his  claims  to  the 
throne  of  Castile.  Du  Guesclin,  who  had  been  ransomed  by 
Charles  V.,  pointed  out  to  these  brigands  the  beauty  of  the 
country  beyond  the  Pyrenees  and  of  Avignon,  the  rich  pon- 
tifical city  on  the  way  thither.  Thirty  thousand  Basques, 
Bretons,  Lorrainers,  Brabangons,  Provencals,  French  and 
English,  arrived  at  the  city  of  the  Pope,  calling  themselves, 
"  Pilgrims  of  God,  who  had  devoutly  undertaken  to  go  to 
Grenada  to  avenge  Our  Lord,"  and  who  for  this  pious  pro- 
ject demanded  200,000  livre«  and  absolution  from  their  sins. 
The  Pope  granted  their  requests,  glad  enough  to  see  them 


Chap.  XXVII.]    THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  407 

pass  by  Avignon,  which  he  had  feared  would  be  sacked. 
Du  Guesclin  brought  victory  to  the  cause  of  Henry  of  Transt- 
amara;  but  as  soon  as  all  the  booty  had  been  collected,  his 
men,  whom  he  had  until  then  succeeded  in  retaining,  dis- 
banded and  recrossed  the  Alps,  only  two  thousand  remain- 
ing with  him.  The  Prince  of  Wales,  who  kept  up  a  splen- 
did court  at  Bordeaux,  could  not  allow  a  revolution  to  take 
place  which  would  make  Castile  with  her  fleet  an  ally  of 
France.  He  collected  an  army  in  which  were  many  of  the 
adventurers  who  had  just  returned  from  Spain,  and  forcing 
an  engagement  on  Henry  of  Transtamara  defeated  him  in 
the  battle  of  Najara  or  Navarette  (1367),  and  took  Du 
Guesclin  prisoner.  But  the  Prince  of  Wales  soon  returned 
to  France,  Du  Guesclin  was  ransomed,  went  back  to  Spain, 
and  speedily  gained  the  battle  of  Montiel,  and  Henry  and 
the  French  party  were  re-established  in  Castile. 

The  establishment  of  a  dynasty  favorable  to  France  in 
Castile  was  a  great  advantage,  but  a  still  greater  one  was 
the  removal  of  the  free  companies  from  the  country.  After 
their  departure  precautions  had  been  taken  to  prevent  the 
formation  of  any  other  such  companies ;  the  forts  were  put 
in  order,  and  patrols  were  organized  by  the  peasants  with 
authorization  of  the  king.  Order  was  restored  in  the  king- 
dom ;  the  salt  tax  [gabelle)  was  diminished  one  half  and  the 
aids  one  quarter  on  condition  that  the  money  so  obtained 
should  be  used  by  the  citizens  in  fortifying  their  cities. 
Charles  V.  had  given  the  government  of  the  two  provinces 
Languedoc  and  Auvergne  to  his  brothers  the  dukes  of 
Anjou  and  Berry  (not  in  fiefs  as  formerly),  so  that  these 
two  countries,  which  adjoined  the  English  possessions,  were 
no  longer  subject  to  continual  incitements  to  revolt,  and 
"the  king  of  France  had  friends  on  every  side."  He  renewed 
the  old  and  valuable  alliance  with  Scotland,  arranged  a 
marriage  between  his  brother  and  the  heiress  of  Flanders, 
and  gained  the  friendship  of  the  king  of  Navarre  as  he 
already  had  done  of  the  king  of  Castile.  At  the  same  time 
he  was  raising  new  troops.  The  man  who  was  to  lead  them 
to  victory  had  been  released  from  his  prison.  He  is  said 
to  have  spoken  thus  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  :  "  My  lord, 
it  is  said  throughout  the  kingdom  of  France  and  elsewhere 
that  you  are  so  afraid  of  me  that  you  dare  not  release  me 
from  prison."  The  Black  Prince  was  piqued  by  this,  and 
allowed  him  to  fix  his  own  ransom.     "  I  will  fix  it  at  loo.opo 


4o8  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

florins,  my  lord,  and  do  not  be  surprised  at  the  amount, 
There  is  not  a  woman  in  my  country  who  would  not  be 
willing  to  join  in  raising  my  ransom,  and  at  all  events 
my  ransom  will  be  paid  by  one  who  does  not  expect  to 
do  so."  Everything  in  France  was  now  ready  for  war. 
The  Prince  of  Wales,  on  the  contrary,  had  been  ill  ever  since 
his  expedition  into  Spain,  and,  disliked  by  the  Aquitanians 
on  account  of  his  melancholy  and  cruelty,  was  unable  to 
procure  any  subsidy  from  them.  Charles  thought  that  the 
moment  for  action  had  come  at  last.  He  complained  that 
the  treaty  of  Bretigny  had  been  violated,  which  was  indeed 
the  case,  as  on  his  return  from  Spain  the  Black  Prince, 
unable  to  pay  his  adventurers,  had  sent  them  to  pay  them- 
selves off  the  territory  of  France  ;  he  also  complained  of 
the  oppression  of  Aquitaine  and  Gascony,  from  which  prov- 
inces many  of  the  nobles  had  come  to  demand  justice  of 
him.  He  finally  summoned  the  English  prince  to  appear 
before  his  court  of  peers.  The  Black  Prince  replied  :  "  I 
will  come,  but  with  my  helmet  on  my  head  and  60,000  men 
in  my  company." 

The   English  landed  at  Calais,  and  a  great  army  under 

the  Duke  of  Burgundy   went   to  meet  them,  but  refused 

all  encounter  with  them  and  withdrew  as  they 

»i,I*l?r,^f;^ci?'i.l^     advanced.     The  cities  were  well  fortified  and 

the  tnglisn  re- 

newedri369);  defended,  and  the  English  were  unable  to 
of  warfare^.*^'"  take  a  single  one.  Their  expedition  only 
resulted  in  their  ravaging  the  country  with- 
out gaining  any  advantage.  They  returned  in  1370  ;  and 
the  same  system  of  defense  was  used  against  them,  and 
though  they  went  as  far  as  Rheims  and  Paris  no  action 
took  place.  From  his  palace  of  Saint-Pol  the  king  could 
see  the  villages  as  they  were  set  on  fire  ;  but  the  wise 
Clisson  said  :  "  Sire,  there  is  no  need  of  your  employing  your 
people  against  these  madmen  ;  leave  them  to  tire  themselves 
out.  With  all  this  smoke  they  will  not  drive  you  from 
your  inheritance." 

"  There  never  was  a  king  of  France  who  fought  less,  and 
there  never  was  a  king  who  gave  me  so  much  to  do,"  said 
Edward  HI.  The  Black  Prince  himself  took  the  field,  but 
was  not  more  successful.  He  sacked  Limoges,  but  this  was 
his  last  exploit  (1370).  He  languished  a  few  years  longer, 
and  then  returned  to  England  to  die  (1376). 

The  P'rench  were  wise  enough  to  avoid  all  battles  with 


I 


Chap.  XXVIL]   THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  4^9 

great  armies  ;  but  between  these  English  expeditions, 
Charles  willingly  allowed  his  knights  to  strike  a  few  blows 
with  their  spears,  especially  his  brave  Du  Guesclin,  whom  he 
had  recalled  from  Spain  to  make  him  his  constable.  The 
pjvre  chevalier  wished  to  refuse  this  high  office,  but  the  king 
replied  :  "  Messire  Bertrand,  do  not  refuse,  for  I  have 
neither  brother,  cousin,  nephew,  count,  or  baron  in  my  king- 
dom who  shall  not  obey  you,  and  if  any  one  should  not  do 
so  he  will  soon  know  how  angry  he  has  made  me."  Does 
not  this  sound  a  little  like  Louis  XL?  Du  Guesclin  began  by 
defeating"  the  men  of  Robert  Knoll,  an  adventurer  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  English,  and  pursued  them  into  Brittany,  where 
the  duke  was  an  ally  of  Edward's  and  for  that  reason  dis- 
liked by  the  Bretons.  The  Bretons,  indeed,  since  Du  Gues- 
clin and  Clisson  had  been  held  in  such  favor  at  court,  and, 
thanks  to  the  skillful  maneuvers  of  the  king,  who  never  lost 
an  occasion  to  flatter  them,  had  become  French  at  heart. 
They  closed  their  fortresses  against  the  English  and  opened 
them  to  Du  Guesclin.  In  a  very  short  time  John  of  j^lont- 
fort  was  deposed,  and  only  Brest  was  left  in  Edward's  hands. 
During  the  same  time  the  Castilian  admiral  Boccanegra  cap- 
tured an  English  fleet  off  Rochelle.  This  city,  which  was 
French  at  heart,  and  the  commercial  rival  of  the  English 
city  of  Bordeaux,  also  freed  itself  from  the  foreign  yoke 
(1372).  The  clergy  and  the  citizens  everywhere  called  the 
French  to  their  aid.  Poitiers,  Angouleme,  and  Saintes  drove 
out  their  English  garrisons,  and  Du  Guesclin  utterly  de- 
stroyed the  remnants  of  these  garrisons  at  Chizey  in  Poitou 
(1373).  After  that  time  no  territory  north  of  the  Gironde 
was  left  in  the  possession  of  the  English. 

Nevertheless  these  stubborn  foes  reappeared  in  1373.  The 
Duke  of  Lancaster  landed  at  Calais  with  30,000  men  and 
expected  to  conquer  France ;  he  only  succeeded  in  march- 
ing across  it.  His  journey  was  comfortable  as  long  as  he 
stayed  in  the  rich  provinces  of  the  north  ;  as  soon  as  he 
reached  the  poor  and  barren  country  at  the  center  his  army 
began  to  suffer  from  privations  and  disease.  In  Auvergne 
he  had  not  a  single  horse  left  ;  at  Bordeaux  he  had  only 
6000  men,  and  knights  and  soldiers  alike  begged  their 
bread  from  door  to  door. 

The  English  were  at  last  disgusted  with  this  kind  of  war. 
They  did  not  return  the  following  year,  and  in  1375  de- 
manded a  truce,  which  lasted  till  the  death  of  Edward  HI, 


4^0  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Cook  VIII. 

in  1377.  Charles  then  broke  the  truce  and  struck  blow 
after  blow.  He  brought  five  armies  into  the  field  and  con- 
quered the  whole  of  Guienne,  while  a  Castilian  fleet,  manned 
by  French  troops,  devastated  the  coasts  of  Kent  and  Sussex. 
By  1380  the  English  only  possessed  Bayonne,  Bordeaux, 
Brest,  Cherbourg,  and  Calais  on  the  continent. 

This  was  a  propitious  moment  for  France  to  have  done 
with  Charles  the  Bad  and  his  intrigues.  Under  the  pretext 
of  a  conspiracy  against  the  lives  of  the  royal  family  of 
France,  Charles  V.  had  two  of  his  ministers  executed  and 
his  two  sons  arrested.  The  Duke  of  Anjou  conquered 
the  seignory  of  Montpellier,  Du  Guesclin  the  county  of 
Evreux,  and  the  king  of  Castile  the  kingdom  of  Navarre. 
He  did  not  recover  his  kingdom  till  1379,  when  he  delivered 
up  twenty  of  his  strong  places  as  a  pledge  of  peace. 

Charles  tried  to  accomplish  the  same  work  in  Brittany 
as  in  Guienne.  He  summoned  the  duke,  John,  to  appear 
on  June  20,  1378,  before  the  court  of  peers,  and  when  the 
duke  did  not  appear  his  fief  was  declared  to  have  fallen  to 
the  royal  domain.  The  Gascons  had  already  given  them- 
selves to  France.  The  Bretons,  however,  would  not  allow 
themselves  to  be  conquered.  Barons,  knights,  and  squires 
signed  at  Rennes  on  April  26,  1379,  an  act  of  confedera- 
tion, which  was  subscribed  also  by  the  burghers,  and  John 
of  Montfort,  whom  they  had  driven  from  the  country,  was 
recalled.  All  the  Bretons  in  the  service  of  the  king  of 
France,  and  there  were  a  great  many,  threw  up  their  places. 
Even  those  who  had  first  promised  him  to  second  his  pro- 
jects now  turned  against  him.  Du  Guesclin,  now  an  old 
man,  sent  him  back  his  constable's  sword,  and  on  March  i, 
1380,3  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed  at  Westminster  between 
England  and  Brittany.  An  English  army  landed  again  at 
Calais,  led  by  the  Earl  of  Buckingham,  and  traversed  the 
whole  of  the  north  of  France  with  impunity.  He  had  not 
reached  Brittany,  where  he  was  aiming,  when  Charles  V. 
died  at  Vincennes  on  September  16,  1380.  Du  Guesclin 
had  preceded  him  to  the  grave  by  two  months.  A  new 
truce,  concluded  soon  after,  put  an  end  to  the  first  period 
of  the  Hundred  Years  AVar. 

The  first  period  of  the  Hundred  Years  War  came  to  an 
end  with  the  death  of  Charles  V.  The  scene  now  shifted. 
France,  which  had  been  a  partly  conquered  country,  was 
again   mistress  of  herself,  and  each  of  the  two  belligerent 


Chap.  XXVII.]    THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  4** 

nations  returned  into  its  natural  sphere  of  activity.  The 
principal  actors  had  disappeared  :  Philip  VI.,  John  and 
Charles  V.  in  France,  and  Edward  III.  and 
wYtTyilranci  ^^e  Black  Princc,  in  England.  Richard  II., 
the  English     son  of  the  Blaclc  Prince,  came  to  the  English 

king  Richard      ^,  .  ,        ,  r  j 

II- (1377;-  throne   in    1377   at  eleven  years  or  age,  and 

Charles  VI.  in  1380  to  the  French  throne  at 
twelve  years  of  age.  During  the  minorities  of  these  princes, 
France  and  England  both  fell  a  prey  to  internal  disturb- 
ances. They  were  both  stirred  up  by  a  sort  of  effervescence 
which  brought  out  the  ideas  produced  by  the  general  pro- 
gress of  civilization.  The  emancipation  of  thought  and  the 
emancipation  of  the  people,  the  characteristics  we  have 
already  noticed  of  the  age,  continued  to  be  advanced  at  the 
end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  though  by  tumultuous  and 
violent  means. 

In  England  an  organized  parliament,  the  condition  of 
industry  stimulated  by  the  introduction  of  the  Flemish 
workmen,  and  the  frequent  disregard  of  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  See,  all  prepared  the  way  for  some  popular  movement, 
and  gave  it  both  a  political  and  a  religious  character.  In 
1366  there  were  thirty-three  years  of  arrears  due  of  the  an- 
nual tribute  of  1000  marks  which  John  Lackland  had  prom- 
ised to  pay  to  the  Holy  See.  When  Urban  V.  demanded 
payment,  a  public  act  of  the  king,  lords,  and  commons 
declared  that  no  one  had  a  right  to  make  the  kingdom  sub- 
ject to  any  foreign  power.  Fifteen  years  before,  other 
statutes  had  been  passed  which  reserved  exclusively  to  the 
king  the  gift  of  certain  benefices  and  impaired  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Rome. 

In  this  resistance  to  the  Holy  See,  an  English  monk, 
John  Wycliffe,  was  especially  prominent  and  defended  the 
rights  of  the  crown  against  the  pontifical  pretensions.  After 
once  attacking  the  Papacy  in  behalf  of  national  independ- 
ence, he  attacked  it  also  in  behalf  of  evangelical  equality, 
and  wished  to  undermine  the  whole  Catholic  hierarchy  by 
recognizing  neither  Pope,  archbishop,  or  bishop,  as  superior 
to  the  simple  priests.  He  wished  to  forbid  all  temporal 
possessions  to  the  clergy,  and  even  to  make  the  spiritual 
power  of  the  priests  dependent  on  their  good  or  bad  con- 
duct ;  and  finally  he  even  dared  to  attack  the  dogmas  of  the 
Church  and  denied  transubstantiation  in  the  Eucharist,  the 
necessity  of  confession  and  baptism,  and  the  value  of  a  reli- 


412  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  Vlll. 

gious  ceremony  in  marriage,  etc.  One  of  his  acts  which 
bore  the  most  important  consequences  was  the  translation 
of  the  Bible  into  English,  and  by  this  means  the  admission 
of  all  to  the  reading  and  interpretation  of  the  holy  books. 
A  certain  Lollard,  who  was  burned  at  Cologne  by  the  inqui- 
sition in  1322,  had  already  preceded  Wycliffe  on  this  path, 
and  it  was  by  his  name  that  the  people  who  adopted  these 
ideas,  and  who  mainly  lived  in  the  country,  were  called.* 
Some  of  Wycliffe's  disciples  extended  his  ideas  into  the 
region  of  politics  and  one  of  the  most  famous  of  these  was 
John  Ball.f  A  foolish  priest  in  Kent,  named  John  Ball,  had 
preached  to  the  peasants  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  world 
there  were  no  slaves,  and  that  therefore  no  one  could  be 
reduced  to  slavery  unless  he  had  betrayed  his  lord  as  Luci- 
fer betrayed  God.  They  were  neither  angels  nor  demons, 
but  men  created  in  the  image  of  their  Lord.  Why  then 
should  they  be  treated  like  beasts  ?  Why,  if  they  worked, 
should  they  not  be  paid  for  it  ? 

"  When  Adam  delved  and  Eve  span, 
Who  was  then  the  gentleman  ?  " 

The  explosion  of  these  ferments  was  finally  provoked  by 
one  of  those  violent  acts  which  have  stirred  up  so  many 
revolutions.  A  collector  of  taxes  insulted  the  daughter  of 
a  blacksmith,  Wat  Tyler,  J  who  stretched  him  at  his  feet  with 
a  blow  from  his  hammer.  All  the  villeins  of  Suffolk,  Nor- 
folk, Essex,  Sussex,  and  other  counties  rallied  at  the  call  of 
the  men  of  Kent  and  declared  that  they  would  no  longer  be 
slaves.  Sixty  thousand  assembled  at  the  gates  of  London 
on  Blackheath  (1381),  entered  the  city,  took  the  tower  and 
put  to  death  the  chancellor,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
as  an  oppressor  of  the  people.  Their  demands  were,  however, 
moderate  ;  they  required  the  abolition  of  serfdom,  the  liberty 
to  buy  and  sell  in  the  fairs  and  markets,  a  general  amnesty, 
and,  what  was  less  reasonable,  the  reduction  of  rents  to  a 
uniform  rate.     The  king  had  an  interview  with  Wat  Tyler  at 

*  The  origin  of  the  word  Lollard  is  not  known.  Another  and  perhaps 
more  probable  derivation  would  make  it  mean  "an  idle  babbler." — Ed. 

f  Ball  was  an  agitator  before  Wycliffe  began  his  teaching.  W^ycliffe 
had  personally  no  connection  with  the  peasant  revolt. — Ed. 

X  There  were  many  different  Tylers  connected  apparently  wilh  this  re- 
volt. The  incident  narrated  of  Wat  Tyler  has  no  real  connection  with  its 
outbreak.— Ed. 


Chap.  XXVII.]    THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  4^3 

Smithfield.  The  blacksmith  seems  to  have  played  with  his 
dagger  rather  proudly  and  to  have  been  about  to  seize  the 
bridle  of  the  king's  horse,  when  the  lord  mayor,  fearing  a 
hostile  design,  plunged  his  sword  into  his  breast.  This 
death  disconcerted  the  rebels  momentarily.  The  young 
King  Richard  II.  seized  this  opportunity  and  urging  his 
horse  into  the  midst  of  them,  said  :  "  IMy  friends,  now  that 
Wat  Tyler  is  dead  you  have  no  longer  any  leader  but  me." 
These  words  from  a  king  of  fifteen  years  filled  the  people 
with  enthusiasm,  and  they  cried  out,  "  Long  live  King  Rich- 
ard !  "  and  received  charters  of  emancipation  sealed  with 
the  royal  seal.  They  had  hardly  dispersed,  however,  before 
the  promises  were  disregarded.  John  Ball  and  1500  of  his 
followers  were  executed,  and  Wycliffe  was  summoned  before 
a  council  and  forced  to  retract  his  previous  statements. 
But  this  work  was  not  wholly  in  vain,  and  was  later  of  assis- 
tance to  the  reformation.* 

After   an  unsuccessful    military   expedition   against  the 
Scotch  in  1385,  who   were   sustained  by  the  French,  new 

troubles  of  a  different  character  broke  out  in 

Deposition  of    England.     Richard   demanded   from  Parlia- 

a  c'c  e  s s  i  o  n"of    mcnt  subsidics  to  resist  a  projected  invasion 

Ll"n^cilte°r    ^^  ^'^^  French  :  it  was  replied  to  him  that  he 

(1399J.  had  only  to  make  his  favorites  disgorge,  and 

he  would  have  money  enough  to  raise  an 
army.  He  threatened  and  inveighed,  and  said  he  would 
seek  a  reconciliation  with  the  king  of  France  and  arrange 
with  him  to  punish  his  rebellious  subjects  ;  but  the  parlia- 
ment was  firm,  for  it  was  supported  by  the  uncles  of  the 
king  and  all  the  nobility  of  the  kingdom.  John  of  Gaunt, 
Duke  of  Lancaster,  was  then  in  Spain  trying  vainly  to  en- 
force his  claims  to  the  crown  of  Castile,  to  which  he  pre- 
tended to  have  a  right  :  the  other  two,  the  dukes  of  York 
and  Gloucester,  and  especially  the  latter,  who  was  very  pop- 
ular, put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  formidable  oppo- 
sition formed  against  the  two  favorites  of  the  king,  Robert 
de  Vere,  Duke  of  Ireland,  and  Michael  de  la  Pole,  the 
chancellor.  The  latter  was  impeached  by  the  lords  and 
condemned  to  the  loss  of  his  office.  The  parliament  of 
1386   went  even  farther,  and  instituted   a   commission   of 

*  Wycliffe  made  no  retraction,  and  he  was  not  seriously  molested. — 
Ed. 


414  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

government  composed  of  creatures  of  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cester, and  when  the  kuig  tried  to  get  rid  of  them  the  duke 
took  up  arms,  defeated  the  royal  troops,  and  had  the 
ministers  of  the  kmg  condemned  to  death,  and  two  of  them 
were  executed  (1388). 

An  energetic  step  seems  to  have  saved  the  king  a  second 
time.  In  1389  he  dismissed  his  council,  declaring  that  he  no 
longer  needed  any  guardians,  and  by  flattering  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster  was  able  to  restrain  the  turbulent  Duke  of  Glouces- 
ter, But  his  foolish  prodigalities  and  his  violence  revived 
the  spirit  of  faction  and  the  legitimate  fears  of  England. 
He  could  no  longer  borrow  any  money.  The  city  of  Lon- 
don had  refused  him  a  loan  of  a  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
He  obtained  the  money  he  used  for  his  pleasures  from  gra- 
tuitous or  really  forced  gifts.  A  contemporary  says  of  him  : 
"  There  was  not  a  single  lord,  prelate,  gentleman,  or  rich 
citizen  who  had  not  been  forced  to  lend  the  king  some 
money,  which  they  well  knew  he  would  neither  wish  nor  be 
able  to  repay."  Surrounded  by  a  guard  of  10,000  archers, 
he  ruled  without  a  thought  of  the  laws  of  the  kingdom. 

For  several  years  matters  went  on  in  this  way,  and  in 
1397  Richard  thought  himself  strong  enough  to  get  rid  of 
Gloucester.  He  sought  him  out  on  one  of  his  estates, 
invited  him  to  accompany  him  to  London  on  some  pressing 
business,  and  had  him  kidnapped  on  the  way  thither,  thrown 
into  a  vessel  and  carried  to  Calais,  where  one  night  he  was 
smothered  between  two  mattresses.  It  was  given  out  that 
he  had  died  suddenly.  The  Earl  of  Arundel  was  executed, 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  exiled  to  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  condemned  to  banishment. 

Richard  believed  that  he  had  now  avenged  his  long  years 
of  humiliation,  and  had  succeeded  in  assuming  his  power. 
One  man,  however,  still  caused  him  some  anxiety  ;  Henry 
of  Bolingbroke,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  him  he 
banished.  On  the  death  of  his  father  (1399)  he  did  not 
allow  the  son  to  receive  his  inheritance,  and  appropriated 
the  lands  of  this  wealthy  house. 

But  Henry,  on  being  banished  and  despoiled,  did  not 
remain  inactive.  He  formed  a  conspiracy  at  Paris,  and 
acted  in  concert  with  the  principal  peers  of  England. 
Three  frail  vessels  carried  him  and  his  men  to  Ravenspur, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Humber.  Here  he  was  joined  by  his 
uncle,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  by  the  earls  of  Westmoreland 


Chap.  XXVII. ]   THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  4^5 

and  Northumberland,  and  succeeded  in  entering  London 
and  occupying  almost  the  whole  country  before  Richard, 
who  was  then  suppressing  a  rebellion  in  Ireland,  had  even 
heard  of  his  arrival.  When  the  wretched  king  arrived  in 
England  every  one  had  abandoned  him.  He  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Lancaster,  and  a  deputation  of  the  lords  and  com- 
mons forced  him  to  read  the  following  declaration  in  a  loud 
voice  :  "  I  confess  and  acknowledge,  according  to  my  inmost 
thoughts,  and  declare  in  conscience  that  I  consider  myself 
to  have  been  and  still  to  be  incapable  of  governing  this 
kingdom,  and  that  my  notorious  faults  make  me  worthy  of 
deposition."  The  parliament  drew  up  a  bill  of  impeach- 
ment in  thirty- three  articles,  in  which  he  was  accused  of 
unjust  revenge  and  of  violation  of  the  laws  and  privileges 
of  the  nation,  and  his  deposition  was  pronounced.  Then 
Henry  of  Lancaster  rose  and  said :  '*  In  the  name  of 
Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  I,  Henry  of  Lancaster,  chal- 
lenge this  realm  of  England  and  the  crown  with  all  the 
members  and  the  appurtenances,  as  that  I  am  descended 
by  right  line  of  the  blood  from  the  good  King  Henry  III., 
and  through  that  right  that  God  by  his  grace  hath  sent  me, 
with  the  help  of  kin  and  of  my  friends  to  recover  it,  the  which 
realm  was  in  point  to  be  undone  by  default  of  governance 
and  undoing  of  good  laws."  Henry  of  Lancaster  thus 
established  his  right  on  the  double  foundation  of  heredity 
and  of  public  weal.  He  was  recognized  as  king  under  the 
name  of  Henry  IV.  (1399). 

When  Henry  IV.  usurped  the  crown  he  not  only  passed 
over  Richard  II.  but  also  over  the  descendants  of  Lionel, 
Duke  of  Clarence,  the  third  son  of  Edward  III.,  to  whom 
the  throne  should  legitimately  have  fallen.  The  wars  of 
the  Roses  were  the  result  of  this  usurpation.  The  head  of 
the  house  of  Lancaster  spent  all  his  reign  in  strengthening 
his  dynasty,  and  to  do  this  he  recognized  the  rights  of  Par- 
liament, that  he  might  put  his  reliance  upon  it.  In  spite  of 
this  wise  policy  of  the  first  Lancaster,  who  contributed 
greatly  to  the  establishment  of  the  parliamentary  rule  in 
England,  he  had  to  contend  against  various  revolts.  The 
first  of  these,  which  was  in  behalf  of  the  deposed  king, 
Richard  II.,  was  successfully  quelled  and  he  died,  as  it 
was  believed,  assassinated  in  his  prison  (1400)  ;  but  an- 
other more  formidable  one  was  carried  on  by  the  Welsh. 
A  lord  of  Wales,  Owen  Glendower,  in  consequence  of  a 


41 6  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

decision  against  him  by  the  English  parliament  in  a  lawsuit, 
forcibly  kidnapped  the  Anglo-Norman  lord  with  whom  he 
was  at  law.  This  was  the  signal  for  an  insurrection,  which 
was  stirred  up  by  the  bards,  who  had  been  persecuted  for  a 
long  time.  The  Welsh  found  allies  in  the  two  Percys,  the 
sons  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  who  had  been 
offended  by  Henry  IV.  This  formidable  insurrection  was 
ended  in  the  king's  favor  by  the  victory  of  Shrewsbury 
(1403),  but  the  country  of  Wales  was  only  gradually  sub- 
dued. Nevertheless  the  victor,  after  a  very  disturbed  reign, 
realized  that  great  foreign  expeditions  would  be  the  only 
means  of  assuaging  the  spirit  of  revolt  of  the  barons,  and 
that  great  victories  alone  could  command  their  respect. 
Shakespeare  represents  him  on  his  death-bed  as  advising 
his  son,  in  noble  words,  to  resume  the  war  with  France  in 
order  to  renew  the  laurels  of  Crecy  and  Poitiers  to  the 
glory  of  the  house  of  Lancaster.  He  was  worthy  of  this 
homage  of  the  king  of  English  poets,  from  his  own  and  his 
father's  friendship  for  the  first  great  poet  of  England, 
Geoffrey  Chaucer. 

The    son  to  whom  Henry  IV.  bequeathed  the  task  of 
making  these  conquests  was  a  singular  kind  of  prince.     At 

twenty-five  years  of  age  he  was  no  better  than 
"  ^("4130  ^     ^^^  worst  subject   of   the    kingdom  he  was 

going  to  govern.  His  intimate  friends  were 
a  few  dissipated  nobles  who  were  deeply  in  debt, — Falstaff 
is  a  remarkable  type  of  them, — and  he  even  associated  with 
highway  robbers  and  passed  his  life  in  debauchery  and 
brigandage.  Not  that  his  character  was  naturally  disposed 
to  these  coarse  vices,  but  he  plunged  into  them  out  of  Eng- 
lish eccentricity  and  for  a  pastime.  When  his  father  died 
he  changed  completely  ;  the  frequenter  of  taverns  and  the 
breaker  of  doors  became  a  wise,  grave,  severe,  and  devout 
king.  He  heaped  favors  upon  William  Gascoigne,  a  judge 
who  had  once  sent  him  to  prison  ;  *  he  showed  great  clem- 
ency and  paid  fitting  honors  to  the  remains  of  Richard  II., 
and  after  having  made  peace  with  the  public  opinion  by  this 
good  beginning,  he  declared  that  he  would  cross  over  to 


•*The  stories  of  the  youthful  dissipations  of  Henry  V.  are  pure  legend. 
The  one  concerning  Gascoigne  appears  to  be  based  on  a  fact  in  the  life 
of  the  eldest  son  of  Edward  I  ,  which  later  legends  attached  to  sons  both 
of  Henry  IV.  and  of  Henry  VII. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXVII.]    THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  ITAR.  417 

France  as  soon  as  an  opportunity  offered  for  an  English 
attack. 

France  had  had  a  minor  as  king  at  the  same  time  with 
England.      But    in    England    this    minority    ended    when 

Richard  II.  grew  up,  while  in  France  the 
chaTfes"v^/  king  had  passed  from  one  childhood  into 
(1380-1422);  pop-  another.  Of  all  eras  of  the  history  of  France 
uons.  '"^"'■'■^''"    this  one  is  the  saddest  and  most  wretched. 

At  other  times  there  has  been  as  much  and 
more  bloodshed,  but  never  this  extraordinary  and  memor- 
able spectacle  of  a  madman  upon  the  throne.  There  was 
discord  in  the  religious  orders,  for  the  Babylonian  captivity 
had  only  ended  by  giving  rise  to  the  great  schism  of  the 
West,  and  while  Urban  VI.  had  restored  the  Papacy  to 
Rome,  France  recognized  Clement  VII.  as  Pope  at  Avignon. 
In  the  civil  orders  there  were  a  thousand  elements  of  dread, 
which  had  been  held  in  check  by  the  weak  but  skillful  hand 
of  Charles  V.,  but  which  now  were  fermenting  and  appear- 
ing everywhere  from  the  seat  of  the  government  to  the  very 
heart  of  the  country.  The  four  selfish  and  greedy  uncles 
of  the  king,  the  dukes  of  Anjou,  Berry,  Burgundy,  and 
Bourbon  (the  latter  a  maternal  uncle),  wrangled  over  the 
public  treasury  and  the  taxes,  not  in  order  to  use  them  for 
the  good  of  the  state  but  for  their  own  personal  ambitions. 
The  Duke  of  Berry  wished  to  retain  the  government  of 
Languedoc  in  spite  of  the  hatred  which  had  been  kindled 
there  by  his  exactions  ;  the  Duke  of  Anjou  seized  the  royal 
treasure  almost  before  Charles  V.  had  closed  his  eyes  for 
the  last  time,  and  soon  after  being  invested  with  the  king- 
dom of  Sicily  by  the  Pope  at  Avignon,  went  thither  to  die 
in  the  kingdom  which  he  was  unable  to  conquer.  During 
this  time  the  peasants  rose  in  Poitou,  the  Limousin,  and 
Auvergne,  and  the  great  communes  of  Flanders  and  of  the 
north  of  France  revolted.  In  1382  the  people  at  Paris,  irri- 
tated by  the  double  taxes  imposed  by  the  Duke  of  Anjou  on 
commerce,  armed  themselves  with  mallets  and  massacred 
the  collectors  of  the  impost.  Rouen  followed  in  the  steps 
of  Paris,  and  repeated  the  action  of  the  Jacquerie  by 
creating  themselves  a  king  ;  a  merchant  draper  became 
king  of  Rouen. 

These  popular  movements  were  no  longer  isolated  as  at 
the  beginning  of  the  communal  revolution  ;  they  were  in 
close  correspondence  and   were  supported  by  each  other. 


41 8  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

Ghent  was  the  center  of  the  movement.  "All  was  settled 
and  arranged  after  the  manner  of  the  citizens  of  Ghent  ; 
and  the  communes  throughout  the  entire  world  declared 
that  the  citizens  of  Ghent  were  worthy  people,  and  that  they 
valiantly  sustained  their  liberties,  wherefore  they  should  be 
loved  and  honored  by  all  men."  Ghent  with  its  400,000  in- 
habitants was  led  by  Philip  van  Artevelde,  who  was  no  less 
celebrated  than  his  father  James.  The  city  rose  against 
her  Count  Louis  de  Male,  who  governed  the  country  with 
cruelty.  With  5000  chosen  men,  Philip  defeated  the  40,000 
men  of  the  count  near  Bruges,  and  the  latter  just  escaped 
being  taken  prisoner.  This  success  made  Philip  master  of 
the  whole  of  Flanders,  and  the  fame  of  it  spread  far  and 
wide.  The  nobility  were  alarmed  by  the  victory  of  the 
great  commune,  and  felt  the  need  of  combining  and  strik- 
ing a  blow  at  the  heart  of  the  movement  to  preserve  them- 
selves from  general  destruction.  The  king  of  France 
started  for  the  country,  followed  by  all  the  knights  and 
gentlemen  of  his  kingdom.  The  English  nobility,  sacri- 
ficing their  national  interests  to  their  class  interests,  de- 
cided not  to  help  the  faithful  allies  of  England,  and  Arte- 
velde was  not  able  to  make  a  successful  defense.  He  set 
out  with  50,000  men.  The  war  was  so  terrible  that  no  life 
was  to  be  spared  but  that  of  the  king,  and  he  was  a  child 
and  should  be  forgiven.  These  poor  people  of  Flanders 
wished  "  to  teach  him  to  speak  and  be  Flemish."  But  this 
time  the  nobles  were  able  to  take  their  revenge  at  Roose- 
bek.  The  unwise  disposition  of  the  Flemish  infantry 
caused  its  overthrow  ;  it  was  an  enormously  thick  mass 
and  perfectly  unwieldy  ;  26,000  men  fell,  most  of  whom 
were  crushed  to  death.  Artevelde  and  the  whole  battalion 
of  Ghent  were  left  on  the  field  (1382).  Flanders  was,  how- 
ever, not  entirely  crushed,  and  a  new  insurrection  now 
broke  out,  this  time  with  the  assistance  of  the  English, 
which  brought  the  king  of  France  back  to  the  country. 
The  death  of  the  Count  Louis  de  Male  changed  the  situa- 
tion of  affairs.  In  the  name  of  his  wife,  Philip  the  Bold, 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  inherited  the  counties  of  Flanders, 
Artois,  Burgundy,*  Nevers,  and  Rethel  (1384).  He  re- 
ceived the  oath  of  fealty  of  the   Flemings,  and  promised  in 

*  The  county  of  Burgundy,  FrancheComte,  joined  the  duchy  on  the 
east  and  was  a  fief  of  the  empire. — Ed, 


Chap.  XXVII.]     THE  HUAWRED   YEARS  WAR.  419 

return  to  respect  their  liberties.  This  was  an  event  of  great 
importance,  for  after  this  time  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
though  prince  of  the  blood,  was  involved  by  his  new  sub- 
jects in  a  course  hostile  to  France,  and  in  an  alliance 
with  the  English. 

The  battle  of  Roosebek  had  struck  a  blow  not  at  the 
Flemings  alone,  but  also  at  all  the  rebellious  communes  of 
France.  The  French  nobility  returned  to  Paris  highly  elated 
by  their  victory.  Thirty  thousand  Parisians  advanced  under 
arms,  not  to  fight  them,  but  to  act  as  a  cortege  to  Charles 
VI.  This  act  of  submission  did  not  disarm  the  young  king, 
and  bloody  executions,  confiscations,  and  the  abolition  of 
the  municipal  offices  and  the  corporations  signalized  the 
re-establishment  of  the  government  of  the  king.  The  same 
course  was  pursued  at  Rouen,  Chalons,  Rheims,  Troyes, 
and  Orleans:  for  this  great  movement  had  extended  through- 
out the  whole  kingdom.  Even  Toulouse  had  taken  part  in 
it.  "  If  the  king  of  France  had  been  defeated  in  Flanders, 
we  can  well  believe  that  the  whole  nobility  and  gentry  would 
have  been  destroyed  in  France  and  in  the  other  countries  as 
well  ;  the  Jacquerie  was  never  so  great  or  so  terrible  as  this 
insurrection."  Thus  Froissart,  the  historian  of  the  Middle 
Ages  and  the  great  partisan  of  the  feudal  nobility,  consid- 
ered the  battle  of  Roosebek  to  have  saved  the  social  order 
of  his  times. 

This  social  order  was  especially  distinguished  by  the 
absence  in  its  leaders  of  all  national  sentiment,  by  their  per- 
sonal views,  their  spirit  of  adventure,  their  vain  and  rash 
expenditure  of  the  public  strength,  or,  in  one  word,  the 
wasting  of  the  resources  of  France  by  a  few  princes  of  the 
blood,  who  were  covetous  of  foreign  kingdoms  and  cared 
little  or  nothing  for  the  prosperity  of  their  own  country. 
In  1386  a  great  expedition  was  planned  against  England, 
and  taxes  were  laid  upon  the  people  which  were  so  heavy 
that  many  of  the  inhabitants  were  driven  from  the  country. 
Finally  preparations  were  made  on  a  gigantic  scale  :  1400 
vessels  were  brought  together  from  all  directions,  and  20,000 
knights,  20,000  cross-bowmen,  20,000  foot-soldiers,  and  a 
crowd  of  adventurers  were  collected.  A  city  of  wood,  3000 
feet  in  diameter,  was  loaded  on  72  vessels  piece  by  piece, 
and  was  to  be  erected  on  landing  on  the  coast  of  England. 
When  this  was  all  ready,  the  Duke  of  Berry  did  not  appear 
&nd  the  season  passed  ;   the  expedition  did  not  start,  and  the 


420  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

army  which  was  to  have  conquered  England  ravaged  the 
provinces  of  the  north  of  France.  The  same  enterprise  was 
undertaken  the  following  year,  and  with  the  same  result. 
After  this  an  expedition  to  Germany  was  planned  against 
the  Duke  of  Gueldres,  an  enemy  of  the  new  Count  of  Flan- 
ders. The  king  conducted  it  himself,  and  though  it  con- 
sisted of  80,000  men,  it  all  came  to  nothing.  A  little  later 
Louis  II.  of  Anjou  found  his  ruin  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
instead  of  conquering  it  ;  and  almost  at  the  same  time  the 
French  nobility,  not  content  with  their  defeats  at  Crecy  and 
Poitiers,  went  to  seek  another  at  Nicopolis,  on  the  banks  of 
the  Danube  (1396).     (See  Chapter  XXXI.) 

To  account  for  this  confusion  and  disorder  in  the  affairs  of 

the  kingdom  one  would  naturally  assume  that  the  king  must 

have  been  mad,  and  this  was  the  case.     In 

chTrT/s  v/.    1392,  Charles  VI.  was  marching  into  Brittany 

C1392) ;    assass-    ^q  avcngc  the  attempted  assassination  of  his 

ination    of    the  '^  ^  1        1       r   /-.  1 

DukeofOrieans  constablc  Clisson,  by  the  lord  of  Craon,  who 
mSicf" an  d  ^ad  taken  refuge  with  the  Duke  John  IV. 
the  Burgun-  When  crossing  the  forest  of  Mans  under  a 
hot  sun,  and  heavily  dressed,  that  is,  under 
all  the  conditions  conducive  to  cerebral  congestion  for  a 
head  which  was  already  weak,  he  saw  a  beggar  dash  at  the 
head  of  his  horse,  crying,  "  Return,  you  are  betrayed  !  " 
The  clashing  of  an  iron  spear  behind  him  made  him  think 
that  he  was  about  to  be  assassinated,  and  turning  he  killed  four 
of  his  suite.  He  had  lost  his  reason,  and  during  thirty  years 
had  only  rare  intervals  of  lucidity.  The  government  was 
disputed  by  two  parties  :  one  was  led  by  the  brother  of  the 
king,  Louis  Duke  of  Orleans,  a  young  and  brilliant  prince, 
generous  but  dissipated,  of  light  morals  and  contemptuous 
of  the  people,  though  in  other  respects  he  was  a  good 
Frenchman,  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  English,  and  an  enemy 
also  of  the  University,  the  great  democratic  body,  both  wise 
and  disputatious,  whose  sharp  and  sombre  humor  could  not 
accord  with  his  character.  Opposing  him  was  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  a  severe  and  gloomy  man,  who  was  accustomed 
to  flatter  the  people  of  Flanders,  as  he  needed  them  for  his 
financial  necessities,  and  who  was  impelled  by  them  to  sus- 
tain the  democratic  cause  everywhere,  and  was  in  conse- 
quence allied  with  the  citizens  of  Paris  and  the  University, 
and  by  reason  of  his  Flemish  interests  allied  also  with  the 
English.     The  Duke  of  Orleans  had  no  resources  save  in 


Chap.  XXVIL]     THE  HUNDRED   YEARS  WAR.  421 

the  taxes  which  he  imposed  upon  the  people  of  Paris,  in  the 
name  of  the  royal  government.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  rich  from  his  own  States,  and  asked 
nothing  from  the  Parisians,  and  would  even  willingly  have 
forbade  their  paying  anything.  This  antagonism  did  not 
come  to  open  violence  until  after  1404,  when  John  the  Fear- 
•less  succeeded  Philip  the  Bold.  The  rivalry  then  threat- 
ened to  turn  into  a  civil  war  in  the  heart  of  Paris.  Each 
one  assembled  his  men-at-arms  and  fortified  his  hotel  with 
the  intention  of  fighting,  but  peace  was  made  between  them. 
The  hatred,  however,  was  too  bitter  for  this  to  endure,  at 
least  on  the  part  of  John  the  Fearless,  who  had  a  less  com- 
pliant disposition  than  his  cousin.  He  was  at  the  table 
with  Louis  and  hypocritically  received  the  sacrament  with 
him,  and  three  days  later  had  him  assassinated  as  he  was 
leaving  the  king's  palace  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening 
(1407).  The  citizens  of  Paris  and  of  Flanders  approved  of 
this  murder  ;  John  the  Fearless  owned  to  it  proudly,  and 
found  a  theologian,  John  Petit,  to  write  his  apology.  The 
king  was  made  to  declare  that  his  brother  had  been  justly 
put  out  of  the  world,  and  Valentine  of  Milan,  who  had  de- 
manded vengeance  for  the  murder  of  her  husband,  died 
without  obtaining  it.  The  power  of  John  the  Fearless  was 
confirmed  by  the  bloody  victory  of  Hasbain,  where  25,000 
citizens  of  Liege  were  killed. 

This  power,  however,  provoked  a  reaction.  Charles  the 
new  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  the  dukes  of  Berry,  of  Bourbon, 
and  of  Brittany  formed  a  league  together  with  Bernard  VII. 
Count  of  Armagnac,  the  most  powerful  lord  in  the  South. 
The  young  Duke  of  Orleans  married  the  daughter  of  Ber- 
nard, and  the  latter  by  his  talents  and  power  became  the 
chief  of  the  party  of  the  Armagnacs  (1410).  This  lord 
of  the  Pyrenees  was  joined  by  Gascon  adventurers  who 
were  in  search  of  fortune,  and  who  were  filled  with 
hatred  of  the  men  of  the  North,  and  contempt  for  the  mad 
king  who  was  revered  and  pitied  by  the  latter.  John 
opposed  these  Southerners  with  a  force  of  Picards,  Braban- 
90ns  and  Lorrainers.  The  king  was  in  the  power  of  the 
Burgundian  faction  which  controlled  Paris  ;  the  other,  the 
real  French  party,  already  found  its  support,  as  it  did  later, 
in  the  country  to  the  south  of  the  Loire.  John  the  Fear- 
less ruled  Paris  only  by  giving  it  over  to  demagogy  and  to 
the  party  of  the  butchers.    The  head  of  the  faction  was  the 


42  2  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

flayer  Caboche,  its  orator  the  surgeon  John  of  Troyes. 
These  men  assumed  the  cross  of  Burgundy  and  dictated 
their  will  to  the  council  of  the  king.  Paris  recovered  her 
ancient  privileges  which  she  had  lost  in  1382.  The  Arma- 
gnacs  were  everywhere  driven  out,  pursued  and  killed  like 
wild  beasts.  The  people  of  Paris  were  drawn  on  to  cruel- 
ties which  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  did  not  dare  restrain. 
He  renewed  his  alliance  with  the  people  of  Ghent,  and 
showed  his  intention  of  extending  democracy  everywhere. 
We  must  also  mention  as  an  act  of  great  importance,  the 
Cabochian  Ordinance,  due  mainly  to  the  University,  by 
which,  with  as  much  wisdom  as  boldness,  happy  reforms 
were  decreed  for  all  departments  of  the  administration  of 
the  kingdom.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  ordinance  of 
reformation  was  abolished  almost  as  soon  as  it  was  de- 
creed. 

But  the  excesses  of  the  Cabochian  party  and  the  revolu- 
tionary state  of  the  city  wearied  its  inhabitants.  Nine  of 
the  twelve  quarters  declared  for  a  compromise  with  the  Ar- 
magnacs,  who  re-entered  the  city  (1413),  while  the  butchers 
were  put  to  flight.  This  was  a  change  from  one  tyranny  to 
another.  The  Armagnacs,  with  their  aristocratic  spirit  and 
their  contempt  for  the  people,  treated  Paris  like  a  con- 
quered city,  silenced  the  University,  re-established  the  old 
regime,  and  revived  the  hatred  of  the  English,  which  for 
them  was  at  the  same  time  the  hatred  of  the  spirit  of  lib- 
erty by  which  England  was  already  being  inspired.  Thus 
when  Richard  II.  was  deposed  the  Duke  of  Orleans  refused 
to  recognize  Henry  IV.  The  interests  of  liberty  and  the 
interests  of  the  nation  were  opposed  in  France  at  this  time. 
The  latter  interests  were  the  most  urgent,  in  order  that  the 
country  might  acquire  force  and  unity.  It  is  this  question 
which  was  to  be  debated  in  the  new  period  of  the  Hundred 
Years  War,  and  which  was  decided  by  the  triumph  of  the 
French  nationality. 

To  strengthen  his  power  Henry  V.  needed  a  war  with 
France,  which  country,  moreover,  was  now  governed  by 
the  party  which  had  refused  to  recognize 
opensThe  war  the  legitimacy  of  his  father  Henry  IV.  He 
^415?.  The^ba'^t-  demanded  the  fulfillment  of  the  treaty  of 
tie  of  Agin-  Bretigny  and  the  hand  of  Catharine,  the 
'^°"'^*'  daughter  of  Charles  VI.     When  these  were 

refused    him  he  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the    Seine   and 


Chap.  XXVII.]      THE  HUNDRED    YEARS  WAR.  423 

took  Harfleur.  An  epidemic  forced  him  to  change  his  route 
and  to  turn  toward  Calais  as  Edward  III.  had  done  before 
him.  Instead  of  taking-  the  measures  necessary  to  check 
his  progress  the  court  of  France  sent  after  him  one  of  those 
great  feudal  armies  such  as  it  had  so  often  collected  during 
the  century.  The  army  consisted  of  about  80,000  men. 
Henry  V.  had  only  20,000.  A  battle  was  fought  at  Agin- 
court,  under  conditions  as  unfavorable  to  the  French  as 
those  at  Crecy.  The  feet  of  their  horses  stuck  fast  in  the 
deep  and  heavy  mud.  Disorder,  lack  of  discipline,  and 
tumult  reigned  in  the  French  army,  order  and  piety  in  the 
English.  Henry  V.  pretended  to  be  sent  by  God  to  punish 
"  the  disorders,  excesses,  sins  and  vices  which  were  visible 
in  the  kingdom  of  France."  He  was  closely  allied  with 
the  Church  and  found  a  great  assistance  in  this  alliance. 
France  was  still  schismatic,  and  sustained  the  pope  of 
Avignon  against  the  pope  of  Rome.  Their  belief  in  the 
mission  of  their  king  added  to  the  ordinary  coolness  of 
the  English.  Henry  V.  went  about  on  foot  without  any 
state,  and  ordered  everything  with  calmness.  He  placed 
his  archers  in  the  front  ranks  of  his  army.  The  Saxon 
arrows  again  had  a  fine  field  in  the  masses  of  horses  which 
could  hardly  move.  When  the  confusion  was  sufficient  the 
archers  advanced,  knife  in  hand,  and  set  to  work  to  kill  the 
horsemen  who  had  been  unhorsed  and  were  encumbered  by 
their  armor  :  10,000  Frenchmen  perished,  most  of  them 
gentlemen,  among  them  120  great  nobles  and  7  princes. 
The  English  lost  only  about  1600  dead.  The  nobility  had 
never  before  been  weakened  by  such  a  terrible  wound. 
This  was  a  third  and  decisive  condemnation  of  the  feudal 
armies,  which  were  good  in  a  former  age,  but  which  hence- 
forth were  powerless  (1415). 

The  disaster  of  Agincourt  discredited  the  government 
of  the  Armagnacs,  who  were  only  able  to  maintain  them- 
selves in  Paris  by  violent  means.  In  1418  a  conspiracy 
opened  the  gates  of  Paris  to  the  Burgundians  ;  with  them 
the  butchers  returned,  and  with  the  butchers,  massacres. 
The  slaughter  of  the  Armagnacs  deluged  Paris  in  blood. 
During  twenty-eight  hours  a  butchery  of  from  1600  to  3000 
victims  went  on  in  the  prisons.  The  count  of  Armagnac 
was  among  this  number,  and  as  Charles  of  Orleans  had  been 
taken  prisoner  at  Agincourt,  the  Orleans  party  was  left 
with  no  other  leader  than  the  Dauphin  Charles,  who  separ- 


424  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

ated  himself  from  his  father,  the  king,  who  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  Burgundians.  These  governed  no  better 
than  the  Armagnacs.  If  the  Armagnacs  lost  the  battle  of 
Agincourt,  the  Burgundians  were  to  lose  Rouen,  which, 
however,  did  not  open  its  gates  till  one  third  of  its  popu- 
lation had  perished.  Its  leader,  Alain  Blanchard,  was  less 
fortunate  than  Eustace  of  Saint  Pierre,  for  his  patriotism 
cost  him  his  head  (141 9).  Thus,  through  the  equal  impo- 
tence of  both  the  parties  which  governed  her,  France  was 
about  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  foreigners. 

This  disaster  was  precipitated  by  another  assassination. 
John  the  Fearless  was  enticed  to  an  interview  on  the  bridge 
of  Montereau,  and  was  killed  there  by  Tanneguy-Duchatel 
at  the  instigation  of  the  dauphin.  This  indolent  young- 
prince,  plunged  in  the  pursuit  of  pleasure,  thought  by  this 
treacherous  crime  to  become  sole  master  of  the  government, 
but  exactly  the  reverse  took  place.  He  aroused  a  feelmg 
of  pity  for  his  victim  and  horror  for  himself  in  the  minds  of 
the  people.  The  alliance  of  the  Burgundians  with  the 
English  astonished  no  one.  The  Parisians,  decimated  by 
a  terrible  famine,  found  a  pretext  for  going  over  to  the 
English  party,  which  alone  could  rescue  them  from  misery. 
"  Rather  the  English,  than  the  Armagnacs,"  said  they.  A 
century  later  a  Carthusian  friar  of  Dijon  showed  Francis  I. 
the  tomb  of  John  the  Fearless,  saying,  "  This  great  wound 
by  means  of  which  the  English  entered  France."  Soon 
afterwards  the  treaty  of  Troyes  (1420)  was  signed,  by  which 
Henry  V.  was  recognized  as  heir  of  Charles  VI.,  and  the 
dauphin  was  excluded  from  the  succession.  The  queen. 
Isabel  of  Bavaria,  for  a  pension  of  2000  francs  a  month 
consented  to  this  treaty,  which  was  hardly  a  reproach  to 
Philip  the  Good,  who  was  avenging  his  father,  or  to  Charles 
VI.,  who  did  not  know  what  he  was  doing,  but  doubly  so 
to  her,  the  unnatural  mother  who  could  write  the  following 
words:  "The  so-called  dauphin  of  Viennois,"  and  "our 
son  the  king  Henry."  At  any  rate,  except  for  the  country 
on  the  banks  of  the  Loire  and  a  few  cities  in  Burgundy, 
almost  the  whole  of  France  did  the  same.  The  States 
General  recognized  Henry  V.  as  heir ;  and  the  parlia- 
ment proceeded  judicially  against  Charles  of  Valois,  the 
dauphin  of  Viennois,  and  declared  him  banished  from 
the  kingdom  and  unworthy  of  succeeding  to  any  seignory. 
The  great  lords,  both  temporal  and  spiritual,  gave  their 


Chap.  XXVIL]     THE  HUNDRED   YEARS  WAR.  425 

oath  of  fidelity  to  the  new  heir  without  any  conscientious 
scruples. 

Henry  V.  married  Catherine,  the  daughter  of  Charles  VI. 
But  his  troubles  were  already  beginning  ;  he  was  attacked 
by  disease,  and  foresaw  the  future  fate  of  his  conquest 
when  he  should  be  no  more.  When  the  birth  of  his  son 
was  announced  to  him  he  said,  "  Henry  of  Monmouth," 
speaking  of  himself,  "  will  have  reigned  but  few  years  and 
conquered  much  ;  Henry  of  Windsor  will  reign  long  and 
lose  all  :  may  God's  will  be  done!"  He  died  August  31, 
1422,  leaving  the  regency  in  the  hands  of  his  brother 
Bedford,  whom  he  commanded  never  to  enter  into  any 
negotiations  with  the  dauphin,  and  to  preserve  peace  with 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  On  the  21st  of  October  Charles  VI. 
followed  him  to  the  tomb. 

Two  kings  were  proclaimed  in  France  at  the  same  time  ; 

one   an  Englishman,  Henry  VI.,  at   Paris,  the  other  the 

Frenchman,  Charles  VII.,  in   Berry,  at   the 

H  c  n  r  V     VI  \ 

and  Charles    church  of  Mchun-sur-Ycvres. 
FJance'''"J4«?  ^^^  situation  of  Charlcs  VII.  was  very 

Joan  of  Arc  critical.  His  rcccnt  defeat  at  Mons-cn-Vimeu 
(1429-1431)-  1^^^  driven   his  troops  from  Picardy,  where, 

liowever,  Xaintrailles  was  still  fighting  for  his  cause,  and  he 
had  almost  been  driven  back  upon  the  Loire.  He  did  not 
lack  skillful  captains  and  valiant  knights,  but  all  his  brave 
warriors  were  demoralized  by  the  court,  which  was  a  scene 
of  indolence,  intrigues  and  of  the  most  insane  extravagance. 
The  English  under  the  lead  of  the  wise  Duke  of  Bedford 
showed  much  more  order  and  regard  in  their  plans.  They 
had  undoubtedly  wearied  the  French  by  their  pride  and 
insolence,  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  their  indispensable 
ally,  had  already  been  on  the  point  of  fighting  with  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester  over  Jacqueline  of  Hainault  and  her 
inheritance,  but  Bedford  had  made  peace  between  them  and 
had  smoothed  away  all  feelings  of  resentment.  For  years 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  looked  with  longing  eyes  on  the 
valuable  succession  of  Hainault,  Holland,  Zealand,  and 
Friesland,  of  which  Jacqueline  had  acknowledged  him  her 
heir  ;  desirous  of  adding  to  his  possessions  in  the  direction 
of  the  Netherlands,  he  bought  the  county  of  Namur  and 
the  seignory  of  Bethune  ;  and  in  order  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  do  this  in  peace  and  quietness  by  the  English, 
he  allowed  them  to  pursue  the  conquest  of  France  undis- 


426  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

turbed.  The  battles  of  Crevant-sur-Yonne  (1423)  and 
Verneuil  (1424)  expelled  the  soldiers  of  Charles  VII.  from 
Burgundy  and  Normandy,  and  Chartres  and  Mans  were 
taken.  Finally  in  September,  1428,  after  all  the  approaches 
to  the  Loire  had  been  conquered,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 
laid  siege  to  Orleans.  This  is  the  time  when  the  fortunes 
of  Charles  VII.  and  of  France  were  at  their  lowest  ebb. 
The  treasury  of  the  poor  king  contained  hardly  four  crowns  ; 
his  table  was  wretched,  and  one  day  when  La  Hire  and 
Xaintrailles  came  to  see  him  he  could  offer  them  nothing 
but  "  two  chickens  and  a  sheep's  tail."  The  nobles  were 
jealous  of  his  Scotch  guard.  They  quarreled  and  fought 
with  each  other  even  at  the  meetings  of  his  council.  The 
constable  of  Richemond  had  vainly  tried  to  restore  order  by 
energetic  measures  and  by  the  execution  of  several  of  the 
most  baneful  of  the  king's  favorites  ;  one  of  them,  La 
Tremouille,  succeeded  in  having  him  banished,  and  then 
there  was  no  longer  any  one  at  court  who  was  capable  of 
restoring  order  and  prosperity.  Charles  listened  only  to 
the  most  unworthy  counsels  ;  after  the  disastrous  "  day  of 
the  Herrings"  (1429),  he  was  persuaded  to  take  refuge  in 
the  South  and  to  abandon  Orleans,  the  key  to  the  Loire, 
and  the  gate  to  southern  France.  France  was  on  the 
point  of  falling  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  English, 
when  she  was  saved  by  one  of  those  sudden  changes  of 
fortune  which  seem  so  impossible  when  we  see  them  on 
the  stage. 

In  Domremy,  a  little  hamlet  belonging  to  the  diocese  of 
Toul,  but  detached  from  it,  there  lived  a  poor  family  of 
peasants.  The  father  was  called  Jacques  d'Arc  and  the 
mother  Isabelle  Romee.*  They  had  three  sons  and  two 
daughters.  One  of  the  daughters  (Jeanne  d'Arc),  Joan  of 
Arc,  was  a  gentle,  docile  child,  industrious  and  so  timid 
that  a  single  word  was  enough  to  disconcert  her.  In  spite 
of  the  raillery  of  the  other  young  girls,  her  piety  increased 
with  her  years.  As  soon  as  she  had  finished  her  work  she 
would  hasten  to  church  to  say  her  prayers,  of  which  she 
only  knew  the  Pater,  the  Ave,  and  the  Credo,  or  would  go  to 
the  fields  and  sit  dreaming  and  listening  to  the  sound  of  the 


*  It  has  been  recently  shown  that  the  family  of  Jeanne  d'Arc  occupied 
a  position  of  more  importance  and  consideration  locally  than  was  formerly 
supposed. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXVII.]     THE  HUNDRED   YEARS  WAR.  4^7 

bells.  At  that  time  the  war,  both  foreign  and  civil,  had 
penetrated  everywhere.  Joan  knew  its  consequences,  for 
its  ravages  had  extended  even  to  her  own  hamlet.  The 
political  feeling  was  so  strong  there  that  the  children  of 
Domremy,  which  was  Armagnac  in  its  sympathies,  often 
fought  battles  with  those  of  a  neighboring  village  which 
sympathized  with  the  Burgundians.  Possibly  Joan  may 
have  seen  her  brothers  return  bleeding  more  than  once  from 
these  combats.  With  a  temperament  prone  to  enthusiasm, 
and  with  weak  health,  a  political  exaltation  was  soon  joined 
to  her  religious  exaltation,  as  is  often  the  case  with  women. 
After  the  battles  of  Crevant  and  Verneuil  she  fell  into  that 
strange  state,  well  known  to  us  to-day  from  thousands  of 
examples,  in  which  the  conceptions  of  an  excited  imagina- 
tion appear  to  it  as  outward  realities.  She  saw  visions  and 
heard  voices  which  said,  "  Joan,  be  always  a  devout,  good 
and  true  child,  and  God  will  help  you."  When  Orleans 
was  besieged  the  Archangel  Michael  appeared  to  her  and 
told  her  to  go  to  the  aid  of  the  king.  She  was  much  alarmed 
and  protested  that  she  was  only  a  poor  country  girl  ;  but 
the  angel  repeated  his  command,  and  appeared  displeased 
with  her.  After  that  she  had  three  visions  a  week,  and 
kept  seeing  Saint  Margaret  and  Saint  Catherine,  and  acted 
entirely  according  to  their  words.  To  fulfill  the  commands 
from  heaven,  she  planned  to  leave  home  with  some  soldiers. 
Her  father  heard  of  this,  and  said  to  his  sons,  "  If  I  thought 
that  such  a  thing  would  happen,  I  should  wish  you  to  drown 
her  ;  and  if  you  would  not  do  it,  I  should  drown  her  myself." 
He  tried  to  arrange  a  marriage  for  her.  Hearing  this  Joan 
fled  from  her  father's  house  to  that  of  an  uncle  nearby. 
She  then  approached  Baudricourt,  a  French  captain  of 
Charles  VII.,  who  was  stationed  at  Vaucouleurs,  and  after 
much  hesitation  he  directed  Joan  toward  the  banks  of  the 
Loire  with  an  escort  of  six  men. 

She  accomplished  this  difficult  journey  successfully, 
through  a  country  almost  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and 
arrived  at  Chinon  where  the  king  had  his  headquarters, 
and  hid  herself  among  the  courtiers.  It  was  a  hard  task 
to  convince  this  frivolous  court  of  the  reality  of  her  mission, 
but  she  succeeded  in  doing  so.  When  sent  to  Poitiers,  she 
was  questioned  by  the  doctors,  for  some  of  them  thought 
she  was  possessed  of  the  devil ;  she  foiled  the  subtlety  of 
their   questions   by   the   simplicity  of   her   answers.     Her 


428  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

purity  and  piety  inspired  the  people  with  enthusiasm,  and 
public  opinioh  triumphed  over  the  hesitation  of  the  court. 
Charles  VII.  consented  to  give  her  arms,  a  banner,  a  page 
and  a  squire,  and  to  send  her  to  Orleans  accompanied  by 
his  wisest  captains.  She  restored  decency  to  the  camp,  and 
even  reformed  the  oaths  of  the  old  La  Hire,  the  hardened 
Gascon  captain  who  used  to  pray  in  these  words  :  "  Lord 
God,  do  unto  La  Hire  as  you  would  have  La  Hire  do  unto 
you,  if  you  were  La  Hire  and  La  Hire  were  God."  On 
Friday,  the  twenty-ninth  of  April,  1429,  Joan  of  Arc  en- 
tered Orleans.  On  Sunday,  the  eighth  of  May,  the  English 
raised  the  siege.  The  first  part  of  her  mission  was  accom- 
plished ;  it  now  remained  for  her  to  have  Charles  conse- 
crated at  Rheims. 

She  carried  with  her  the  French  army,  and,  what  was  more 
difficult,  the  king  also.  Her  courage  and  piety  inspired 
the  French  soldiers,  while  the  English  believed  her  to  be  a 
sorceress  and  fled  at  her  approach.  She  took  Jargeau  and 
made  Suffolk  prisoner.  She  tried  to  reconcile  the  king 
with  Richemond,  and  she  gained  the  battle  of  Patay,  where 
the  brave  Talbot  was  taken  prisoner.  She  had  an  assault 
made  on  Troyes,  against  the  decision  of  the  council  of  the 
king,  and  Troyes  fell.  Finally  she  entered  Rheims  with  the 
king,  and  was  present  at  his  consecration  (July). 

Joan  now  believed  that  she  had  accomplished  the  main 
part  of  her  mission,  and  would  gladly  have  returned  to 
Domremy.  When  asked  where  she  expected  to  die,  she  re- 
plied :  "Where  it  pleases  God,  for  I  am  no  more  sure  of 
the  time  and  place  than  you  are,  and  would  to  God,  my 
Creator,  that  I  might  go  home,  giving  up  my  arms,  and 
help  my  father  and  mother  by  taking  care  of  their  sheep 
with  my  sister  and  my  brothers,  who  will  greatly  rejoice  at 
seeing  me."  She  was  not  allowed  to  go,  however,  and 
served  in  the  following  campaign,  taking  part  in  the  unsuc- 
cessful siege  of  Paris,  where  she  was  wounded.  She  was 
betrayed.  Having  shut  herself  into  Compiegne  to  save  it 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  she  attempted, 
after  a  sortie,  to  cover  the  retreat  ;  but  the  governor  had 
the  gates  shut  before  she  could  re-enter  the  city,  and  she 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  bastard  of  Vendome  (May, 
1430),  and  she  was  at  last  sold  to  the  English  for  10,000 
francs. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  French  Joan  was  a  messenger  from 


Chap.  XXVII.]     THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR.  429 

God  ;  in  those  of  the  English  she  was  sent  by  the  devil,  and 
they  wished  to  prove  this  by  a  trial  for  witchcraft.  The 
University  of  Paris  demanded  that  the  trial  should  be  held 
in  that  city  ;  but  Bedford  wished  it  to  take  place  at  Rouen, 
the  most  English  as  well  as  the  most  secure  of  the  cities, 
and  he  put  the  direction  of  this  shameful  process  in  the 
hands  of  Peter  Cauchon,  the  Bishop  of  Beauvais.  It  is  hard 
to  decide  whether  Ihis  monstrous  affair  was  more  odious 
or  more  contemptible.  Every  form  of  justice  was  violated. 
Calm,  serene,  and  deep  through  her  very  simplicity,  she 
escaped  all  the  traps  that  were  set  for  her  without  an 
effort  and  through  the  uprightness  of  her  soul.  Her  replies 
were  brief,  spirited,  and  heroic.  When  asked  if  she  believed 
herself  in  a  state  of  grace,  she  wisely  replied,  "  If  I  am  not 
in  such  a  state,  may  God  help  me."  Another  time  she  said, 
"  I  carried  a  banner  instead  of  a  spear  in  order  to  avoid 
killing  any  one.  I  have  never  killed  a  single  person.  I 
said, '  Go  boldly  among  the  English,'  and  I  went  among  them 
myself."  Was  the  hope  of  victory  in  this  banner?  "It  was 
founded  on  God  and  on  nothing  else."  Why  did  you  carry 
the  banner  up  to  the  altar  at  the  consecration  of  Charles  ? 
"  It  had  been  present  through  all  the  trouble,  which  was  rea- 
son enough  that  it  should  share  in  the  honor."  Does  God 
hate  the  English  ?  "  Whether  God  loves  or  hates  the  English, 
I  know  not ;  but  I  well  know  that  they  will  be  driven  from 
France."  They  had  at  first  wished  to  treat  her  as  a  witch, 
but  they  had  no  grounds  on  which  to  do  so.  Only  two  of 
the  articles  of  accusation  could  be  maintained,  her  wearing 
man's  apparel  and  her  refusal  to  submit  to  the  Church. 
She  had  been  persuaded  that  to  submit  to  the  Church  was 
to  recognize  the  legitimacy  of  the  tribunal  which  was  judg- 
ing her,  which  she  did  not  do  ;  as  to  the  man's  apparel  she 
gave  it  up  for  a  while,  but  was  obliged  to  resume  it  on 
account  of  the  brutality  of  her  jailers.  Cauchon  imme- 
diately declared  her  a  relapsed  heretic,  and  delivered  her 
over  to  the  secular  arm  to  be  burned.  "  Alas  !  "  cried  she 
at  this  terrible  news,  "  I  appeal  to  God  from  the  cruelties 
done  me."  Truly  there  was  no  one  on  earth  for  her  to 
appeal  to.  The  Pope  would  not  hear  her  cries ;  the  King 
of  France  forgot  her  on  the  throne  which  he  had  ascended 
through  her  help.  The  poor  girl  was  burned  on  an  enor- 
mous pile  placed  in  the  market-place  at  Rouen,  and  bore  this 
torture  with  heroic  courage  (May  30,  1431). 


43°  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

Joan  of  Arc,  who  had  saved  France  during  her  Hfe,  was 
still  useful  to  her  country  by  her  death.  The  English  party 
became  odious  and  almost  accursed  to  the 
Alras^ii^ss)  pcoplc,  bccausc  they  had  put  to  death  a 
Charles  VII.  at  vvomau,  E  virgin,  and  a  saint  !  The  crime 
End'^o/'fh'*e  committed  on  the  market-place  of  Rouen  far 
wTr^?'^  "^^^'■^  surpassed  the  crime  of  the  bridge  of  Monte- 
reau,  and  the  memory  of  the  latter  had,  more- 
over, grown  somewhat  dim  with  time.  The  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy began  to  feel  ill  at  ease  in  the  anti-national  party. 
Joan  of  Arc  had  rallied  the  whole  nation  about  Charles  VII. 
In  1431  Philip  concluded  a  two  years'  truce  with  the  king. 
The  war  turned  to  his  advantage.  Richemond,  who  had 
driven  Tremouille  from  the  court  and  had  regained  his 
influence,  conducted  it  with  energy.  It  was  in  vain  that 
Bedford  brought  young  Henry  VI.  to  Paris  and  had  him 
solemnly  crowned  there  (1431).  This  ceremony  was  melan- 
choly and  boded  no  good.  The  capital  was  dying  of  hunger, 
commerce  was  paralyzed,  the  houses  were  falling  to  ruins, 
and  bands  of  "  flayers  "  scoured  the  neighboring  country. 
Paris,  whose  sufferings  had  only  increased  under  the  Eng- 
lish rule,  began  to  think  of  returning  to  the  legitimate  king. 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  peace,  and  a  congress 
was  held  at  Arras  (1435).  This  is  the  first  great  assembly 
of  the  kind,  and  was  almost  European  in  its  character. 
Two  cardinals  presided  over  it,  and  besides  the  French 
and  English  ambassadors,  ambassadors  were  sent  by  the 
emperor,  the  kings  of  Castile,  Aragon,  Portugal,  Navarre, 
Naples,  Sicily,  Cyprus,  Poland,  and  Denmark,  and  by  the 
dukes  of  Brittany  and  Milan.  Ten  thousand  foreigners 
were  present  at  the  congress.  After  long  discussions,  the 
French  consented  to  yield  Aquitaine  and  Normandy  to 
Henry  VI.  as  a  fief.  This  did  not  satisfy  the  ambition  of 
the  English.  They  stood  firmly  on  the  treaty  of  Troyes 
and  demanded  the  crown  of  France.  As  they  could  not 
gain  this,  the  congress  broke  up  without  accomplishing  any- 
thing. It  had,  however,  one  important  result  :  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  seeing  that  the  war  was  to  be  continued 
through  fault  of  the  English,  abandoned  them  and  con- 
cluded the  treaty  of  Arras  with  Charles  VII.  (1435).  "^^''^^ 
treaty  was  very  advantageous  to  him,  as  he  gained  Auxerre, 
Macon,  Peronne,  Roye,  and  Montdidier,  with  the  cities  of 
the  Somme,  and  was  released  for  his  whole  lifetime  from 


Chap.  XXVI I.]     THE  HUNDRED   YEARS  WAR.  4:it 

all  homage  to  the  crown  of  France.  Charles  VII.  judged 
wisely  when  he  decided  that  even  in  this  way  the  end  of  the 
civil  war  was  not  too  dearly  bought. 

The  reconciliation  of  the  Burgundians  with  Charles  pre- 
pared the  way  for  that  of  Paris.  In  spite  of  the  efforts  of 
the  English,  the  constable  of  Richemond  entered  the  city 
through  a  gate  which  was  opened  to  him  by  Michel  Lallier, 
a  rich  merchant  of  the  city.  He  promised  the  Parisians 
peace,  amnesty,  and  harmony  with  both  the  king  and  the 
duke  (1436).  Charles  VIL  visited  his  capital  the  following 
year,  and  from  that  time  he  could  be  called  the  veritable 
king  of  France,  while  until  then  the  English  had  called  him, 
and  with  some  justice,  the  king  of  Bourges. 

From  this  time  Charles  was  no  longer  the  same  man. 
The  indolence  of  his  younger  years  gave  way  to  activity, 
prudence,  and  to  boldness  in  enterprise.  While  he  finished 
reconquering  France,  he  also  v/as  busy  in  healing  her  other 
ills.  Some  attribute  the  honor  of  this  change  to  Agnes 
Sorel,*  but  more  weight  should  be  given  to  the  influence  of 
the  constable  of  Richemond,  of  the  count  of  Dunois,  of  the 
seneschal  of  Normandy,  Jean  de  Breze,  of  the  chancellor 
Jouvenel,  of  Jacques  Coeur,  the  minister  of  finance,  of 
Chevalier,  of  Cousinot,  secretary  of  the  -:ing,  and  of  the 
brothers  J;ure;.u,  who  by  grea'dy  improving  the  French 
artillery  procured  a  decided  advantage  for  France  on  the 
field  of  battle  and  in  the  sieges  of  cities.  By  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction  Charles  applied  a  remedy  to  the  religious  disorders  ; 
and  by  the  ordinance  of  Orleans,  to  the  military  disorders. 
The  establishment  of  a  standing  army,  which  was  fatal  to 
the  feudal  regime,  stirred  up  the  whOiC  nobility  in  a  resist- 
ance which  came  to  a  head  in  the  "  Praguerie."  He  was 
victorious  over  them,  at  the  same  time  continuing  to  drive 
the  English  from  the  cities  they  still  retained.  A  party  in 
Englanc'j  at  the  head  of  which  was  the  cardinal  of  Win- 
chester, demanded  peace.  Thror.gh  his  influence  a  truce 
of  two  years  was  concluded  with  France  (1444),  and  was 
sealed  by  tho  marriage  of  Margaret  of  Anjou  with  Henry  VI. 

Charles  seizec'.  this  interval  to  imitate  Charles  V.  by  get- 
ting rid  of  tho  roving  bands  that  infested  France.  He 
started  with  25,000  of  these  freebooters  on  the  pretext  of 

*  It  is  now  certain  that  this  was  not  the  case.  Agnes  Sorel  does  not 
appear  at  the  court  before  1443. — Ed. 


43^  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  ^BooK  VIIL 

going  to  help  sustain  the  rights  of  Rene  of  Anjou  to  the 
duchy  of  Lorraine,  and  sent  his  son,  the  Dauphin  Louis, 
with  a  like  army  to  fight  the  Swiss  in  a  war  with  the  house 
of  Austria.  Charles  failed  in  his  siege  of  Metz,  and  con- 
tented himself  with  exacting  money  for  himself  and  his 
ally.  As  to  the  Dauphin  he  defeated  in  the  battle  at  Saint 
Jacques  1600  Swiss,  losing  8000  men  himself.  This  loss 
was  of  little  importance,  as  his  aim  was  to  "draw  the  bad 
blood  of  France."  The  Dauphin  was  struck  by  the  valor  of 
the  Swiss  mountaineers,  and  made  a  treaty  with  them  by 
which  they  engaged  to  help  him  with  4000  men  whenever 
he  should  need  their  help. 

When  the  truce  with  the  English  had  expired,  Charles  VH. 
hastened  to  renew  the  war  with  great  energy  and  success. 
Normandy  was  reconquered  by  Dunois  and  Richemond,  who 
gained  the  battle  of  Formigny  (1450).  Guienne  shared  the 
same  fate  in  spite  of  the  friendship  of  the  Gascons  for  the 
English.  The  victory  of  Castillon,  in  which  Talbot  was 
killed,  and  which  was  due  to  the  French  artillery,  per- 
manently restored  this  province  to  France.  The  English 
retained  only  Calais  on  the  continent.  This  was  the  end 
of  the  Hundred  Years  War,  a  war  which,  by  giving  rise  to 
the  lasting  antagonism  between  France  and  England,  made 
their  separate  nationalities  much  more  distinct.  France 
especially  gained  unity  from  it,  and  the  south  and  north 
drew  closer  together,  while  her  people,  who  are  only  moved 
by  violent  and  continuous  action,  were  initiated  into  a 
national  life  and  acquired  a  sentiment  for  it.  They  now 
saw  in  their  king  not  only  their  protector,  but  the  hereditary 
defender  of  France,  and  they  loved  him  with  a  kind  of 
adoration.  It  was  this  spirit  which  had  in  a  way  found  its 
personification  in  Joan  of  Arc,  a  daughter  of  the  people, 
both  saint  and  warrior,  the  liberator  of  her  country,  inspired 
with  the  worship  of  royalty. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

INTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE    AND   ENGLAND   DUR- 
ING THE  HUNDRED  YEARS  WAR. 


Parliament's  increasing  power  in  England. — The  English  Constitution 
in  the  middle  of  the  Fifteenth  Century. — France  :  Progress  of  royal 
authority. — Formation  of  a  princely  feudalism  by  appanages. — 
Development  of  the  old  and  new  institutions. 


During  the  Hundred  Years  War,  France  and  England 
tended  in  opposite  directions.  The  French  royal  power, 
though  weak  at  first,  had  kept  up  a  con- 
progress  in  tinuous  growth,  while  the  English,  which  had 
England.  been   very   strong   under   the    first   Norman 

kings,  declined  under  their  successors.  The  Hundred 
Years  War  favored  both  these  movements.  In  order  to 
carry  on  the  war,  the  kings  of  England  were  constantly 
obliged  to  ask  parliament  for  subsidies,  which  by  this  means 
held  the  crown  in  a  sort  of  dependent  position,  while  France, 
which  was  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  foreign  war,  was 
incapable  of  a  steady  development  of  the  germs  of  free 
institutions,  which  had  sprung  up  under  Philip  the  Fair,  and 
had  only  explosions,  so  to  speak,  of  liberty,  as  transient  as 
they  were  violent. 

It  was  precisely  at  this  time,  the  time  of  the  Hundred 
Years  War,  that  England  gradually  reached  the  parliamen- 
tary form  of  government,  the  organic  form  of  liberty.  In 
the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  who  was  the  most  victorious  of 
England's  kings,  but  who  was  obliged  by  the  need  of  money 
to  convoke  parliament  every  year  and  even  several  times  a 
year,  three  essential  principles  of  constitutional  right  were 
established  :  first,  the  illegality  of  taxes  imposed  without 
the  consent  of  parliament  ;  second,  the  necessity  of  the  con- 
currence of  both  houses  for  a  change  in  the  law  ;  third,  the 
recognized  right  of  the  commons  to  inquire  into  abuses  and 
to  impeach  the  councillors  of  the  king.     In  the  same  reign, 

433 


<^34  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

the  crime  of  high  treason  was  defined  and  limited  to  seven 
very  grave  cases,  while  before  that  the  king  had  applied 
that  name  according  to  his  pleasure  ;  finally,  a  well-sustained 
resistance  was  brought  to  bear  on  at-bitrary  increase  of  tax- 
ation, and  on  the  levying  of  men,  horses,  and  provisions. 

In  like  manner,  we  begin,  about  the  time  of  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.,  to  have  some  definite  information  concerning 
the  constitutive  elements  of  parliament  and  its  separation 
into  two  houses — namely,  the  Upper,  or  House  of  Lords, 
which  comprised  the  great  barons  who  possessed  their  seats 
by  hereditary  right,  though  by  virtue  of  an  individual  sum- 
mons from  the  king,  which  even  took  the  place  of  hereditary 
right  at  times,  and  ilso  the  great  clerical  dignitaries,  arch- 
bishops and  bishops,  who  held  their  seats  by  virtue  of  a 
personal  title  ;  secondly,  the  Lower  House,  or  House  of 
Commons,  whose  members  obtained  their  seats  by  election 
only  and  were  divided  into  two  classes,  the  knights  of  the 
shire,  representatives  of  the  smaller  county  nobility,  elected 
by  the  freeholders  ;  and  the  commoners,  elected,  first,  by 
all  boroughs  created  by  charter,  whether  they  held  their 
privileges  from  the  crown  or  from  a  feudal  lord,  as,  for  in- 
stance, many  boroughs  in  Cornwall,  which  held  their  rights 
from  Richard,  king  of  the  Romans  ;  secondly,  by  all  the 
towns  which  were  included  in  the  former  or  present  crown 
lands  ;  thirdly,  by  all  those  towns  which,  though  not  con- 
verted into  municipal  communities,  could  afford  to  support 
representatives.*  The  order  for  the  meeting  of  parliament 
was  sent  to  the  sheriff,  and  enjoined  upon  him  the  duty  of 
having  two  knights  elected  to  represent  the  county,  two 
citizens  for  each  city,  and  two  burghers  for  each  borough. 
But  in  practice  the  organization  of  parliament  did  not 
always  correspond  with  its  theory  ;  the  sheriffs  often  pur- 
posely omitted  some  of  the  boroughs,  and  sometimes  the 
boroughs  tried  to  evade  their  obligation  of  electing  deputies, 
in  order  that  they  might  not  have  to  furnish  them  with  the 
compensation  determined  by  law,  thus  voluntarily  condemn- 
ing themselves  to  political  nullity.  The  county  members 
received  from  their  constituents  four  shillings  per  day,  worth 
to-day  about  si,\  dollars  ;  the  city  members  received  some- 
what less.     At  first,    perhaps,    all  the  inhabitants  of  a  bor- 

*  The  writs  for  the  election  of  borough  members  were  addressed  in  gen- 
eral terms  to  the  sheriffs,  and  under  tliciii  tlie  sheiiffs  made  selection,  often 
arbitrarily  enough,  of  the  towns  to  be  represented. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXVIIL]        INTERNAL  HISTORY.  435 

ough  took  part  in  the  election,  but  later  it  was  seized,  in 
many  cases,  by  the  corporation  or  municipal  council.  As 
for  the  number  of  members  from  cities  and  boroughs,  there 
were  on  an  average  i8o  in  the  time  of  Edward  III.,  that  is 
to  say,  about  ninety  towns  were  represented.*  The  num- 
ber of  knights  was  at  the  rate  of  two  for  every  county.  In 
spite  of  their  smaller  number,  they  possessed  the  greater 
influence  in  the  Lower  House,  because  they  represented  an 
aristocratic  element. 

During  the  troubled  reign  of  Richard  II.  parliament  con- 
tinued to  increase  in  power.  In  the  trial  of  the  Chancellor 
INIichael  de  la  Pole,  the  right  to  prosecute  public  officers 
before  the  House  of  Lords,  for  acts  which  could  not  be 
reached  by  ordinary  laws,  was  enforced  for  the  first  time  in 
an  important  case.  We  can  only  mention  here  the  formid- 
able opposition  led  by  the  uncles  of  the  King,  the  nomina- 
tion of  eleven  commissioners,  and  the  deposition,  by  judicial 
proceedings,  of  Richard  II.  That  was  the  first  instance  of 
a  king  being  tried  by  his  people,  and  it  had  a  ver}'^  different 
import  from  a  murder  or  an  outrage  of  any  kind  on  the 
royal  person.     Richard  II.  was  the  forerunner  of  Charles  I. 

The  reign  of  Henry  IV.  was  for  different  reasons  favora- 
ble to  the  growth  of  public  liberty.  The  house  of  Lancas- 
ter, which  had  gained  the  crown  with  the  assistance  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  showed  a  popular  and  parliamentary 
spirit  and  made  it  its  principle  of  government.  No  com- 
plaint was  heard  at  that  time  of  the  right  of  parliament 
alone  to  make  taxation  legal.  Under  Henry  IV.  redress 
of  grievances  was  made  a  preliminary  condition  to  the 
voting  of  subsidies,  and  the  right  to  direct  their  use,  which 
had  already  been  introduced,  was  exercised  without 
obstruction.  But  parliament  showed  great  moderation  in 
claiming  its  rights.  By  forbidding  the  barons  to  fill  the 
country  with  their  dependents  in  livery,  they  succeeded  in 
diminishing  the  number  of  quarrels  between  the  noble  fami- 
lies. By  prohibiting  appeals  of  treason  in  full  parliament, 
it  suppressed  one  source  of  disorder  and  real  danger  to  the 
public. 

Under  Henry  V.  an  English  king  again  became  all-con- 
quering and  victorious  ;  but,  as  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III., 

*  The  number  of  representatives  from  the  towns  fluctuates  very  greatly. 
It  was  probably  at  a  minimum  under  Edward  III.  Who  were  electors 
in  the  early  elections  is  very  uncertain. — Ed. 


43^  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

the  necessity  for  money  to  carry  on  his  expedition  on  the 
continent  held  him  in  dependence  upon  parliament,  which 
body  gained  two  important  concessions  :  first,  that  no  act 
was  valid  which  did  not  have  the  consent  of  the  Commons  ; 
secondly,  that  the  changes  made  in  the  wording  of  their 
petitions,  when  the  matter  was  converted  into  laws,  should 
not  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  alter  the  sense. 

Thus  the  English  liberties  and  their  securities  gradually 

accumulated,   and  thus  England's   glorious   constitutional 

edifice   took   shape   and    substance.     In  the 

The  English     middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  English 

Constitution  in  iii         i       ^  •  ri-'i  -i 

the  middle  of  pcoplc  had  a  declaration  of  their  rights  in  the 
century.^ ^"*^  Magna  Charta,  in  the  jury  a  guarantee  of 
their  individual  safety,  and  in  parliament  a 
guarantee  of  the  public  safety.  The  national  securities 
may  be  classified  under  five  heads,  as  follows  : 

Firsts  the  right  to  vote  the  taxes,  to  determine  their 
nature,  to  fix  the  rate  of  assessment,  and  to  supervise  the 
outlay  ;  while  the  king  could  levy  no  tax  which  had  not 
been  passed  by  vote. 

Second,  the  right  of  parliament  to  settle  questions  con- 
cerning succession  to  the  throne  and  the  regency. 

Third,  the  right  to  present  grievances  and  demand  their 
redress  before  voting  on  subsidies. 

Fourth,  the  necessity  for  the  concurrence  of  both  houses 
to  change  the  law. 

Fifth,  the  right  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  impeach 
the  royal  officers. 

The  two  principal  guarantees  of  individual  liberty  were 
as  follows  : 

First,  no  one  could  be  arrested  except  by  order  of  a 
magistrate. 

Second,  no  one  could  be  judged  except  by  his  peers, 
twelve  jurors,  sitting  in  public  court  in  the  county  where 
the  crime  had  been  committed,  and  from  whose  decision 
there  could  be  no  appeal. 

The  national  spirit  ought  to  be  placed  above  all  these 
guarantees,  for  the  best  institutions  are  worth  nothing  unless 
they  are  sustained  and  defended  by  public  opinion.  As  a 
consequence  of  the  old  alliance  between  the  nobles  and  the 
people,  a  liberal  spirit  animated  the  English  aristocracy,  a 
spirit  acquired  during  its  struggle  with  the  royal  power,  and 
which  has  continued  to  animate  it  for  the  most  part  since 


Chap.  XXVIII.]        INTERNAL  HISTORY.  437 

that  time.  It  accepted  the  doctrine  of  equality  in  the  eye 
of  the  law,  reserving  for  itself  a  few  purely  honorary  privi- 
leges, and  even  at  that  time  it  opened  its  ranks  to  those 
who  raised  themselves  from  obscurity  by  their  talents  or 
their  services,  while  the  younger  sons  of  the  greatest  houses 
were  not  nobles  but  formed  a  part  of  the  gentry,  who 
came  into  close  contact  with  the  middle  classes,  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  The  latter,  on  their  side,  felt  none  of 
that  hatred  of  the  aristocracy,  their  old  and  faithful  ally, 
which  filled  the  heart  of  the  masses  in  other  countries. 
Therefore,  says  an  eminent  English  historian,  there  was 
nowhere  to  be  found  a  democracy  more  aristocratic  nor  an 
aristocracy  more  democratic  than  the  people  and  the  nobil- 
ity of  England. 

But  then  the  War  of  the  Roses  broke  out,  and  English 
liberty,  drowned  in  blood,  disappeared  for  a  century  and  a 
half.  The  country  restored  it  in  the  seventeenth  century 
and  did  not  lose  it  again. 

The   royal  power   of    France,  unlike   that  of    England, 

which   stood  alone   against   the   combined    forces   of   the 

nobility  and  the  people,  had  joined  with  the 

gress""ade^b°y    pcoplc  against  the  feudal  nobility,  their  com- 

royai   authori-    mou  enemy.*     It  had  encouraged  the  com- 

ty.    Formation  ,  ^  ,      ,    •,        .  t  ■  , 

of  a  princely  munal-  movement  at  its  start.  Later  it  admit- 
Ippa'^nages."' ^^  ted  the  growing  Third  Estate  to  a  share  of 
political  rights.  This  alliance  lasted  as  long 
as  did  the  necessity  which  caused  it.  But  the  royal 
power,  in  the  moment  of  victory,  forgot  those  who  had 
given  it  their  assistance,  and,  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  it  tried  to  become  absolute  in  power.  Neither  the 
States-general,  convoked  by  Philip  the  Fair,  nor  those  con- 
sulted by  Philip  VI.  in  1328  and  1345  on  the  question  of 
currency  and  taxation,  exerted  any  influence  on  the  gen- 
eral government  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  otherwise  during 
the  calamitous  period  of  the  Hundred  Years  War.  Then 
the  great  need  of  money  made  it  necessary  to  convoke  the 
Estates,  and  the  Estates,  united  during  the  time  when  the 

*  No  systematic  and  continued  policy  on  the  part  of  the  king  must  be 
understood  here,  but  rather  something  occasional  merely.  The  crown 
made  use  of  the  cities  when  anything  was  to  be  gained  by  it,  and  turned 
against  them  when  that  seemed  better  policy — aiding  one  to-day  and 
opposing  another  to-morrow,  and  using  them  in  every  way  possible,  as 
it  did  everything  else  within  its  reach,  to  build  up  its  own  power. —  Ed. 


438  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

masters  of  France  were  working  her  ruin,  constituted  them- 
selves her  masters  in  order  to  save  her.  But  they  squan- 
dered and  exhausted  their  strength  ;  lassitude  followed,  and 
the  Estates  of  1359,  greatly  differing  from  those  of  1356  and 
1357,  re-established  the  royal  authority  upon  its  old  foun- 
dations. The  king  profited  by  this  tendency  on  their  part 
to  dispense  with  the  States-general,  which  the  ruling  power 
sometimes  found  a  useful  assistant,  though  formidable  and 
hard  to  manage.  Charles  V.,  while  Dauphin,  had  learned 
that  lesson  by  bad  experience  ;  he  called  the  Estates 
together  once  more  to  break  the  disastrous  treaty  signed  at 
London  by  King  John,  then  ceased  to  convoke  them  and 
had  recourse  only  to  assemblies  of  notables,  chosen  by  his 
own  officers,  or  to  provincial  assemblies,  which  were  more 
compliant  in  the  matter  of  taxation,  like  those  in  Lan-, 
guedoc,  Normandy,  Auvergne,  etc.  It  was  much  the  same 
in  the  reigns  of  Charles  VI.  and  Charles  VII.  Although 
the  latter  assembled  the  representatives  of  the  whole  coun- 
try many  times,  it  is  certain  that,  from  the  accession  of 
Charles  V.  until  the  meeting  of  the  Estates  in  1448,  the 
royal  power  maintained  its  victory  over  the  States-general 
and  had  nothing  to  fear  from  them. 

The  royal  power  had  also  triumphed  over  feudalism. 
The  growth  of  the  royal  domains,  which  had  not  stopped 
even  during  the  Hundred  Years  War,  had  put  the  king 
as  a  landholder  in  a  position  far  above  all  the  feudal 
lords.  But  feudalism  died  only  to  be  born  again  in 
a  less  dangerous  form,  in  some  respects,  though  in  others 
more  dangerous.  The  greater  part  of  the  time,  in 
fact,  the  crown,  instead  of  keeping  the  direct  possession 
of  its  newly  acquired  fiefs,  gave  them  as  appanages  to 
some  prince  of  the  blood,  founding  in  this  way  a  new 
feudal  power  which,  emanating  from  the  will  of  the  head 
of  the  State  and  attached  to  him  by  family  ties,  might 
be  considered  as  the  representative  of  the  king's  authority 
in  the  provinces,  though  at  times  it  aspired  to  a  higher 
and  almost  royal  power.  There  was,  moreover,  an  im- 
portant difference  between  fiefs  and  appanages.  The  lat- 
ter did  not  pass  to  the  daughters,  but  reverted  to  the 
crown  on  the  extinction  of  the  male  line.  Tiiis  custom  of 
conferring  appanages  on  the  "  sires  of  the  fleurs  de  lis  " 
arose  in  the  reign  of  St.  Louis.  'I'he  Valois  continued  the 
habit.     The  most  celebrated  example  of  this  period  is  the 


Chap.  XXVIII.]        INTERNAL  HISTORY.  439 

investiture  of  Philip  the  Bold,  son  of  King  John,  with  the 
duchy  of  Burgundy  on  the  death  of  Philip  of  Rouvres,  the 
last  heir  of  the  first  Capetian  house  of  Burgundy. 

The  king's  most  useful  instruments  were  his  parliament 

at  the  center  of  affairs,  and  his  royal  officers  in  the  provinces. 

^      ,  ^     The  lawyers  had  waged   war  for  the  royal 

Development  i         •  u  •  i  i  i 

of  old  and  new  authority  on  all  questions  that  arose,  but  they 
institutions.  were  not  ready  to  fight  the  crown  itself  as  was 
the  case  later  ;  under  the  first  of  the  Valois,  parliament  con- 
fined itself  to  its  judicial  functions.  In  the  performance  of 
these,  it  gained  an  authority  and  influence  over  public 
opinion  which  gave  it  a  certain  boldness  under  Charles  V.; 
it  was  with  that  prince,  in  fact,  that  it  first  remonstrated  on 
the  abuses  in  the  administration  of  justice,  and  on  two  other 
occasions  it  remonstrated  with  Charles  VI.  on  non-political 
subjects.  In  the  absence  of  the  States-general  this  body, 
already  respected  for  its  learning  and  its  character,  seems  to 
have  been  designed  by  nature  to  control  the  government.  In 
137 1,  the  nobility  of  Languedoc  appealed  to  parliament  from 
a  tax  imposed  by  the  king.  Charles  V.  set  the  appeal  aside. 
One  very  simple  but  necessary  function,  the  registration 
of  the  royal  ordinances,  grew  to  be  of  great  importance. 
To  apply  the  law  it  was  necessary  for  the  judges  to  know 
•it,  and  as  the  art  of  printing  did  not  exist,  it  was  necessary 
to  make  and  preserve  a  copy  ;  in  other  words,  to  register 
the  law.  But  the  laws  of  one  day  often  differed  from  those 
of  the  day  before.  When  the  question  came  up,  which 
should  be  obeyed,  parliament  pointed  out  {remontrait^  to 
the  king  its  embarrassment,  and  asked  for  advice.  Thence 
arose  two  rights  of  great  importance  and  great  elasticity, 
which  gave  parliament,  the  simple  judiciary  power,  the 
chance,  later,  of  entering  into  the  affairs  of  the  State  and 
of  claiming  to  be  a  political  power.  By  refusing  or  by 
delaying  the  registration,  it  succeeded  in  arresting  or  sus- 
pending the  promulgation  and  the  effects  of  the  royal  ordi- 
nances. By  means  of  the  custom  of  "  remonstrances," 
which  it  developed  into  a  right,  it  presumed  to  modify  the 
law  itself.  Examples  of  this  were  seen  as  early  as  1418 
and  1443,  ^"^'  many  others  since  that  time.  Charles  V. 
made  a  great  concession  to  parliament  when  he  permitted 
them  to  make  their  own  appointments  to  the  vacant  places 
within  their  body.  Charles  VII.,  on  the  other  hand,  re- 
sumed the  right  to  dispose  of  those  places. 


44°  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  VIII. 

The  University  possessed  considerable  authority  on  ac- 
count of  its  learning,  its  renown,  and  its  20,000  students,* 
and  more  than  once  it  had  played  an  important  part  in 
public  affairs.  It  sustained  the  kings  in  their  efforts  toward 
Galilean  independence  of  the  Papal  power.  In  the  midst 
of  the  civil  disturbances  which  prevailed  at  Paris  it  exerted 
a  great  influence  on  passing  events,  and  feeling  that,  with 
the  parliament,  it  formed  the  thinking  head  of  the  country, 
it  urged  that  body  to  join  in  seizing  the  government  when 
the  king  went  mad  and  the  different  factions  were  contend- 
ing for  control.  Their  audacity  was  well  justified  by  the 
extraordinary  merit  of  the  Cabochian  ordinance,  their  work. 
But,  like  everything  else,  the  University  finally  gave  way  to 
royal  authority. 

The  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges  (1438)  was  one  of  the 
important  acts  of  the  administration  of  Charles  VII.  It 
recognized  the  superiority  of  a  general  council  to  the 
authority  of  the  Pope,  reserved  the  right  of  election  to  the 
bishoprics  and  the  great  benefices  to  the  churches  and 
chapters  of  France,  and  withdrew  from  the  court  of  Rome 
the  reservations,  provisions,  and  annates,  which  drew  a 
great  deal  of  money  out  of  the  kingdom.  This  act  put 
great  influence  over  the  elections  into  the  hands  of  the 
patrons  of  the  Church,  consequently  into  those  of  the  king, 
and  of  the  other  lords  on  whose  lands  the  churches  and 
abbeys  were  built.  The  last- mentioned  circumstance  in- 
duced Louis  XI.  to  abolish  later  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of 
Bourges,  and  Francis  I.  established  in  its  place  the  Con- 
cordat of  15 16,  which  was  followed,  as  a  natural  conse- 
quence, by  that  of  1802. 

Another  measure  struck  a  heavy  blow  at  the  feudal 
system.  It  was  the  formation  of  a  standing  army,  and  it 
took  the  military  monopoly,  which  they  had  enjoyed  till  that 
time,  away  from  the  nobility.  The  employment  of  mer- 
cenary soldiers,  an  old  custom,  had  prepared  the  way  for 
the  change.  But  Charles  VII.  desired  that  his  standing 
army  should  be  really  a  national  army  and  not  a  collection 
of  men  from  all  nations,  having  no  feeling  of  patriotism. 
The  P^states  held  at  Orleans  in  1439  published  an  ordinance 
to  that  effect,  which  was  executed  in  1445  ;    it  instituted  15 


*  This  number,  like  those  given  for  other  mediaeval  universities,  is  of 
course  an  exaggeration.  One  tenth  the  number  would  be  much  nearer 
the  actual  attendance. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXVIII.]        INTERNAL  HISTORY.  \\l 

companies  furnished  with  loo  lances  each,  t^iat  is  to  say, 
with  loo  men-at-arms,  each  one  followed  by  three  archers, 
a  swordsman,  and  a  page,  and  each  wearing  a  jacket  in  the 
livery  of  their  captain.  That  was  the  first  appearance  of 
uniform.  A  perpetual  tax  of  1,200,000  livres  annually  was 
appropriated  for  the  special  purpose  of  the  support  of  the 
troops.  In  1448,  the  creation  of  free  archers  (made  free 
from  nearly  all  taxes)  completed  the  military  organization 
which  paved  the  way  for  the  national  infantry  of  our  times. 
"  In  every  parish  of  our  kingdom  there  shall  be  an  archer 
who  shall  be  and  maintain  himself  continually  in  proper 
equipment,  and  armed  with  a- helmet,  dagger,  a  sword,  with 

a  quiver  and  jacks,  or  coats  of  mail It  shall  be  their 

duty  to  practice  on  feast  days  and  on  days  which  are  not 
work  days.  We  shall  pay  them  four  francs  a  month  while 
in  our  service." 

To  these  efforts  toward  establishing  political  unity  there 
must  be  added  a  premature  attempt  at  unity  of  laws  ; 
namely,  the  ordinance  of  Montils-les-Tours  (1453),  which 
prescribed  that  all  the  customs  of  the  kingdom  should  be 
written  down  and  made  to  accord  with  each  other. 

Thus  Lords  and  Commons,  the  nobility  and  the  clergy, 
the  States-general,  parliament,  the  University,  and  an  who 
at  different  times  had  given  offense  to  the  royal  power,  or 
who  had  tried  to  arrest  its  progress  later,  were  at  least 
made  powerless,  if  they  were  not  entirely  overthrown. 
Most  of  the  great  seignorial  titles  had  disappeared,  the  rest 
were  to  fall  with  Louis  XL,  Charles  VIII. ,  and  Francis  I. 
Moreover,  the  king  had  kept  all  the  government  of  the 
country  in  his  grasp,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  States- 
general  to  seize  some  parts  of  it,  especially  those  relating  to 
finance,  and  in  spite  of  numberless  commissions  appointed  to 
watch  over  such  and  such  a  branch  of  the  administration. 
The  four  great  bodies  holding  the  positive  administration 
of  the  kingdom  between  them  were  :  the  great  council 
assisting  the  king,  for  matters  of  general  policy  ;  parliament 
for  the  judiciary  department  ;  and  the  chamber  of  accounts, 
with  the  court  of  excise  created  after  the  battle  of  Poitiers, 
for  the  financial  department.  It  should  be  noticed  that  we 
have  in  this  separation  of  functions  an  attempt  at  an  anal}'- 
sis  of  government,  though  it  is  true  that  under  these  higher 
departments  the  bailiffs  united  in  themselves  the  judiciary, 
financial,  administrative,  and  military  functions. 


44^  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  [Book  Vllt 

It  is  evident  that  England's  organization  tended  toward 
the  noble  end  of  political  liberty,  while  France  tended 
in  the  direction  of  a  great  and  strong  monarchy,  where  the 
king  was  to  rise  alone  to  a  position  high  above  all  others. 
It  might  have  been  predicted  with  truth  even  at  that  early 
date,  that  the  strongest  sentiment  of  the  one  people  would 
be  for  liberty  ;  of  the  other,  for  equality. 


BOOK  IX. 

ITALY,  GERMANY  AND  THE  OTHER  EURO- 

FEAN  STATES  TO   THE  MIDDLE  OF 

THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 
ITALY,  FROM  1250  to  1453. 


Italy  after  the  Investiture  Strife  ;  Complete  ruin  of  all  central  power 
(1250). — Manfred  and  Charles  of  Anjou. — The  Principalities  in 
Lombardy  ;  Roraagna  and  the  Marshes. — The  Republics  :  Venice, 
Florence,  Genoa,  and  Pisa. — Reappearance  of  the  German  Emper- 
ors in  Italy  and  the  return  of  the  Popes  to  Rome. — Anarchy  ;  the 
Condottiere. — Splendor  of  Literature  and  the  Arts. — Dante,  Pe- 
trarch, Boccaccio. 


In  the  midst  of  the  mighty  combat  between  the  two 
supreme  powers  of  Christendom,  the  Empire  and  the  Holy 
See,  over  the  investiture  and  over  the  pos- 
it aiy  after  session  of  universal  dominion,  Italy,  at  once 
ture strife;  ruin  the  sccnc  and  the  victim  of  this  struggle,  had 
p o  w"  r  (1 2 s'cf/.  ^^^  succeeded  in  attaining  independence. 
Manfred  and  When  the  powcr  of  the  Emperor  and  that  of 
jou^'^  es  o  n-  ^j^^  Pope  declined,  it  might  have  been 
expected  that  she  would  at  last  become  the 
mistress  of  her  own  destiny  ;  but  this  was  not  the  case. 
She  had  formed  the  habit  of  intestine  warfare  and  that  of 
summoning  foreign  aid  in  her  party  quarrels.  Neverthe- 
less, although  in  the  midst  of  most  bloody  conflicts,  inspired 
by  the  rare  boon  of  local  political  liberty,  she  shone  with  a 
wonderful  brilliancy  in  civilization,  literature,  and  the  arts, 
and  in  these  respects  was  far  in  advance  of  all  the  other 
countries  of  Europe.  , 

The  death  of  Frederic  II.  prepared  the  way  for  the 
downfall  of  German  dominion  in  Italy,  although  it  did  not 

443 


444  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

actually  complete  it.  He  left  behind  him  sons  worthy  of 
succeeding  him — Conrad  IV.  in  Germany  and  Manfred  in 
Southern  Italy.  It  is  true  that  Conrad  died  very  soon,  and 
his  heir,  Conradin,  was  only  a  child  (1254).  Manfred, 
however,  by  his  talents,  by  his  politic  alliances  in  the  north 
of  Italy,  and  finally  by  the  formidable  assistance  of  the 
Saracens  of  Lucera,  was  a  redoubtable  enemy.  Innocent 
IV.,  who  had  been  triumphantly  received  by  almost  the 
whole  of  Italy  on  his  return  from  the  council  of  Lyons,  had 
not  time  to  overthrow  his  power. 

Innocent's  successor,  Alexander  IV.  (1254),  made  a  vig- 
orous attack  on  the  enemies  of  the  Holy  See.  In  the  north 
he  profited  by  the  cruelties  of  Eccelino  of  Padua,  which 
were  so  great  that  they  provoked  a  general  league  against 
him.  When  defeated  at  Cassano  Eccelino  killed  himself  by 
tearing  open  his  wounds.  But  in  the  south  Alexander's 
attempts  failed,  and  Manfred  had  himself  crowned  king  of 
Sicily  (1258).  At  Rome  the  senator  Brancaleone,  on  whom 
the  people  had  bestowed  a  dictatorial  power  for  three 
years,  treated  the  Pope  with  the  greatest  harshness  and 
even  drove  him  from  the  city. 

Thus  Innocent  IV.  had  triumphed  over  Frederick  II., 
but  not  over  Manfred,  and  his  successor,  Urban  IV.,  was 
not  more  fortunate.  He  resolved  to  resort  to  the  great 
remedy  of  applying  for  foreign  assistance.  He  offered  the 
throne  of  Naples  to  Saint  Louis,  who  refused  it,  and  then 
to  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  who  accepted  it  eagerly. 
On  condition  of  paying  homage  and  an  annual  tribute  of 
8000  ounces  of  gold,  the  latter  received  as  a  fief  from  the 
Holy  See  for  himself  and  his  direct  descendants  the  king- 
dom on  both  sides  of  the  strait,  with  the  exception  of 
Benevento  and  the  territory  ceded  by  that  city  to  the  Pope. 
He  promised  to  support  300  horsemen  in  the  service  of  the 
Church,  never  to  unite  the  imperial  crown,  or  Lombardy  or 
Tuscany,  with  Naples,  and  to  continue  all  the  immunities 
of  the  clergy  ;  he  consented  to  his  dethronement  in  case 
he  violated  any  one  of  these  conditions  (1263).  Clement 
IV.,  who  had  succeeded  Urban  IV.,  gave  his  expedition 
the  color  of  a  crusade  by  excommunicating  Manfred,  and 
thus  attracted  many  of  the  Italians  of  Lombardy  to  the 
standard  of  the  Angevin.  The  son  of  Frederic  II.  and  the 
brother  of  Saint  Louis  met  in  the  plains  of  Grandella,  near 
Benevento  (1266).     The  Germans  and  the   Saracens  had 


Chap.  XXIX.]       ITAL  V  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  445 

the  advantage  at  first,  but  Charles  of  Anjou,  as  he  was 
fighting  with  the  excommunicated  and  infidels,  gave  the 
order  to  strike  at  the  horses,  which  in  that  age  was  con- 
sidered unfair,  and  the  tide  of  battle  turned.  The  Apu- 
leians,  who  were  of  doubtful  loyalty,  took  to  flight.  At 
this  sight  Manfred  was  overcome  by  despair,  and  when  a 
silver  eagle  which  he  wore  on  his  helmet  fell  from  it  he 
cried,  "  It  is  a  sign  from  God  ! "  and  dashing  into  the  midst 
of  the  enemy,  was  killed  on  the  field  of  battle. 

After  Manfred's  death  Charles  still  had  to  conquer  Con- 
radin,  who  was  on  his  way  with  an  army  from  Germany. 
The  Italians  already  felt  a  strong  repulsion  for  the  gloomy 
Charles,  and  received  this  last  scion  of  the  house  of  Swabia 
with  great  affection.  But  what  could  this  child,  who  had 
just  left  his  mother's  arms,  accomplish  in  the  face  of  the 
man  of  iron  who  had  just  triumphed  over  Manfred  ?  "  He 
is  a  lamb  sent  to  the  slaughter,"  said  the  Pope.  He  was 
defeated  at  Tagliacozzo  by  a  ruse  and  was  made  prisoner 
with  his  friend  Frederic  of  Austria,  who  was  almost  as 
young  as  he.  They  were  summoned  before  a  court  of  jus- 
tice, composed  of  Provencal  barons  and  jurisconsults  and 
presided  over  by  the  conqueror  himself,  a  derisive  tribunal 
which  accused  them  of  revolt  against  the  king  of  Sicily  ! 
They  were  playing  chess  in  their  prison  when  they  were 
told  that  they  must  die.  "  What  terrible  news  for  my 
mother  !  "  cried  Conradin,  and  went  on  with  his  game.  The 
next  day  this  heroic  child  ascended  the  scaffold,  which  was 
placed  in  sight  of  the  bay  of  Naples,  over  which  he  had 
hoped  to  rule  as  his  fathers  had  done  before  him.  After 
having  protested  in  a  loud  voice,  and,  according  to  a  later 
legend,  thrown  his  glove  to  the  crowd  as  if  to  call  for  ven- 
geance, he  embraced  Frederic,  and  was  the  first  to  lay  his 
head  upon  the  block,  a  favor  which  he  had  asked  that  he 
might  not  see  his  friend  die.  When  his  head  fell  from  the 
body  Frederic  uttered  a  loud  groan,  picked  it  up  and  kissed 
it,  and  then  placed  his  own  head  upon  the  block.  The  peo- 
ple asserted  that  they  saw  the  eagle  of  the  house  of  Swabia 
hovering  over  the  scaffold  and  then  descending  when  the 
head  fell,  to  dip  its  wing  in  the  blood  of  the  emperors,  when 
it  soared  aloft  and  was  lost  to  sight  in  the  heavens  (1268). 

To  make  his  victory  secure  Charles  of  Anjou  followed  it 
up  by  many  executions.  A  great  number  of  Neapolitan 
and  Sicilian  barons  were  beheaded,  and  the  chiefs  of  the 


44^  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

Saracens  of  Lucera  met  the  same  fate.  In  Rome,  a  hun- 
dred and  thirty  nobles,  who  were  accused  of  felony,  were 
shut  up  in  a  wooden  hut  and  burned  alive.  Charles  had 
himself  called  Imperial  Vicar  and  Pacificator,  and  under 
various  titles  dominated  the  whole  of  the  Italian  peninsula. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  sovereigns.  His  family 
alliances  extended  his  mfluence  far  and  near,  and,  elated  by 
his  rapid  success,  he  dreamed  of  a  still  greater  power.  The 
Latin  empire  had  just  fallen,  and  a  Paleologus  had  reas- 
cended  the  throne  of  the  East ;  now  it  was  not  far  from 
Brindisi  to  Constantinople.  To  restore  the  empire  of  Con- 
stantinople for  his  own  profit,  with  Italy  as  a  dependency, 
under  the  specious  pretext  of  putting  an  end  to  the  schism, 
which  would  have  assured  him  the  support  of  the  Church, — 
this  was  the  favorite  dream  of  Charles  of  Anjou. 

The  execution  of  these  plans  was  delayed  some  time  by 
various  circumstances,  by  the  crusade  of  Saint  Louis  to 
Tunis  (1270),  and  by  the  reigns  of  Gregory  X.  and  Nicholas 
III.  These  two  Popes  felt  that  the  new  power  which  had 
been  established  by  the  Holy  See  was  becoming  danger- 
ously strong.  Gregory  X.  put  an  end  to  the  great  interreg- 
num in  Germany,  and  named  Rudolf  of  Hapsburg  Emperor, 
in  order  to  counterbalance  in  the  north  the  preponderance 
of  Charles  of  Anjou  in  the  south.  With  the  same  end  in 
view,  he  removed  the  principal  pretext  for  the  expedition 
planned  by  the  ambitious  Angevin,  by  bringing  about  by 
peaceful  means  a  temporary  reconciliation  of  the  churches 
of  the  East  and  West.  Following  the  same  policy,  the  one 
desire  of  Nicholas  HI.  was  to  oppose  the  emperor  to  the 
king  of  Sicily,  to  strengthen  the  power  of  the  Papacy  be- 
tween the  two,  and  finally  to  reconcile  the  Guelfs  and  the 
Ghibelines  throughout  all  the  peninsula,  in  order  to  destroy 
the  influence  of  foreigners  in  the  affairs  of  Italy  ;  he  even 
favored  the  Ghibelines  because  Charles  of  Anjou,  the  leader 
of  the  Guelfs,  was  more  dangerous  than  the  emperor.  His 
reign,  however,  was  short,  and  his  successor,  Martin  IV. 
(1281),  was  wholly  devoted  to  the  cause  of  Charles,  who  had 
brought  about  his  election.  The  latter  prepared  to  start 
for  Constantinople  with  a  regular  army  of  15,000  men. 

At  this  moment  the  Sicilian  Vespers  occurred,  the  explo- 
sion of  a  discontent  which  had  long  been  brooding  in  the 
hearts  of  the  conquered  people.  For  several  years  a 
Sicilian  physician,  John  of  Procida,  had  been  wandering. 


Chap.  XXIX.]       ITAL  V  FROM  1250   TO  1453.  447 

disguised  as  a  Franciscan,  through  Spain,  Italy,  Sicily,  and 
Greece.  He  had  formed  the  plan  of  a  great  league  between 
the  Pope,  the  King  of  Aragon,  Peter  111.,  and  the  Emperor 
Paleologus,  and  Peter  III.  was  already  cruising  in  the 
waters  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  when  on  Easter  Tuesday, 
March  31,  1282,  during  the  service  of  this  solemn  feast, 
some  insolent  actions  of  the  French  caused  them  to  be 
attacked  by  the  population  of  Palermo.  The  cry  of  "  Death 
to  the  French  "  soon  rang  through  the  entire  city  and  the 
whole  of  Sicily.  They  were  massacred  almost  everywhere.* 
Charles  of  Anjou,  thirsting  for  vengeance,  sent  a  fleet 
against  Messina,  which  was  heroically  defended  even  by 
its  women,  and  this  fleet  on  its  return  was  surprised  and 
burned  by  the  admiral  Roger  of  Loria.  Charles  watched 
it  flaming  out  at  sea  and  gnawed  his  scepter  with  rage. 
Soon  afterwards  his  son,  Charles  the  Lame,  was  defeated  in 
another  naval  battle  and  was  taken  prisoner,  while  the  king 
of  France,  Philip  III.,  was  driven  from  Aragon.  Charles 
himself  died,  ruined  by  his  overweening  ambition  (1285). 
The  treaty  of  1288  gave  southern  Italy  to  Charles  the 
Lame,  and  Sicily  [this  was  the  origin  of  the  two  Sicilies]  to 
Tames  the  son  of  Peter  III.,  a  separation  which  lasted  a 
long  time,  and,  though  it  does  not  now  exist  in  name,  still 
exists  at  least  in  .the  feelings  and  in  the  very  different 
characters  of  the  two  peoples  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  The 
acquisition  of  Naples  by  the  house  of  Aragon  laid  Italy 
open  to  Spanish  dominion,  another  evil  for  this  country. 

As  the  main  activity  of  political   affairs  in  the  south  of 

Italy  centered  upon  the  house  of  Anjou,  and  as  the  emperors 

resided  in  Germany,  northern  Italy  was  much 

The    princi-     morc  independent  in  this  era,  and  was  able 

palitiesin  .^  ' 

Lombardy,  the  to  Settle  its  coustitution,  or  rather  Its  various 
fh°e"Mlrchet!"*  Constitutions.  As  the  multitude  of  little 
states  into  which  it  was  divided  makes  its 
history  singularly  complicated,  we  must  notice  that  in  Lom- 
bardy a  system  of  principalities,  the  Tyrannies  (in  the  Greek 
sense),  prevailed,  of  which  Milan  is  a  good  type,  while  in 
Tuscany  we  find  a  system  of  democracies,  or  of  free  repub- 
lics, of  which  Florence  is  the  most  striking  example.  The 
Romagna  was  divided  almost  equally  between  the  two  sys- 

*  The  massacre  was  a  popular  outburst  not  connected  with  the  plans 
attributed  to  Procida. — Ed. 


44^  OTHER  Elf  Rope  AN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

terns.     Besides  these  two  categories,  we  must  mention  still 
anotlier  form,  that  of  the  aristocratic  republics,  like  Venice. 

In  earlier  times,  when  the  Macedonian  dominion  was 
withdrawn  from  Greece,  it  left  tyrants  behind  it  like  a  foul 
sediment.  The  same  thing  happened  when  the  German 
dominion  was  withdrawn  from  Italy.  Podestas  and  cap- 
tains of  the  people  the  chiefs  of  the  adventurers  who  had 
made  their  fortunes  by  the  wars,  and  the  very  citizens  who 
had  led  their  cities  to  victory  over  the  Germans,  had  seized 
upon  or  kept  the  power.  "  Italy,"  said  Dante,  "is  full  of 
tyrants,  and  every  peasant  who  joins  in  any  enterprise  is 
taken  for  a  hero."  At  Milan  the  Delia  Torre,  the  Guelf 
podestas  of  the  city,  rose  to  power  and  became  successively 
lords  of  Lodi,  Novaro,  Como,  Vercelli,  and  Bergamo,  until 
1277,  when  having  changed  from  popular  chiefs  to  hateful 
tyrants,  they  were  overthrown  by  the  Ghibeline  archbishop 
of  Milan,  Otho  Visconti,  whose  nephew  Matteo  the  Great 
was  proclaimed  perpetual  lord  of  Milan  and  imperial  vicar 
of  Italy  (1295).  The  dominion  of  his  house  extended  from 
the  Sesia  to  the  Oglio,  and  often  even  further,  until  1447. 

Verona  fell  under  the  dominion  of  the  Delia  Scala 
family,  whose  most  illustrious  member,  Cane  Grande,  con- 
quered Padua  and  Treviso,  which  lay  to  the  right  of  the 
future  duchy  of  Milan,  and  obtained  for  the  house  of  Delia 
Scala  a  power  which  extended  from  the  Mincio  to  the 
lagoons  of  Venice.  He  died  in  1329,  and  his  house  perished 
miserably  at  the  end  of  the  century. 

To  the  left  of  Milan  the  house  of  Savoy,  which  was  in 
possession  of  the  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps  (Savoy 
and  Piedmont),  was  holding  aloof  from  the  revolutions  in 
Italy.  The  marquisate  of  Saluzzo  was  hemmed  in  by  their 
domains,  while  they  also  bordered  on  the  marquisate  of 
Montferrat,  which  passed  over  to  the  Greek  house  of  Paleo- 
logus  in  1305  as  a  marriage  portion.  One  of  the  last  mar- 
quises of  Montferrat,  William  VI.,  a  true  condottiere,  had 
been  shut  up  by  the  inhabitants  at  Vercelli  for  seventeen; 
months  in  a  cage  of  iron  and  had  died  in  this  terrible! 
prison. 

The  Gonzagas  seized  Mantua  in  1328  and  reigned  therej 
until  1708  ;  the  house  of  Est  ruled  over  Ferrara,  Modena,  j 
and  Reggio. 

In  the  Campagna  of  Rome,  the  Orsini  ruled  toward  the- 
Tiber  and  the  Colonnas  toward  Prseneste.    At  Rome  a  legate 


Chap.  XXIX.]       ITALY  FROM  1250   TO  1453.  449 

represented  the    authority  of   the    Pope    of   Avignon,  but 
wielded  no  power. 

A  number  of  cities  struggled  to  remain 
iics:%en?c*e'  free  in  the  midst  of  these  principalities,  and 
Florence   Ge-     gomc  of  them  succecdcd  in  doing  so.     By  the 

noa,  and  Pisa.  .  .   .        ,       ,      ,     °.        ,  •' 

14th  century  four  cities  had  obtained  a  great 
power  :  Venice,  Genoa,  Pisa  and  Florence. 

In  1297,  the  aristocratic  constitution  of  Venice  was  es- 
tablished by  limiting  the  eligibility  for  the  grand  council 
to  the  members  of  the  noble  families  of  the  councillors  then 
in  office  :  a  measure  which  was  later  completed  by  the  in- 
scription in  the  Golden  Book  and  by  the  establishment  of 
the  Council  of  the  Ten.  At  this  time  Venice  had  no  terri- 
tority  on  the  mainland  of  Italy,  but  possessed,  besides 
Dalmatia,  Negrepont,  and  Candia,  many  islands  in  the  Archi- 
pelago and  was  supreme  over  the  Adriatic.  Even  since 
the  downfall  of  the  Latin  Empire  in  Constantinople,  (1261) 
Genoa  and  Venice  had  contended  for  the  supremacy  in  the 
East. 

A  few  years  earlier  than  Venice,  Florence  had  undergone 
revolution  in  the  opposite  direction.  Her  citizen  popula- 
tion had  been  divided  into  two  classes  :  the  Major  Arts  com- 
prising the  higher  professions,  the  judges,  notaries,  bankers, 
physicians,  mercers,  furriers,  and  drapers  ;  and  the  Minor 
Arts  the  dyers,  carders,  washers,  smiths,  and  stone-cutters.* 
They  formed  the  great  and  small,  the  citizen  nobles  and 
the  artisans,  the  rich  people  and  the  poor  people,  [pcypulus 
crassus,  populus  fninutus.)  In  1282,  a  nearly  complete  polit- 
ical equality  was  established  between  these  two  peoples  of 
the  same  city  by  a  measure  which  constituted  the  Priors  of 
the  Arts,  that  is,  the  chief  men  of  each  profession,  an  execu- 
tive council  or  Signory — which  was  renewed  every  two 
months  and  possessed  the  sole  authority  in  the  city.  The 
true  nobility  were  excluded  from  this  political  equality,  as 
they  had  often  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  city  and  caused 
much  bloodshed  by  their  family  quarrels.  The  nobles  were 
declared  ineligible  for  any  public  ofifice  unless  they  had 
renounced  their  rank  by  having  their  names  inscribed  on 

*  The  number  of  arts  covered  by  the  names  of  Major  and  Minor, 
at  this  time,  was  twenty-one.  The  Major  Arts  here  mentioned  were  the 
first  organized  and  the  wealthiest.  Later,  fourteen  others  were  organized, 
of  which  five,  called  sometimes  the  Middle  Arts,  were  associated  with  the 
Major  Arts  in  electing  the  Priors. — Ed. 


45°  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

the  registry  of  one  of  the  trades.  Somewhat  later  Giano 
della  Bella  made  this  proscription  of  the  nobles  even  more 
severe  and  completed  the  organization  of  Florence  by 
dividing  all  the  citizens  of  the  city  into  twenty  companies, 
each  of  which  had  a  gonfalonier  at  its  head,  and'  all  of  which 
were  united  under  the  direction  of  one  supreme  gonfalonier. 
This  curious  organization  of  Florence  was  imitated  with 
little  change  by  most  of  the  cities  of  Tuscany,  Lucca,  Pis- 
toia,  Pisa,  Arezzo,  and  even  by  Genoa. 

This  similarity  of  political  organization  did  not  bring 
with  it  any  good  understanding  between  the  rival  cities. 
Genoa,  which  was  contending  with  Venice  for  supremacy  in 
the  East,  and  with  Pisa  over  Corsica  and  Sardinia,  destroyed 
the  military  force  of  the  Pisans  in  the  great  naval  battle  of 
Meloria  (1284)  as  they  almost  succeeded  in  doing  to  the 
forces  of  the  Venetians  a  century  latter  at  Chioggia.  All 
Tuscany  immediately  threw  itself  upon  the  conquered  city, 
and  Florence,  Lucca,  Sienna,  Pistoia  and  Volterra  disputed 
over  the  spoils.  Pisa  resisted  for  a  while  by  giving  all  her 
power  to  the  too  famous  Ugolino,*  that  odious  man  who  met 
so  terrible  a  death.  When  he  with  his  sons  and  grandsons 
had  perished  in  the  tower  of  hunger,  Pisa  was  only  able 
to  save  herself  from  utter  ruin  by  renouncing  all  her  power. 

Florence  then  ruled  over  Tuscany,  but  she  did  not  enjoy 
her  triumph  peacefully  but  turned  her  arms  against  herself. 
Though  already  divided  into  Guelfs  and  Ghibelines,  names 
which  now  had  no  other  significance  than  to  designate  the 
bitterness  of  parties,  she  borrowed  from  Pistoia  the  terms  of 
the  "  ^Vhites  "  and  the  "  Blacks,"  as  if  desirous  of  enriching 
still  farther  the  vocabulary  of  discord. 

There  never  was  an   epoch   where  party  spirit  was  so 

bitter,  when  man  was  more  precipitate  in  his  action  either 

_  good    or  evil,  or  when  the  human   soul    vi- 

Rcappearance     ,  ,  '  ,  .,..,. 

oftheGerman   bratcd  morc  tcnscly  and  carried   its  feelings, 
na?y''a^nd°return    whether  noblc  or  depraved,  to  greater  lengths, 
of  the  Popes  to   On  reading  the  history  of  the  Italy  of  those 
°^^'  times  we  are  astounded   by  the  variety  and 

the  atrocity  of  the  punishments.  Was  not  this  the  very  in- 
ferno that  Dante  (1265-1321)  tried  to  describe  in  his  Di- 
vine Comedy  ?  He  only  needed  to  observe,  not  to  imagine. 
He  himself  was   persecuted,  banished    from    his  country, 

*  See  Dante's  Inferno,  Canto  xxxiii. — Ed, 


Chap.  XXIX.]       ITALY  FROM  1250   TO  1453.  451 

Florence,  for  being  a  Ghibeline,  and  when  wandering  with 
his  thin  and  gloomy  face  over  the  land  of  exile,  he  pre- 
sented himself  at  the  gate  of  a  monastery,  and  a  monk,  al- 
most terrified  by  his  silence  and  his  appearance,  asked, 
"What  are  you  looking  for?"  he  replied  :  "I  am  looking 
for  peace." 

He  sought  peace  not  for  himself  alone  but  for  Italy. 
But  from  whom  should  he  demand  it  after  so  many  unsuc- 
cessful attempts,  after  so  many  powers  had  collapsed  in  this 
land  which  was  as  unstable  as  the  sides  of  her  own  Vesuvius. 
He,  and  with  him  many  others,  turned  for  help  to  the 
Emperor,  whose  authority  had  formerly  been  so  fatal  to 
the  Italians.  Henry  VII.,  summoned  by  the  Visconti  and 
the  Ghibelines,  crossed  the  Alps  in  person,  but  brought  but 
little  authority  with  him  (1310).  He  busied  himself  with 
re-establishing  the  fallen  authority  of  Matteo  in  the  Milanais 
and  in  ransoming  its  cities.  When  excommunicated  by 
Clement  V.  and  his  progress  checked  by  the  army  of  the 
king  of  Naples  and  the  Guelfs,  he  was  about  to  re-cross  the 
Alps,  leaving  as  much  anarchy  behind  him  as  he  had  found 
on  his  arrival,  he  died  either  of  malaria  or  poisoned  by  the 
host  given  him  by  a  Dominican  friar  (13 13). 

Dante  died  without  having  seen  peace  (1321).  Another 
Emperor,  Lewis  of  Bavaria,  the  successor  of  Henry  VII., 
appeared  in  Italy,  and  like  him  was  excommunicated.  He 
crossed  the  Alps  in  1327  to  go  to  Rome  to  seek  the  useless 
crown  of  the  Roman  Empire.  He  made  an  even  poorer  ap- 
pearance in  Italy  than  did  Henry,  and,  when  he  left  it,  was 
almost  deserted  by  his  followers. 

The  arrival  of  the  chivalrous  John  of  Luxemburg,  king 
of  Bohemia  and  imperial  vicar  in  Italy  (1330),  gave  the 
Italians  a  moment's  hope  that  they  were  going  to  find  the 
pacificator  of  their  country,  the  podesta  of  their  longings. 
But  this  royal  knight  fared  no  better  than  the  others,  and 
after  a  few  months  he  was  detested.  It  is  a  curious  specta- 
cle to  see  Italy  rushing  with  artless  enthusiasm  to  welcome 
all  the  strangers  who  crossed  her  threshold  and  becoming  as 
quickly  disgusted  with  them  as  she  had  been  infatuated. 
But  we  must  not  cast  it  up  against  her.  She,  like  Dante, 
was  also  searching  for  peace  ;  she  asked  it  of  all,  and  the 
only  response  they  made  to  her  confidence  was  to  continue 
the  pursuit  of  their  own  selfish  and  ambitious  designs. 

Passing  from  one  illusion  to  another,  she  finally  came  tQ 


452  OTHER  EUROPEAN  -STATES.  [Book  IX. 

the  most  extraordinary  one  of  the  whole  century,  the  illu- 
sion of  which  Nicolas  Gabrini,  or  Cola  di  Rienzo,*  was 
both  the  author  and  the  object.  This  Roman,  the  son  of  a 
tavern-keeper,  a  pupil  of  Petrarch,  and  well  versed  in 
ancient  history,  thought  to  awaken  in  the  people  of  Rome 
memories  which  had  never  entirely  passed  away,  and  which 
the  renaissance  of  the  study  of  the  classics  was  then  renew- 
ing. On  the  steps  of  the  capitol,  in  sight  of  some  of  the 
monuments  of  former  ages,  he  spoke  to  the  Roman  people 
of  the  glory  of  their  fathers  as  witnessed  by  these  same 
buildings  ;  he  evoked  past  times  and  ancient  Rome,  the 
republic  and  the  mistress  of  the  world.  With  Livy  in  his 
hand,  he  wished  to  make  a  new  Rome  on  the  model  of  the 
ancient  city  and  to  establish  what  he  called  the  "  good 
state"  {buono  stato).  On  May  19,  1347,  he  ascended  the 
capitol,  where  the  people  were  assembled,  and  was  pro- 
claimed tribune  for  the  establishment  of  the  buono  stato. 
He  immediately  instituted  a  prompt  and  impartial  justice 
by  organizing  an  urban  militia  and  a  naval  force  upon  the 
coasts.  He  caused  the  refractory  nobles  to  return  to  their 
allegiance  and  had  the  brigands  hung ;  he  established  pub- 
lic granaries  in  the  city  and  many  charities  for  the  poor  and 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  should  die  for  their 
country.  The  republics  of  Tuscany  and  Romagna  ap- 
plauded his  course  with  enthusiasm,  and  several  of  the 
Lombard  princes  consented  to  receive  the  deputies  of  the 
Tribune.  Petrarch  called  him  "  the  knight  who  does  honor 
to  the  whole  of  Italy."  There  was  a  season  of  great 
enthusiasm.  The  "  holy  Roman  Republic  "  proclaimed  the 
freedom  of  all  the  cities  in  Italy.  Rienzo  was  elated  with 
this  glory  and  mixed  a  sort  of  Christian  mysticism  with  this 
evocation  of  pagan  antiquity.  One  day,  arrayed  in  the 
ancient  imperial  ornaments,  and  at  the  same  time  conse- 
crated a  knight  of  the  Christian  Cross,  he  pointed  to  the 
four  points  of  the  compass  and  cried,  "  All  this  belongs  to 
me,  and  even  more  than  this." 

It  was  only  a  dream,  for  soon  the  prosaic  difficulties  of 
the  government  unsettled  the  authority  of  the  poet-tribune. 
The  people  grew  tired  of  him  and  deserted  him  when  the 
legate  of  the  Pope  declared  him  a  traitor  and  a  heretic. 

*  This  is  the  form  of  the  name  given  by  his  contemporary,  the  author 
of  the  Fita  di  Cola  di  Rienzo. 


Chap.  XXIX.]       ITALY  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  453 

Italy  awakened  from  her  glorious  dream  to  the  terrible 
plague  of  1348,  which  carried  off  three  of  every  five  inhabi- 
tants and  which  so  greatly  debased  public  morals,  as  is  wit- 
nessed by  the  Decameron  of  Boccaccio.  Rienzo,  whose  life 
had  been  spared,  and  who  had  withdrawn  from  the  city, 
was  called  back  by  the  cardinal  legate,  Albornoz,  in  order 
to  make  use  of  his  authority  in  restoring  the  people  to  obe- 
dience to  the  Pope  at  Avignon.  But  the  people  would  not 
recognize  their  favorite  of  1347  in  the  agent  of  the  Pope, 
and  Rienzo  perished  by  the  same  hands  that  had  so  often 
applauded  him.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  restoration 
of  the  papal  authority  at  Rome,  and  in  1378  the  Pope, 
Urban  VI.,  restored  the  pontifical  seat  to  Rome  and  put  an 
end  to  the  Babylonian  captivity,  though  this  gave  rise  to 
the  great  schism  of  the  West. 

Petrarch  died  like  Dante,  disappointed  and  disheartened, 

"  Liberty,"  cried  he,  "that  precious  and  greatly  desired 
boon,  is  never  appreciated  until  lost !  " 

The  papacy  which  returned  to  Rome  in  1378  was  no 
longer  the  great  papacy  of  former  times.  Without  temporal 
power  and  with  little  moral  influence  over  the  peninsula,  in 
consequence  of  its  long  exile,  it  could  no  longer  accomplish 
any  good  for  Italy.  A  free  field  was  open  for  the  quarrels 
of  the  republic  of  the  north.  In  this  same  year  1378 
Florence  was  shaken  by  a  great  popular  movement,  and 
Venice  and  Genoa  were  carrying  on  a  quarrel  which  ex- 
hausted the  strength  of  both.     " 

The  Albizzi  and  the  Guelf  party  held  the  power  in 
Florence.  The  Guelfs  were  led  by  Silvestro  de  Medici,  a 
A  h  •  th  ^^^^  plebeian,  and  relying  on  the  Minor  Arts 
Condottieri'.  who  Were  jealous  of  the  ]\Iajor  Arts,  and  on 
the  Ciompi  or  the  inferior  trades,  which  were 
not  organized  into  regular  corporations,  they  provoked  a 
revolution  which  soon  went  further  than  they  intended. 
The  Minor  Artsand  the  Ciompi  demanded  tobe  admitted  to 
government  on  the  same  footing  as  the  Major  Arts.  Medici 
was  willing  to  sustain  the  demands  of  the  Minor  Arts,  of 
which  he  was  a  member,  but  not  those  of  the  Ciompi,  who, 
displeased  by  this  partiality,  spread  through  the  city  and 
burned  the  houses  of  the  Albizzi.  They  put  Michael  Lando, 
a  wool  carder,  at  their  head,  and  he  seized  the  signory  and 
founded  a  government  of  nine  members,  three  from  the 
Major  Arts,  three  from  the  Minor  Arts,  and  three  from  the 


454  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

common  people.  The  Ciompi  were  not  content  with  this, 
and  they  still  demanded  certain  financial  measures  favorable 
to  the  plebeian  debtors.  Lando  felt  unable  to  satisfy  their 
demands,  and  showed  as  much  firmness  in  refusing  them  as 
he  had  shown  in  his  measures  against  the  nobles.  This 
equivocal  position  discredited  his  authority.  The  three 
priors  of  the  Ciompi  were  driven  from  power,  and  a  new 
government  was  formed  of  nine  members,  five  of  whom 
were  from  the  Minor  Arts. 

While  Florence  was  a  prey  to  this  fruitless  agitation,  the 
rivalry  of  the  two  great  maritime  and  commercial  powers  of 
Italy  broke  out  in  the  war  of  Chioggia.  The  Venetian  ad- 
miral Victor  Pisani  attacked  and  defeated  a  Genoese  fleet 
in  1370.  The  following  year  the  Genoese  admiral  Lucien 
Doria  entered  the  Adriatic  and  avenged  this  defeat  by  a 
victory  which  forced  the  Venetians  to  take  refuge  in  their 
lagoons.  Doria,  to  keep  them  imprisoned  there,  established 
himself  at  Chioggia,  at  their  very  gates,  and  declared  that  he 
would  not  withdraw  until  he  had  bridled  the  bronze  horses 
of  Saint  Mark.  Venice  seemed  lost,  and  the  signory  wished 
to  change  the  seat  of  government  to  Candia.  But  the 
people  opposed  this  move,  and  released  Pisani  from  the 
prison  where  he  had  been  thrown  as  a  punishment  for  this 
defeat.  The  Genoans  were  besieged  at  Chioggia  and 
obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion.  The  only  result  of  this 
war  was  to  weaken  both  the  republics.  Venice  regained 
her  strength,  but  Genoa  continued  to  be  torn  by  the  quarrels 
of  the  Adorni  and  the  Fregosi,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
Doria  and  the  Fieschi. 

In  their  quarrels  the  republics  of  the  north  showed  at 
least  some  fine  feelings  and  heroic  traits  ;  but  after  the 
wise  reign  of  Robert  I.  the  monarchy  in  the  south  of  Italy 
exhibited  only  crimes  and  intrigues,  unrelieved  by  higher 
motives  or  aspirations.  This  Robert  (1309-1343),  the 
grandson  of  Charles  of  Anjou,  was  a  lover  of  peace  and  of 
the  arts.  The  Pope  of  Avignon,  Clement  V.,  appointed 
him  vicar  of  the  empire  in  Italy,  but  he  made  nothing  of 
this  title.  The  king  of  Aragon  ceded  to  him  Sicily,  which 
was  being  governed  by  his  brother  Frederick,  and  the  Pope 
commanded  the  Aragon  prince  to  give  up  the  island  to  the 
king  of  Naples.  Robert,  however,  left  it  in  Frederick's 
possession, and  to  make  sure  of  peace  gave  him  his  sister  in 
marriage.     He  was  the  friend  of  Petrarch,  and  wished  the 


Chap.  XXIX.]       ITALY  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  455 

nomad  poet  to  make  his  home  at  Naples.  His  nephew, 
Charles  Robert,  became  king  of  Hungary  in  his  mother's 
right,  and  founded  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube  the  short 
Angevine  dynasty  which  temporarily  raised  the  country  of 
the  Magyars  to  so  high  a  position.  All  this  was  changed 
at  the  accession  of  Robert's  granddaughter,  Jane  I.  She 
married  her  cousin  x\ndrew  of  Hungary  and  had  him  assas- 
sinated at  the  end  of  two  years.  After  a  life  of  debauchery 
and  crime,  and  after  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  she 
adopted  her  cousin  Charles  of  Durazzo,  son  of  the  king  of 
Hungary,  as  her  heir,  and  then,  a  little  later,  Louis  of  the 
second  house  of  Anjou,  whom  we  already  know,  the  brother 
of  Charles  V.  of  France.  Durazzo  defended  his  rights 
with  force.  He  got  control  of  Naples  and  of  Jane,  and  had 
her  smothered  under  a  mattress  at  the  approach  of  his  rival 
(1382).  For  some  time  he  exercised  a  great  influence  in 
Italy,  and  overthrew  the  popular  government  in  Florence  in 
order  to  re-establish  the  power  of  the  aristocracy.  But 
when  he  died  in  Hungary,  in  1386,  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
was  plunged  for  a  long  time  into  complete  anarchy,  under 
the  government  of  Ladislaus  (1386-1414),  and  of  a  second 
Jane  (1414-1435),  who  was  as  wicked  and  dissolute  as  the 
first.  She  also  chose  two  successors  to  her  throne,  Alfonso 
V.  of  Aragon,  and  Louis  IH.,  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  later 
still  Rene,  his  brother.  This  double  choice  gave  rise  to  the 
prolonged  struggle  between  the  French  and  the  Aragonese 
parties  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  to  the  Italian  wars 
which  broke  out  at  the  beginning  of  modern  times. 

This  decline  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  marks  the  begin- 
ning of  the  disappearance  of  the  last  great  power  in  Italy, 
of  that  power  which  after  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope  might 
have  exercised  a  real  influence  over  the  peninsula.  Another 
power  was,  however,  arising  in  the  north.  Gian  Galeazzo 
Visconti,  the  great-grandson  of  ISIatteo  the  Great,  became 
sole  master  of  Milan  in  1385,  and  dreamed  of  founding  a 
kingdom  of  Italy.  At  first  the  enemy  of  Venice,  but  later 
her  ally,  he  seized  Padua  and  Treviso,  subdued  the  greater 
part  of  Lombardy,  and  from  there  tried  to  enter  Romagna. 
When  Florence  checked  his  progress  in  that  direction  by 
means  of  her  famous  condottieri,  the  Count  of  Armagnac 
and  the  Englishman  John  Hawkwood,  he  still  succeeded 
in  insinuating  his  influence  everywhere,  and  in  1395  he 
bought  from  the   Emperor  Wenzel   a   charter  of   investi- 


456  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

ture  which  conferred  upon  him  the  titles  of  Duke  of  Milan 
and  Count  of  Pavia.  He  was  then  supreme  over  twenty-six 
cities  in  Lombardy  together  with  their  territories.  When 
he  was  carried  off  by  the  plague  in  1402  the  Milanese 
power  almost  passed  out  of  existence.  Venice  and  Flor- 
ence regained  their  prestige,  but  used  it  ungenerously. 
Venice  subjected  Padua,  Verona,  and  Vicenza  to  her 
tyranny,  while  Florence  utterly  destroyed  Pisa. 

For  the  rest,  the  real  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  mer- 
cenary adventurers,  the  condottieri,  who  were  then  wander- 
ing through  Italy  letting  themselves  out  to  the  highest 
bidder,  and  who  proved  a  new  scourge  for  the  peninsula. 
Two  of  these  were  especially  famous  and  wandered  all  over 
Italy,  fighting  over  every  province,  and  even  over  Rome 
herself.  These  were  Braccio  da  Montone  and  Sforza 
Attendolo,  the  latter  a  peasant  soldier,  whose  family  was 
destined  to  become  so  powerful.  These  condottieri,  who 
fought  only  for  money,  kept  up  an  understanding  with  each 
other  and  were  on  good  terms,  though  in  opposing  armies. 
At  the  battle  of  Anghiari,  one  of  the  most  important  of 
this  epoch,  only  one  man  was  killed  after  an  engagement 
that  lasted  ten  hours.  This  was  undoubtedly  a  very  humane 
method  of  warfare,  but  disastrous  to  the  national  character. 

Philippo  Maria,  the  son  of  Gian  Galeazzo,  restored  the 
Milanese  power,  thanks  to  the  talents  of  Carmagnola,  who 
later  went  over  to  the  Venetians  and  met  a  tragic  death 
among  them. 

The  most  fortunate  and  most  successful  of  the  condot- 
tieri was  Francesco  Sforza,  who,  having  become  the  cap- 
tain and  son-in-law  of  Philippo  Maria,  seized  his  kingdom 
at  his  death,  triumphed  over  the  long  resistance  of  Milan, 
and  assumed  there  the  ducal  crown,  scepter,  and  sword. 

Venice  protested  in  vain  against  the  restoration  of  the 
Milanese  power  under  a  mighty  prince,  and  allied  herself 
against  them  with  Alfonso  V.,  the  king  of  Aragon  and 
Sicily,  and  the  heir  of  Naples.  A  like  revolution  was  going 
on  in  Florence.  Cosmo  de  Medici  was  busied  in  estab- 
lishing his  power  there,  and  hoped  to  make  the  city  into  a 
principality.  Liberty  was  everywhere  disappearing,  and  the 
attempt  of  Porcaro  at  Rome  (1453)  was  but  a  feeble  echo 
of  the  bolder  projects  of  Arnold  of  Breccia  and  of  Rienzo. 
Republican  Italy  had  overcome  the  Germans,  but  had  not 
been  able  to  conquer  herself,  because  liberty  had  been  un- 


Chap.  XXIX.]      ITALY  FJiOM  n^O  TO  \A5Z.  457 

willing  to  subject  herself  to  law.  The  Italy  of  the  princi- 
palities was  to  lay  herself  open  to  outside  influences  and 
continually  to  summon  foreigners  into  her  midst,  and  in 
this  way  to  inaugurate  a  new  era  of  calamities. 

Though,  during  this  period  we  have  just  been  reviewing, 

Italy  was  in  a  very  disturbed  state,  and  though  she  missed 

„  .    ^         ,    the    goal    of    happiness    toward    which    the 

Splendor     o  f  .     "        ,  ^  ^  ,       , 

Italy  in  litera-  actious  of  men  are  wont  to  tend,  she  was  m- 
arts^  D^a^nt'l^  demuified  for  it  by  the  splendor  and  glory 
Petrarch,  Boc-  with  which  shc  was  then  adorned  ;  and  does 
not  this  in  itself  form  a  great  part  of  happi- 
ness? Her  language,  which  was  already  half  formed,  was, 
under  the  pen  of  the  great  Florentine  poet,  Dante  Alighieri 
(1265  to  1321),  the  first  of  the  European  languages  to 
receive  its  modern  form.  Energetic  and  sonorous,  even 
when  most  graceful,  it  furnished  the  poet  with  the  means 
of  writing  his  immortal  poem,  the  Divine  Comedy.  This 
poem  is  an  epitome  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  passing  from 
the  ecstatic  contemplation  of  the  beauty  of  Beatrice  when 
transported  to  the  heavens,  to  the  tortures  and  the  cries  of 
the  damned,  from  the  serene  splendors  of  Paradise  to  the 
fiercest  fires  of  the  infernal  regions,  we  can  discern,  as  it 
were,  the  whole  religious  and  theological  conception  of  the 
age.  This  language  was  less  harsh  and  more  tender  and 
perfect  on  the  lips  of  Petrarch,  the  author  of  those  sonnets 
and  canzones  in  which  his  constant  and  invincible  love  for 
Laura  in  spite  of  her  absence,  even  of  her  death,  will  live 
forever,  and  also  his  no  less  faithful  love  for  his  unhappy 
country,  for  Italy,  whose  fate  he  mourns  in  wonderful  lines. 
After  Dante,  whose  poems  were  interpreted  by  professors 
especially  appointed  to  that  end,  and  after  Petrarch,  who, 
crowned  with  laurels,  ascended  the  steps  of  the  Capitol  fol- 
lowed by  the  applause  of  a  whole  people,  there  came  a 
decadence  in  letters  as  far  as  the  subjects,  sentiments,  and 
conceptions  were  concerned.  Boccaccio  was  born  in  Paris 
in  1313  and  died  at  Florence  in  1375.  His  Decameron 
shows  him  as  the  greatest  of  the  prose  writers,  but  not  of 
the  moralists  of  his  country.  After  him  literature  was 
silent  and  slumbered,  not  to  reawaken  until  the  second 
Italian  renaissance  with  Tasso.  Learning  now  took  the 
place  of  letters.  Petrarch  himself  was  deeply  versed  in 
antiquity.  John  of  Ravenna,  Chrysoloras,  Bracciolini,  and 
Leonardo    Bruni,    or    Aretino,  were   the    famous    scholars 


4S8  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX, 

of  the  times.  They  began  that  eager  research  for  the  ancient 
manuscripts  which  brought  literature  back  to  the  pursuit  of 
the  true  and  the  beautiful.  Bartolus  had  lectured  on 
Roman  law  with  great  renown  at  Pisa  and  Perugia  (died  in 
1356),  and  Villani,  on  beholding  the  spectacle  of  the  great 
jubilee  of  1300,  had  conceived  the  idea  which  he  executed 
by  writing  a  history  "  for  the  glory  of  his  country,  Florence, 
which  is  still  increasing  in  power,  while  Rome  is  declining." 

The  arts  had  already  attained  a  point  that  foreshadowed 
the  splendors  of  the  age  of  Leo  X.  Venice  and  Pisa  were 
the  first  to  distinguish  themselves  in  this  line.  In  107 1  the 
wholly  Byzantine  church  of  St.  Mark's  arose  at  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic.  In  1063,  on  the  banks  of  the  Arno,  the 
famous  dome  of  Pisa  was  begun;  in  1152  the  wonderful 
baptistry,  in  which  the  Byzantine  cupola,  the  Roman  arcade, 
the  Greek  column,  and  gothic  ornamentation  were  all  united; 
in  ii74the  leaning  tower,  and  in  1278  the  gallery  of  the 
Campo  Santo,  a  cemetery  of  consecrated  ground  destined 
to  receive  the  bodies  of  the  great  men  of  Pisa.  Florence 
somewhat  later,  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
began  to  build  the  churches  of  Santa  Croce  and  of  Santa 
Maria  del  Fiore,  in  which  Arnolfo  di  Cambio  combined  the 
pointed  arch  and  the  rose  window  in  the  Tuscan  style  ; 
next  came  Brunelleschi,  whose  dome  placed  on  the  latter 
church  was  the  admiration  of  Michel  Angelo.  In  1386 
Gian  Galeazzo  had  begun  the  cathedral  of  Milan,  a  moun- 
tain of  marble  which  carries  a  world  of  statues,  and  is 
hardly  finished  to  this  day.  By  the  side  of  architecture, 
painting  was  already  freeing  itself  from  its  trammels  with 
Cimabue,  Giotto,  and  Masaccio. 

The  same  activity  was  apparent  in  commerce  and  indus- 
try. Gold  was  abundant  in  all  the  thousand  cities  and 
paid  for  all  these  works.  Amalfi  had  been  the  first  to  send 
vessels  to  the  East.  Pisa  had  supplanted  her,  and  after  the 
battle  of  Meloria  had  been  obliged  to  yield  the  empire  of 
the  seas  to  Venice  and  Genoa.  The  former  was  mistress 
of  the  Adriatic,  of  a  part  of  her  islands,  of  the  coasts  of 
Greece,  of  Candia,  and,  through  Alexandria,  of  almost  all 
the  commerce  with  the  extreme  East ;  the  latter,  which 
traded  with  the  coasts  of  Spain  and  France,  had  the  suburb 
Pera  at  Constantinople,  and  at  the  head  of  the  Black  Sea 
the  flourishing  colony  of  Caffa,  which  took  the  name  of  the 
Queen  of  the  Crimea. 


Chap.  XXIX.]       /TJLV  FA'OM  12o0  TO  U5d.  459 

In  the  interior  of  Italy  industry  was  flourishing  at  Milan, 
which  contained  200,000  inhabitants  and  numberless  manu- 
factories of  armor,  trappings,  saddles,  and  fine  cloths  ;  at 
Verona,  which  manufactured  20,000  pieces  of  cloth  a  year; 
and  at  Florence,  which  had  80,000  inhabitants  within,  and 
almost  as  many  outside,  her  walls,  30,000  workers  in  wool 
and  workshops  which  wove  80,000  pieces  of  cloth  each  year. 

A  skillful  system  of  irrigation,  which  made  Lombardy  into 
an  immense  garden,  added  to  the  natural  fertility  of  the 
soil,  from  which  the  Tuscans,  Lombards,  and  Romagnols 
were  able  to  produce  an  enormous  quantity  of  products. 
Money  circulated  as  freely  as  the  commodities,  thanks  to 
the  monti  or  state  banks  established  at  Venice  perhaps  as 
early  as  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  later  on  a 
broader  foundation  at  Genoa  and  at  Florence.  The  men 
of  Lombardy,  Florence,  Genoa,  and  Lucca  were  not  only 
the  great  merchants  but  also  the  great  bankers  of  the  age, 
and  their  commercial  operations  extended  over  the  length 
and  breadth  of  Europe.  Even  sovereigns  were  inscribed 
upon  their  books. 

Such  was  the  Italy  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  European 
country  which  was  farthest  advanced  in  the  path  of  civiliza- 
tion. This  advancement  is  explained  by  the  persistence  of 
the  traditions  of  the  ancient  civilization  and  by  the  great 
ability  of  this  remarkable  Italian  population.  But  though 
they  had  attained  a  high  degree  of  civilization  their  standard 
of  morals  was  very  low.  Another  evil  in  the  midst  of  this 
splendor,  and  one  which  was  long  incurable,  was  the  loss 
of  all  national  spirit,  the  ruin  of  patriotism.  Each  man, 
whether  prince  or  common  man,  lived  entirely  for  himself, 
not  understanding  that  the  surest  means  of  obtaining  the 
well-being  of  the  individual  is  to  establish  public  prosperity, 
and  that  it  is  necessary  to  sacrifice  some  personal  inde- 
pendence to  insure  general  liberty,  with  all  the  benefits 
that  follow  in  its  train. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 
GERMANY   FROM  1250  to  1453. 


The  Great  Interregnum  (1250-1273).  Usurpation  of  imperial  property  and 
rights. — Anarchy  and  violence  ;  leagues  of  the  Lords  and  of  the 
Cities. — Rudolf  of  Hapsburg  (1273).  Founding  of  the  House  of 
Austria  (1282).  Adolf  of  Nassau  (1291)  and  Albert  of  Austria 
(1298).  Liberation  of  Switzerland  (1308). — Henry  VH.  (1308)  and 
Lewis  of  Bavaria  (1314).  The  House  of  Luxemburg  (1347-1438); 
the  Golden  Bull. — The  House  of  Austria  recovers  the  imperial  crown, 
but  not  its  power  (1438)- 

The  imperial  authority  had  worn  itself  out  in  Italy 
under  the  different  dynasties  which  had  occupied  the  throne 
of  Otto  the  Great,  especially  under  the  Ho- 
terregnum  (1250-  henstaufen.  After  the  death  of  Frederick  II. 
ti'o"'*ofimpSi  (1250),  which  maybe  considered  as  putting 
property  and  an  end  to  the  Swabian  house,  a  general  eman- 
nghts.  cipation   of    the  two    countries    which    had 

owned  his  sway  took  place.  Italy,  left  to  herself,  was  ex- 
hausted by  the  old  quarrel  between  the  Empire  and  the 
Holy  See,  and  was  incapable  of  attaining  political  unity. 
Germany  had  a  like  experience.  There,  in  the  twenty- 
three  years  known  as  "  the  great  Interregnum  "  (1250-1273), 
the  lords  and  towns  threw  off  all  dependence  and,  ad- 
vanced by  industry  and  commerce,  raised  themselves  to 
political  power  by  the  same  movement  that  lifted  up  the 
middle  classes  of  France,  the  commons  of  England,  and  the 
Italian  republics.  Nothing  but  the  great  strength  of  the 
feudal  system  in  Germany  kept  them  from  going  as  far  as 
the  others  in  that  direction. 

The  Great  Interregnum  was  a  period  of  disturbance  and 
anarchy.  Emperors  there  were,  but  more  in  show  and 
name  than  in  reality.  Thus  William  of  Holland,  whom  the 
Pope  Innocent  IV.  had  set  up  in  opposition  to  Frederick, 
bore  the  title  till  1256.  Then  the  electors  sold  the  imperial 
crown  with  no  feeling  of  shame,  putting  it  up,  like  the 
Roman  Pretorians,  to  public  auction.     To  drive  a  better 

460 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  461 

bargain,  they  chose  two  emperors  instead  of  one,  both 
foreigners,  Richard  of  Cornwall,  brother  of  Henry  111.,  king 
of  England,  and  Alfonso  X.,  king  of  Castile.*  The  latter 
never  made  his  appearance  in  Germany  ;  the  reign  of  the 
other  was  entirely  taken  up  with  voyages  to  England, 
whither  he  went  to  fill  his  purse,  which  was  immediately 
emptied  again  by  the  German  lords,  who  robbed  him  and 
laughed  at  him. 

This  period  was  justly  called  the  Interregnum,  for  it  was 
really  an  eclipse  of  the  imperial  authority,  whose  rights  and 
property  were  everywhere  usurped  by  the  princes,  the  lords, 
and  the  towns.  The  four  electors  of  the  Rhine,  that  is,  the 
three  archbishops  of  Treves,  Cologne,  and  Mainz,  and 
the  Count  Palatine,!  divided  among  themselves  the  great 
imperial  domain,  which  lay  for  the  most  part  on  both  sides 
of  that  river.  In  the  duchies  and  counties  the  dukes  and 
counts  seized  whatever  of  the  royal  domain  lay  within  their 
borders,  and  the  bishops  followed  the  example  set  them. 
The  towns  stopped  paying  their  dues  and  the  clergy  fur- 
nishing the  sums  they  owed  to  the  imperial  treasury,  and 
the  regalian  rights,  which  had  brought  a  large  revenue  to 
the  emperors,  were  everywhere  seized  and  used  to  the  profit 
of  the  princes  and  the  towns.  Under  Frederick  I.  the 
revenues  had  annually  exceeded  six  million  crowns;  under 
Rudolf,  who  recovered  some  of  them,  they  did  not  reach  a 
third  of  that  amount. 

The  number  of  immediate  lords,  that  is,  of  those  who 
were  directly  dependent  on  the  Emperor,  and  consequently 
independent  when  there  was  no  Emperor,  or,  what  amounted 
to  the  same,  when  there  was  a  weak  Emperor,  had  greatly 
increased.  It  had  been  the  policy  of  the  Hohenstaufen 
emperors  to  multiply  the  number  of  these  smaller  imme- 
diate lords  whenever  opportunity  offered,  by  subdividing 
the  larger  states.  The  domains  of  the  house  of  Saxony 
had,  in  former  days,  undergone  this  experience  when  Henry 
the  Lion  was  despoiled  (i  180)  of  his  property,  so  that  many  of 

*  As  in  theory'  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  embraced  the  whole  of  Europe, 
it  was  possible  for  any  prince,  however  remote  from  Germany,  to  be 
elected  Emperor. — Ed. 

t  This  Count  Palatine  was  the  most  important  of  all  those  established 
by  Otto  I.,  and  the  only  one  able  to  make  himself  independent.  His 
domains  on  the  two  banks  of  the  Rhine  formed  the  Lower  Palatinate, 
his  possessions  between  Bavaria  and  Bohemia  the  Upper  Palatinate. 


4^2  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

the  most  powerful  German  sovereignties  were  now  minutely 
divided.  Everything  in  the  neighborhood  of  Germany  that 
was  subject  to  the  Emperor  broke  away.  The  vassals  of 
the  kingdom  of  Burgundy  freed  themselves  from  the  im- 
perial sovereignty  ;  the  kings  of  Denmark,  Poland,  and 
Hungary  did  the  same.  Ottocar  II.,  king  of  Bohemia  and 
duke  of  Moravia,  seized  Austria,  Styria,  Carniola,  and 
Carinthia,  and  was  invested  with  full  power  over  them. 

The  imperial  authority  was  able  to  do  nothing  in  its  own 

defense,  and  far  less  able  to  act  in  defense  of  others.     So 

Germany  was  racked   with   private  warfare, 

Anarchy,  highway  robbcry,  and  the  reign  of  brute 
lence ;  leagues  forcc.  The  nobility  on  the  banks  of  the 
and^tife  towns^  Rhine  and  in  Swabia  was  conspicuous  for 
exploits  of  that  nature.  Every  little  emi- 
nence was  surmounted  by  a  castle,  especially  in  Alsace  and 
the  Black  Forest,  and  from  each  of  them  rapacious  noble- 
men, who  did  not  refrain  from  murder  in  pursuit  of  their 
booty,  were  ready  to  descend  upon  the  roads.  A  social 
and  moral  transformation  was  taking  place  at  the  same 
time  with  the  political  changes.  The  power  of  maney  was 
growing  day  by  day,  and  the  feudal  lords,  who  scorned  to 
acquire  wealth  by  commerce  or  industrial  pursuits,  pro- 
cured it  by  plundering.  The  thirst  for  gold  drove  away  all 
sentiments  of  a  chivalrous  nature  in  Germany  as  well  as 
elsewhere,  in  spite  of  the  sense  of  honor  in  their  national 
character.  Contemporary  writers  deplored  the  fact.  "For- 
merly," said  one  of  them,  "  I  used  to  see  tournaments  and 
armed  men  ;  now  it  is  thought  a  creditable  thing  to  steal 
oxen  and  sheep."  "  It  is  with  unmixed  grief,"  said  another, 
"that  we  regard  the  present  time,  and  with  regret,  the 
past.  How  can  a  nobleman  fall  so  low  as  to  bring  dis- 
honor on  his  family  by  a  miserable  desire  for  money  ?  The 
evil  is  spreading  from  the  noble  to  the  lower  classes,  so  that 
there  is  no  honor  or  confidence  anywhere." 

As  the  supreme  authority  no  longer  checked  disorders,  it 
devolved  upon  the  subjects  themselves  to  attend  to  it. 
Defensive  leagues  were  formed  in  every  part  of  the  em- 
pire. Most  of  them  had  come  into  existence  in  the  reign 
of  Frederick  II.,  for  anarchy  was  already  rife  in  Germany 
in  the  time  of  that  prince,  on  account  of  his  long  sojourn 
in  Italy.  Some  were  formed  by  the  nobles  ;  such  were  the 
Gafierbscha/ten,  in  which  the  lesser  nobility  joined  for  the 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  463 

twofold  purpose  of  regulating  by  family  compact  the  trans- 
mission of  estates  in  case  the  direct  line  died  out,  and 
of  fortifying  at  the  common  expense  the  castles  held 
for  refuge  and  defense.  Other  leagues  comprised  cities 
whose  commerce  would  have  perished  if  it  had  not  been 
energetically  protected.  In  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  the  archbishops  of  Mainz,  Treves,  and  Cologne 
entered  into  a  league  with  sixty  cities  that  bordered  on  the 
Rhine.  This  confederation,  called  the  League  of  the 
Rhine,  sanctioned  by  William  in  1255,  had  a  definite  or- 
ganization :  the  allies  were  to  come  together  every  three 
months  in  assemblies  whose  place  of  meeting  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  towns  pledged  themselves  to  equip  600  ves- 
sels for  use  on  the  river.  The  most  important  of  these 
confederations,  the  Hanseatic  League,  has  already  been 
described. 

These  federations  and  the  importance  of  the  cities  bear 
witness  to  considerable  progress  made  in  city  populations. 
This  progress  had  been  encouraged  by  some  of  the  emper- 
ors, particularly  those  of  the  Franconian  house,  who,  to 
gain  the  support  of  the  middle  classes,  had  declared  the 
tradesmen  of  Spire,  Strassburg,  etc.,  free.  In  all  the 
cities  the  guilds,  self-governing  trades-unions,  increased  in 
numbers  and  importance  and  influenced  greatly  both  the 
development  of  manufactures  and  of  commerce  and  the 
government  of  the  cities.  It  was,  of  course,  the  advantage 
to  be  gained  that  induced  the  emperors  to  favor  the  towns  ; 
the  authority  of  the  emperor  in  judicial  matters  and  in  the 
care  of  the  fortifications  and  the  collection  of  the  revenue 
was  represented  in  the  imperial  cities  by  vogts  or  burg- 
grafen  of  the  emperor's  appointment.  The  bishops  or 
dukes  appointed  similar  officers  to  represent  them  in  the 
cities  w^iich  were  dependent  upon  them.  The  townspeo- 
ple naturally  wished  to  carry  their  independence  farther, 
and  free  themselves  from  the  authority  of  the  emperor  as 
well  as  the  lords  :  Frederick  tried  to  resist  the  movement, 
but  did  not  have  time  to  accomplish  his  object,  and  in  the 
most  of  the  cities  these  offices  finally  pass  into  the  control 
of  the  cities  themselves. 

The  country  districts  followed  the  cities  in  the  path  of 
progress.  There  was  a  decrease  in  serfdom.  In  North 
Germany,  which  had  been  almost  depopulated  by  the  cru- 
sades and  the  wars  against  the  Slavs,  numerous  colonies 


4^4  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Booit  IX. 

of  Brabanters,  Flemings,  Dutch,  and  Frisians  had  settled 
down  as  free  cultivators  of  the  soil.  The  custom  of  eman- 
cipation spread  from  low  to  high  Germany.  The  cities 
welcomed  the  serfs  and  gave  the  freedom  of  the  city  to 
those  who  settled  in  their  suburbs,  so  that  the  nobles  were 
forced  either  to  treat  their  serfs  better  or  to  free  them  if 
they  wished  to  keep  them. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Germany  in  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  The  Great  Interregnum  only  added 
new  force  to  the  tendency  toward  dislocation  and  isolation. 
Under  Frederick  II.  it  was  still  uncertain  whether  Germany 
would  be  a  monarchy  with  a  parliamentary  constitution  or 
a  confederation,  each  member  of  which  would  have  a  share 
of  the  power.  In  the  former  case,  the  Germans  would  have 
remained  a  nation,  in  the  full  acceptation  of  the  word,  as 
all  public  life  would  have  centered  about  the  constitution 
of  the  empire.  But  the  long  period  of  disturbances  which 
followed  the  death  of  Frederic  II.  strengthened  the  desire 
for  local  independence,  and  it  was  the  latter  system  which 
finally  prevailed. 

Richard   of  Cornwall    died  in    1272.     At   that   moment 

anarchy    had    reached    its    highest    point,  and  though   the 

„     .    ,^     ,    strong,  who  caused  it,  suffered  little  from  its 

Rudolfof  „  1  1  re  1  I  rr-ii 

Hapsburg  eiiects,  the  weak  suffered  much.  Ihere  was 
[ng'of  the°Aus-  a  general  feeling  in  favor  of  having  a  man 
trian  house     who  would  at  least  keep  order  in  the  empire, 

*'^  guard  the  safety  of  the  roads,  and  maintain  the 

public  peace,  without  interfering  with  the  independence 
which  the  people  wished  to  retain.  "  Everybody  desires  a 
good  and  wise  Emperor,"  wrote  the  Bishop  of  Olmutz  to 
Pope  Gregory  X. ;  "  but  no  one  is  anxious  for  a  strong  Em- 
peror." At  the  end  of  a  year  Rudolf  of  Hapsburg  was 
elected,  a  knight  full  of  courage,  but  one  of  the  lesser  no- 
bility, whose  few  domains  were  scattered  through  Alsace, 
Swabia,  and  Switzerland,  and  who  did  not  belong  to  the 
princely  families.  Although,  apparently,  he  was  not  formid- 
able, yet  on  the  day  of  his  coronation  the  nobles  sought  to 
evade  the  oath  of  fealty  which  they  owed  him,  and  the  scep- 
ter which  was  employed  for  this  purpose  could  not  be  found; 
they  had  hidden  it.  Rudolf  seized  the  cross  from  the  altar  : 
"  Here,"  he  said,  "  is  the  symbol  of  our  salvation  ;  we  shall 
use  it  as  a  scepter." 

Rudolf  was  an  able  iMiiperor.     In  the  first  place  he  was 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  465 

wise  enough  to  distinguish  the  possible  from  the  impossible, 
his  unquestionable  rights  from  those  that  were  out  of  date, 
and  the  vindication  of  which  would  have  been  fatal  to  him. 
Thus  he  resolutely  sacrificed  Italy,  the  "  cave  of  the  Lion," 
as  he  justly  called  it.  "  The  footsteps  leading  to  it  are 
many,  there  are  none  that  return."  He  sold  to  Florence, 
Lucca,  Genoa,  and  Bologna  the  right  to  govern  themselves 
by  their  own  laws,  and  he  solemnly  confirmed  the  Pope  in 
the  possession  of  the  Exarchate  and  the  Pentapolis,  dispos- 
ing of  the  imperial  domain  in  Italy  as  one  does  in  a  country 
he  is  about  to  leave  forever.  Nevertheless  he  always  kept 
an  imperial  vicar  in  Lombardy  to  collect  the  revenues  still 
remaining  to  him  there. 

He  decided  that  he  would  have  enough  to  do  in  trying 
to  re-establish  the  law  in  Germany,  and  in  regulating  the 
relations  between  the  local  powers  and  the  imperial  au- 
thority. Ottocar  II.  king  of  Bohemia,  refused  to  do  him 
feudal  homage  (1275).  He  was  a  powerful  prince  who  had 
built  up  a  great  Slavonic  monarchy  flanking  the  German 
possessions,  from  Saxony  to  the  Italian  Alps.  Germany 
was  troubled  by  this  dangerous  neighbor  and  willingly  fol- 
lowed the  new  Emperor  when  he  went  to  attack  him.  Ru- 
dolf forced  him  to  submit.  The  story  goes  that  Ottocar 
would  only  consent  to  do  homage  behind  closed  doors  in 
a  tent  ;  but  that  while  he  was  taking  the  oath,  the  tent  fell 
down,  and  all  the  camp  saw  Ottocar,  in  magnificent  apparel, 
on  his  knees  before  their  Emperor  with  his  thin  face, 
aquiline  nose,  dressed  in  a  wretched-looking  overgarment,  a 
kind  of  German  Louis  XI.  minus  the  cruelty.  There  is 
some  doubt  about  the  fact,  but  for  one  reason  or  another, 
Ottocar  took  up  arms  again,  and  this  time  was  conquered 
and  killed  on  the  Marchfield,  a  great  plain  opposite  Vienna, 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube  (1278).  In  the  treaty  which 
followed,  Rudolf  left  Bohemia  in  the  hands  of  young  Wen- 
zel,  but  at  the  same  time  he  married  him  to  his  daughter 
and  detached  Moravia  for  many  years  from  his  kingdom  in 
order  to  indemnify  himself  for  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

When  he  had  accomplished  that  great  work,  he  turned  to 
the  German  lords  of  the  interior.  He  annulled  all  grants 
made  by  the  successors  of  Frederick  II.,  and  demanded, 
though  he  did  not  succeed  in  obtaining,  restitution  of  the 
rights  and  property  which  had  been  usurped  from  the  im- 
perial crown.     He  forbade  private  warfare,  made  the  states 


466  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX, 

of  Franconia,  Swabia,  Bavaria,  and  Alsace  swear  to  keep 

the  public  peace,  and  destroyed  many  castles,  the  dens  of 
noble  bandits,  one  of  whom,  the  Count  of  Wiirtemberg,  had 
inscribed  upon  his  banner  the  words  :  "  A  friend  to  God, 
a  foe  to  man."  In  the  province  of  Thuringia  alone,  he 
razed  seventy  fortresses  to  the  ground. 

Another  feature  of  Rudolf's  policy,  besides  the  relinquish- 
ment of  Italy  and  the  pacification  of  Germany,  was  the 
founding  of  the  dominion  of  his  house.  He  granted 
Carinthia  to  the  Count  of  Tyrol,  who  had  lent  him  great 
assistance  in  his  war  with  Ottocar,  but  in  1282  he  put  his 
sons  in  possession  of  the  duchies  of  Austria,  Styria,  and 
Carniola,  the  provinces,  in  fact,  which  are  still  the  founda- 
tion on  which  the  great  structure  of  the  Hapsburg  power 
rests  ;  in  the  following  year  Albert,  the  eldest,  is  given  sole 
possession  of  them.  It  was  also  his  desire  that  the  title  of 
King  of  the  Romans  should  be  conferred  upon  his  son.  But 
the  electors  already  found  that  the  new  house  of  Austria 
was  becoming  too  powerful,  and  they  refused. 

On  his  death,  in  fact,  in  1291,  a  prince  from  another  fam- 
ily, poor  and  obscure,  Adolf  of  Nassau,  was  elected  after 
an  interregnum  of  ten  months.  His  reign 
sau  (1290  ami  o^  six  years  is  marked  by  two  events  ;  he 
Albert  of  Aus-    sold  hiuisclf   to  Edward  I.   in   1204,  against 

tria     (1298^.       T-,u-i-       ^u       T-    •       r  ?    \.      i- 

Liberation  of  rhilip  the  tair,  for  100,000  pounds  sterhng, 
(1308)^^^'^^^"'^  and  used  the  money  in  an  attempt  to  obtain 
in  Thuringia  a  principality  for  his  family  as 
Rudolf  had  done  in  Austria.  The  electors  were  displeased 
and  chose  Albert  of  Austria  to  succeed  him,  who  conquered 
and  killed  his  adversary  at  Gollheim,  near  Worms  (1298). 

The  ten  years'  reign  of  the  new  king  of  the  Romans* 
showed  that  he  was  very  ambitious  for  his  family,  which  he 
wished  to  establish  on  the  throne  of  Bohemia,  where  the 
Slavonic  dynasty  had  lately  died  out,  and  also  in  Thuringia 
and  Meissen,  where  he  lost  a  battle.  He  was  also  bent  upon 
extending  his  rights,  even  unjustly — in  Alsace  and  Switz- 
erland— and  it  proved  an  unfortunate  venture  for  him. 
For,  on  the  one  hand,  he  roused  the  three  Swiss  cantons  of 
Uri,  Schweitz,  and  Unterwalden  to  revolt;  on  the  other  hand, 
he  roused  the  wrath  of  his  nephew  John  of  Swabia,  whom 

*  The  prince  chosen  by  the  electors  bore  the  name  of  King  of  the 
Romans  after  Henry  II.  until  he  had  received  at  Rome  the  title  of 
Emperor  with  his  imperial  crown. 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  12.30  TO  1453.  4^7 

he  defrauded  of  his  inheritance  (domains  in  Switzerland, 
Svvabia,  and  Alsace).  As  he  was  crossing  the  Reuss,  John 
thrust  him  through  with  his  sword  (1308).  The  assassin 
escaped.  One  of  Albert's  daughters,  Agnes,  dowager  queen 
of  Hungary,  had  more  than  a  thousand  innocent  people 
killed  to  avenge  the  death  of  her  father.  The  greater  part 
of  the  present  Switzerland  had  been  originally  included  in 
the  kingdom  of  Burgundy,  and  was  ceded  to  the  empire, 
together  with  that  kingdom,  in  1033.  A  feudal  nobility, 
lay  and  ecclesiastic,  had  gained  a  firm  footing  there.  Nev- 
ertheless, by  the  twelfth  century  the  cities  had  risen  to  some 
importance.  Zurich,  Basel,  Bern,  and  Freiburg  had  an 
extensive  commerce  and  obtained  municipal  privileges. 
Three  little  cantons,  far  in  the  heart  of  the  Swiss  mountains, 
preserved  more  than  all  the  others  their  indomitable  spirit 
of  independence.  When  Albert  of  Austria  became  Empe- 
ror he  arrogantly  tried  to  encroach  upon  their  independ- 
ence. Three  heroic  mountaineers,  Werner  Stauffacher, 
Arnold  of  Melchthal,  and  Walter  Fiirst,  each  with  ten  chosen 
friends,  conspired  together  at  Riitli,  to  throw  off  the  yoke. 
The  tyranny  of  the  Austrian  bailiff  Gessler,  and  William 
Tell's  well-aimed  arrow,  if  tradition  is  to  be  believed,*  gave 
the  signal  for  the  insurrection.  Albert's  violent  death  left 
to  Leopold,  his  successor  in  the  duchy  of  Austria,  the  care 
of  repressing  the  rebellion.  He  failed  and  was  completely 
defeated  at  Mortgarten  (1315).  That  was  Switzerland's 
field  of  Marathon.  The  confederation  of  the  three  first 
cantons  was  increased  by  the  admission  of  Lucerne  in  1332, 
of  Zurich  in  135 1,  of  Zug  and  Claris  in  1352,  and  of  the 
great  city  of  Bern  in  1353.  Those  are  the  eight  original 
cantons  of  Switzerland.  Their  number  was  not  increased 
till  125  years  later.  The  battle  of  Sempach  (1386)  contin- 
ued what  had  been  begun  at  Mortgarten.  Another  Duke 
Leopold  was  killed  there  with  676  counts  and  lords.  A 
third  defeat  sustained  by  the  Austrians  at  Nafels  (1388) 
made  them  decide  to  leave  the  rude  mountaineers  alone. 

When  Rudolf  of  Hapsburg  was  chosen  by  the  electors, 
it  was  because  of  his  poverty  and  weakness.  At  his  death 
accordingly  they  did  not  give  their  votes  for  his  son  Albert, 
master  of  Austria,  but  for  a  knight  of  an  unimportant  family 

*  The  stories  regarding  William  Tell  are  now  considered  pure  legend. 
The  Riitli  oath  is  also  unhistorical. — Ed. 


468  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

and  of  small  fortunes,  Adolf  of  Nassau.     Albert,  however, 

succeeded  in  overthrowing  his  rival.    But  on  his  death  they 

„  ,,„      were  firm  in  their  decision   not  to  give  the 

Henry      VII.  ^  ....  ,  °,  ,  . 

(1308).  Lewis  of  crown  for  a  third  time  to  the  new  and  ambi- 
Bavaria  (1314)-  tious  housc  of  Hapsburg.  They  likewise  re- 
fused, for  similar  reasons,  to  accept  Charles  of  Valois,  brother 
of  Philip  the  Fair,  whom  the  latter  tried  to  place  on  the 
imperial  throne  in  order  that  he  might  indirectly  rule  over 
Germany.  They  supported  the  Count  of  Luxemburg,  who 
became  Henry  VII. 

By  choosing  emperors  who  were  poor,  the  electors  placed 
them  under  the  temptation  of  enriching  themselves  at  the 
expense  of  the  empire.  Adolf  failed,  it  is  true,  in  Thuringia, 
but  Rudolf  gained  Austria  by  victory  ;  Henry  succeeded 
in  Bohemia  by  means  of  marriage,  and  Bohemia  was  worth 
more  than  Austria  at  that  time  because,  besides  Moravia,  it 
was  made  to  cover  Silesia  and  a  part  of  Lusatia  (Oberlausitz). 
Henry's  son,  John  of  Luxemburg,  married  the  heiress  to 
that  royal  crown.  As  for  Henry  himself  he  remained  as 
poor  as  before.  He  had  a  vigorous,  restless  spirit,  and  went 
to  try  his  fortunes  on  his  own  account  beyond  the  Alps,  but 
could  persuade  no  more  than  2000  cavaliers  to  follow  him 
(13 10).  It  was  an  escort,  not  an  army.  He  proclaimed 
that  he  would  recognize  neither  Guelf  nor  Ghibelines, 
hoping  to  overpower  them  all.  Robert,  king  of  Naples, 
took  up  arms  against  him,  Clement  V.  excommunicated  him, 
the  Guelfs  declared  themselves  his  enemies.  He  was  obliged 
to  pronounce  openly  in  favor  of  the  Ghibelines,  and  he 
found  himself  involved  in  all  the  Italian  broils  like  the 
emperors  of  former  days.  He  appointed  Matteo  Visconti 
imperial  vice-regent  in  Italy  ;  he  put  Florence  as  well  as 
the  king  of  Naples  under  the  ban  of  the  empire.  Things 
went  no  better.  Yet,  with  the  aid  of  the  fleets  of  Pisa, 
of  Genoa,  and  of  the  Aragonese  king  of  Sicily,  he  was 
seriously  threatening  Naples,  when  he  died  either  from  some 
sickness  or  from  being  poisoned  by  a  Dominican  in  par- 
taking of  the  host  (1313). 

A  year's  interregnum  followed  ;  then  two  emperors  at 
once  :  Lewis  of  Bavaria  and  Frederick  the  Fair,  son  of  the 
Emperor  Albert.  After  eight  years  of  war,  Lewis  gained 
his  point  by  the  victory  of  Miihldorf  (1322),  which  delivered 
Frederick  into  his  hands.  He  kept  him  in  captivity  for 
three  years,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time  became  reconciled 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250  TO  1453.  469 

with  him  and,  they  were  on  such  good  terms  that  both  bore 
the  title  of  King  and  governed  in  common.  The  fear  in- 
spired in  Lewis  by  France  and  the  Holy  See  dictated  this 
singular  agreement. 

Henry  VII.  had  revived  the  policy  of  interference  by  the 
German  emperors  in  the  affairs  of  Italy,  and  had  kindled 
again  the  quarrel  with  the  Papacy  which  had  long  appeared 
extinguished.  Lewis  IV.  did  the  same.  But  the  question 
of  investitures  and  the  domination  of  the  world  was  no 
longer  agitated  by  these  two  enfeebled  powers.  The  Em- 
peror now  saw  that  his  true  enemy  was  the  king  of  France, 
the  strongest  sovereign  in  Europe  and  the  one  most  to  be 
feared.  While  Boniface  VIII.  was  making  war  on  Philip 
the  Fair,  Albert  allied  himself  with  him  ;  when,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  Papacy  was  reduced  to  the  state  of  a  servile 
auxiliary  to  France,  the  Emperor  returned  to  his  former 
hostility.  When  excommunicated  by  Pope  John  XXII. , 
who  wished  to  give  the  empire  to  the  king  of  France, 
Charles  IV.,  Lewis  IV.  made  use  of  the  same  weapons  ;  he 
declared  him  a  heretic  and  unworthy  of  the  pontificate, 
turned  his  lawyers  loose  upon  him,  allied  himself  with  the 
Ghibeline  condottieri,  and  went  to  be  crowned  at  Rome,  by 
the  hands  of  the  prefect  of  the  city,  Sciara  Colonna  (1328). 
He  immediately  deposed  John  XXII.  and  appointed  an 
antipope  Nicolas. 

Nevertheless  pontifical  excommunication  was  still  a  for- 
midable affair  ;  Lewis  weakened,  and  begged,  even  humbly, 
for  absolution.  John  was  inflexible  and  exacted  the  relin- 
quishment of  his  crown.  Benedict  XII.,  made  Pope  in  1334, 
was  at  bottom  better  disposed  toward  him,  but  he  was  not  his 
own  master  ;  the  king  of  France  forbade  him  to  absolve  the 
Emperor,  and  set  up  in  opposition  to  the  latter  one  of  his 
relatives,  John  of  Bohemia. 

Lewis  IV.  then  resolved  to  attack  the  king  of  France 
himself;  he  assisted  Edward  III.  in  rousing  the  Flemings 
against  Philip  of  Valois,  proclaimed  the  English  king 
viceregent  of  the  empire  in  the  Netherlands,  and  awarded 
him  the  kingdom  of  France.  These  measures  had  little 
effect,  because  there  was  no  strength  to  back  them.  Tired 
of  a  crown  loaded  with  anxieties,  Lewis  of  Bavaria  was 
finally  about  to  submit  to  the  Pope  and  abdicate,  when  the 
electors  perceived  the  necessity  of  supporting  their  Empe- 
ror and   of   formally   releasing   the  supreme   power  from 


47°  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

foreign  dependency  which  brought  the  whole  nation  to 
shame.  That  was  the  object  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of 
Frankfort,  pronounced  in  1338  by  the  Diet,  on  the  report 
of  the  electors.  This  fundamental  law  of  the  German  em- 
pire establishes  first  the  principle  that  the  imperial  majesty 
and  authority  are  held  from  God  alone  ;  that  they  are  con- 
ferred by  the  sole  election  of  the  prince  electors  ;  that  a 
prince  elected  by  the  majority  of  their  votes  must  be  con- 
sidered as  the  king  and  emperor  ;  that  the  Holy  See  has 
no  superiority  over  the  empire,  and  that  it  has  neither  the 
right  to  approve  nor  to  reject  the  choice  of  the  electors  ; 
finally  that  all  persons,  whether  ecclesiastic  or  secular,  who 
should  dare  to  violate  these  statutes,  should  be  accounted 
guilty  of  high  treason  and  punished  as  such.  Thus  the 
question,  so  long  disputed,  of  the  relations  ef  the  Holy  See 
to  the  empire  was  decided  in  favor  of  Germany's  absolute 
independence.  The  State  refused  to  allow  the  Church  to 
meddle  in  any  way  in  political  affairs.  Even  the  ceremony 
of  the  year  800,  the  pontifical  coronation,  was  soon  dropped, 
and  after  Frederick  HI.  it  went  entirely  out  of  use.  In 
this  act  the  German  nationality  shone  forth  victorious. 

The  king  of  France  and  Pope  Clement  VI.,  whose  claims 
were  directly  affected  by  this  declaration,  set  up  against 
Lewis  IV.  Charles  of  Luxemburg,  son  of  John  the  Blind, 
who  became  king  of  Bohemia  in  1346,  when  his  father  had 
been  killed  fighting  on  the  French  side  at  the  battle  of 
Crecy.  Lewis  died  the  following  year,  He  had  gained 
possession  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Tyrol  for  his  house, 
but  it  was  unable  to  retain  possession  of  them.  The  latter 
county  reverted  to  the  house  of  Austria  in  1363. 

The  electors  most  hostile  to  the  French  party  tried  to 

put    up,  as    a    rival   candidate  to  Charles  of  Luxemburg, 

Edward   III.,  king  of  England,  who  refused 

The  House  of      .,        x?         ■         ^i  »t  cc  i     ..  4.  \ 

Luxemburg  the  Empire;  then  they  offered  it  to  a  brave 
(1347  1438);  The     knight,  (iunther  of  Schwarzburg,  who  died 

Golden  Bull.  ^  .  "' 

perhaps  poisoned,  after  a  few  months  (1349). 
The  king  of  Bohemia  then  became  Emperor  as  Charles 
IV.  by  a  second  election.  He  was  a  very  able  man,  and 
yet  no  other  emperor  ever  cut  such  a  sorry  figure.  His 
Initcher  stopped  him  in  the  streets  of  Worms  to  demand 
payment ;  he  was  detained  at  an  inn  where  he  had  not  been 
able  to  settle  his  bill. 

A  man  who  had  not  wherewithal  to  pay  for  his  dinner 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250   TO  1453.  471 

might  well  have  concerned  himself  little  about  keeping 
Italy.  Charles  IV.,  nevertheless,  looked  upon  it  as  a  legacy 
of  the  ancient  German  Roman  Empire,  and  thought  he  could 
make  something  out  of  it.  He  went  there  himself  to  see, 
and  found  that,  in  fact,  he  could  sell  regalian  rights  to 
aome,  titles  to  others,  and  to  Venice  her  neighbors  Padua, 
Verona  and  Vicenza.  He  thus  went  through  the  whole  of 
Italy  two  several  times  (1355  and  1368),  a  veritable  market- 
man  plucking  and  selling  the  imperial  eagle,  as  the  electors 
reproachfully  told  him.  Little  respect  was  shown  so  gro- 
tesque a  majesty.  Galeazzo  Visconti  kept  him  under  lock 
and  key  until  he  had  been  appointed  perpetual  vicar  of  the 
empire  in  Lombardy.  He  stayed  only  a  day  at  Rome 
because  the  Pope  had  forbidden  him  to  stay  longer.  On 
his  return  the  Pisans  set  fire  to  his  house.  The  prefect 
of  Cremona  made  him  wait  two  hours  at  the  gates.  Other 
cities  did  not  have  time  to  receive  him,  and  begged  him  to 
pass  them  by. 

This  much-abused  Emperor  had  nevertheless  the  glory 
of  concluding  and  promulgating  the  electoral  code  of  Ger- 
many, a  prime  necessity  in  an  elective  system — namely,  the 
famous  Golden  Bull,  published  in  1356  at  the  Diet  of  Nur- 
emberg, and  deriving  its  name  from  the  golden  seal  attached 
by  the  Emperor  to  all  authentic  copies.  Its  contents  are  as 
follows  : 

First.  The  number  of  electors  remained  fixed  at  seven,  in 
honor  of  the  seven  candlesticks  of  the  Apocalypse  ;  three 
of  them  were  always  to  be  ecclesiastics,  the  electors  of 
Mainz,  Cologne,  and  Treves  ;  four  of  them  laymen,  the 
King  of  Bohemia,  the  Count  Palatine,  the  Duke  of  Saxony, 
and  the  Margrave  of  Brandenburg. 

Second.  The  three  ecclesiastical  electors  were  to  retain 
the  title  of  arch-chancellor,  which  belonged  formerly  to  their 
churches,  and  were  to  exercise  the  functions  belonging  to 
this  office  in  their  respective  departments  ;  the  elector  for 
Mainz  was  to  keep  the  title  of  the  arch-chancellor  of  the 
kingdom  of  Germany,  the  elector  of  Cologne  that  of  the 
archchancellor  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  elector  of 
Treves  that  of  the  arch-chancellor  of  the  kingdom  of  Bur- 
gundy. 

Third.  The  four  great  offices  connected  with  the  crown 
were  irrevocably  attached  to  the  four  secular  electorates  : 
the    ofifice    of   arch-cupbearer  went   with   the  kingdom  of 


472  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

Bohemia,  the  office  of  arch-steward  with  the  electorate 
of  the  Count  Palatine,  the  office  of  arch-marshal  with 
the  duchy  of  Saxony,  and  the  office  of  arch-chamberlain 
with  the  margraviate  of  Brandenburg. 

Fourth.  The  election  of  the  King  of  the  Romans,  the  fu- 
ture Emperor,  should  be  held  at  Frankfort  and  should  be 
carried  by  a  majority  of  votes  :  he  should  be  crowned  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  by  the  archbishop  elector  of  Cologne,  and 
should  always  hold  his  first  diet  at  Nuremberg. 

Fifth.  The  electoral  dignity  was  to  remain  attached  to 
the  soil  of  the  provinces  which  bore  the  title.  Those  prov- 
inces could  never  be  divided  or  dismembered.  .  .  .* 

Germany  was  thenceforth  saved  those  electoral  dissen- 
sions which  had  troubled  her  before,  and  had  two  firm  sup- 
ports of  her  public  rights  in  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  1338 
and  in  the  Golden  Bull.  A  little  law  and  order  was  obtained 
at  the  price  of  much  disorder  :  the  permanence  and  au- 
thority of  the  electors  was  determined,  but  not  so  the  power 
of  the  Emperor  ;  the  Golden  Bull,  on  the  contrary,  conse- 
crated its  forfeiture.  Charles  IV.,  however,  was  not  dis- 
turbed by  that,  busy  as  he  was  in  extending  his  own  state 
of  Bohemia  to  cover  the  lower  Lusatia  and  all  Silesia  and 
Brandenburg.  If  he  served  the  empire  ill,  he  had  at  least 
done  great  service  to  his  own  house. 

He  was  succeeded  in  1378  by  his  son  Wenzel,  whom  he 
had  had  elected  King  of  the  Romans,  with  the  assistance  of 
Italian  gold.  Wenzel  spent  most  of  his  time  in  Bohemia, 
and,  like  his  father,  increased  his  private  domains  by  selling 
the  imperial  domains.  It  was  a  melancholy  reign  :  Ger- 
many was  distracted  with  private  wars;  the  lords  formed 
leagues  to  escape  paying  their  debts  and  to  resist  prosecu- 
tion by  their  creditors  among  the  burghers,  who,  in  their 
turn,  joined  together  to  enforce  payment.  The  diet  of 
Nuremberg,  with  a  view  to  restoring  the  public  peace,  di- 
vided Germany  into  four  great  divisions  [Parteien],  which 
may  be  considered  as  the  origin  of  the  later  divisions  into 
circles  (13S3)  ;  but  it  had  no  effect,  the  war  continued. 
The  general  discontent  finally  broke  out  in  rebellion  against 
a  despicable  sovereign  who  was  drunk  from  morning  to 
night  ;  and  he  was  deposed  (1400). 

*  Certain  royal  rights  were  also  granted  to  the  electors,  such  as  coining 
money,  working  mines,  and  taxing  Jews,  and  there  was  to  be  no  appeal 
from  their  courts. — Ep. 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250   TO  1453.  473 

The  unimportant  reign  of  Rupert  of  Bavaria  brings  us, 
after  ten  years,  to  Sigismund,  brother  of  Wenzel,  king  of 
Hungary  and  elector  of  Brandenburg  in  his  own  right. 
Two  events  of  considerable  importance  mark  this  period, 
the  Council  of  Constance  (1414)  and  the  Hussite  war.  We 
pass  over  an  expedition  to  Italy  (1431),  which  once  more 
proved  the  impotence  of  the  German  emperors  in  that 
country  ;  we  shall  take  up  later  the  great  schism  of  the 
West,  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  Sigismund's  efforts  to 
restore  peace  to  the  Church  ;  one  of  the  acts  of  the  Council 
of  Constance  was  of  great  moment  to  Germany,  namely,  the 
execution  of  John  Huss. 

He  was  a  Bohemian  and  a  man  of  great  learning,  who, 
having  become  acquainted  with  the  doctrines  which  Wycliffe 
had  preached  in  England  a  few  years  earlier,  adopted  them, 
a  fact  which  did  not  keep  him  from  becoming  rector  of  the 
University  of  Prague,  confessor  to  the  queen,  and  a  very- 
popular  man  throughout  the  country.  When  excommuni- 
cated by  the  Pope  for  one  of  his  writings,  he  appealed  to 
the  Council  of  Constance,  repaired  thither  with  an  impe'/ial 
safe-conduct  which  was  not  regarded,  and  he  was  con- 
demned to  the  stake  (1415)  ;  his  disciple,  Jerome  of  Prague, 
underwent  the  same  punishment. 

All  Bohemia  rose  in  rebellion  on  hearing  the  news.  One 
of  the  nobles,  John  Ziska,  led  the  insurrection.  He  never 
suffered  defeat.  He  took  Prague,  threw  the  senators  of 
the  city  out  of  the  palace  windows,  ex  more  majoriim,  and 
went  through  Bohemia,  burning  the  churches  and  slaying 
the  monks.  The  funeral  pile  of  John  Huss  had  kindled  a 
terrible  war.  Sigismund  sent  forth  all  the  forces  of  the 
empire  in  vain  against  the  Hussites,  and  in  vain  the  Pope 
caused  a  crusade  to  be  preached.  Armies  of  80,000  men 
fled  before  them  without  daring  to  await  their  approach. 
Though  Ziska  became  blind  he  was  none  the  less  terrible 
on  that  account.  The  features  of  the  country  and  the  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy  were  explained  to  him,  he  then  gave  the 
necessary  orders,  and  victory  followed.  The  Council  of 
Basel  put  an  end  to  the  savage  strife  by  granting  the 
Hussites  some  of  the  religious  privileges  that  they  de- 
manded ;  among  others  the  privilege  of  receiving  the  sac- 
rament in  both  kinds  ;  thence  the  name  of  Utraquist  which 
is  used  to  distinguish  them. 

The  house  of  Luxemburg  became  extinct  on  the  death 


474  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

of  Sigismund,  and   his  son-in-law   Albert  then   established 

the  house   of  Austria  upon  the    imperial  throne,  where  it 

,    remained    until    the    throne    was   destroyed. 

The  House  of        .n        ^     j-      i     •  •       ,^i 

Austria  regains  Albert  died  m  1439,  1"  a  war  agamst  the 
c^r^o*w"rf  ^  Vut  I'-ii'ks,  and  his  posthumous  son  Ladislaw  in- 
with  no  powers  heritcd  Only  Bohemia  and  Hungary.  But  an 
attached  (1438;.  Austrian  prince,  Frederick  III.,  of  the  Styrian 
branch  of  the  family,  succeeded  him  a  year  later  on  the 
imperial  throne,  the  last  Emperor  who  went  to  Rome  to  be 
crowned  (1452). 

The  reason  why  the  electors  were  willing  to  do,  in  1438 
and  1440,  what  they  had  refused  to  do  in  1308,  was  that 
now  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Emperor  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  usurpations  which  they  had  made  ;  and  that 
while  they  saw  that  there  was  no  longer  any  danger  for 
them  in  giving  Charlemagne's  crown  to  the  house  of  Aus- 
tria, they  felt  that  it  would  be  more  to  the  advantage  of 
Germany,  threatened  as  it  was  by  the  Turks,  that  the  head 
of  the  empire  should  reside  at  Vienna,  where  the  Ottomans' 
arrival  was  expected,  rather  than  at  the  other  end  of  the 
German  territory  ;  in  fact,  what  they  gave  now  in  bestowing 
the  crown,  was  nothing  but  a  title.  To  judge  by  appear- 
ances the  empire  of  Germany  was  the  most  powerful  of  the 
European  states,  as  well  as  the  largest  in  extent.  The 
Emperor  proudly  assumed  his  superiority  over  all  other 
sovereigns,  and  claimed  to  be  the  only  one  invested  with 
the  right  of  conferring  the  royal  title.  An  immense  popula- 
tion recognized  his  title,  and  the  pompous  language  of  his 
government  recalled  the  antique  forms  of  the  monarchy  of 
Diocletian  and  Theodosius.  But  in  reality  there  was  'no 
imperial  authority,  and  the  empire,  in  spite  of  its  extent 
and  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  was  incapable  of  exerting 
any  serious  influence  outside  of  its  own  limits. 

The  head  of  the  Empire,  as  emperor,  had  neither  revenues, 
military  forces,  nor  judiciary  power,  except  in  certain  cases, 
and  his  right  of  veto  on  the  decisions  of  the  diet  was  too 
often  illusory.  This  assembly  consisted  of  all  the  chiefs 
or  representatives  of  the  states  of  Germany,  and  was  divided 
into  three  colleges  according  to  the  rank  of  the  various 
members  :  first,  the  college  of  electors  ;  second,  the  college 
of  princes  ;  third,  the  college  of  cities.  It  deliberated  and 
decided  upon  questions  of  peace  and  war,  whether  domestic 
or  foreign,  made  regulations,  statutes,  or  laws  applicable 


Chap.  XXX.]     GERMANY  FROM  1250  TO  1493.  475 

to  the  whole  empire,  and  left  the  Emperor  the  sole  duty  of 
having  them  executed,  the  means  to  accomplish  which  were 
never  given  him.  He  had,  virtually,  but  one  useful  pre- 
rogative, that  of  disposing  of  the  vacant  fiefs. 

Thus  the  authority  of  the  prince  was  almost  canceled  in 
the  empire  by  the  authority  of  the  diet,  and  in  each  state 
taken  separately,  by  the  particular  prerogatives  of  the  elec- 
tors, the  princes,  or  the  towns,  who  had  possessed  them- 
selves of  the  regalian  rights.  The  imperial  domain  no 
longer  existed  ;  everywhere  it  had  been  invaded  and  occu- 
pied by  the  nobility.  Finally,  as  the  crown  was  elective, 
each  new  sovereign  was  obliged  to  give  a  new  sanction  to 
these  aristocratic  privileges. 

Not  only  was  there  no  central  power  in  Germany,  but 
there  was  also  great  difference  in  the  constitutions  of  the 
five  or  six  hundred  states  which  composed  the  empire. 
Thus  the  three  ecclesiastical  electorates  of  Mainz,  Treves, 
and  Cologne,  and  the  four  lay  electorates  of  Bohemia,  the 
Palatinate,  Saxony,  and  Brandenburg  were  veritable  king- 
doms ;  the  principalities  were  little  monarchies  ;  the  towns, 
small  republics.  The  result  was  that  all  the  different  forms 
of  government  jostled  one  another,  so  to  speak,  in  the  chaos 
which  styled  itself  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  of  the  German 
Nation. 

Germany  was  as  much  divided  as  Italy,  and  as  devoid  of 
common  life  ;  consequently  she  was  also  as  weak,  and,  like 
the  transalpine  peninsula,  she  became  in  modern  times  the 
battlefield  of  Europe^  the  booty  or  the  prey  of  the  ambi- 
tious. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 
THE  SPANISH,  SCANDINAVIAN,  AND  SLAVIC  STATES. 


Spain  from  1252  to  1453. — The  crusade  suspended. — The  Scandinavian 
States,  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Norway  :  their  secondary  role  after 
the  time  of  the  Norsemen. — Slavic  States  :  power  of  Poland  ;  weak- 
ness of  Russia. — Peoples  of  the  Danube  Valley  :  the  Hungarians. — 
The  Greek  Empire. — The  Ottoman  Turks  and  the  Mongols  of 
Timour. 


We  have  brought  the  Spanish  crusade  down  to  the  time  of 
the  great  victories  won  by  Aragon,  Portugal  and  Castile,  in 
middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  when  the 
1252^1453.  cru^  two  former  reached  a  point  which  they  never 
sade  suspend-  surpassed  and  the  latter  hemmed  in  the  rem- 
nant of  the  Mussulmanic  power  in  its  last 
refuge,  the  kingdom  of  Grenada.  It  seemed  then  as  if  only 
a  feeble  effort  were  needed  to  drive  the  humiliated  conquer- 
ors back  to  the  sea  and  to  Africa.  But  bracing  themselves 
against  the  Alpujarras,  they  kept  a  firm  hold  for  two  can- 
turies  and  a  half  longer  ;  another  fact  in  their  favor  was 
that  only  one  kingdom,  Castile,  remained  interested  in  their 
fall,  because  it  alone  now  bordered  on  their  straitened  fron- 
tiers and  because  that  kingdom  had  ceased  to  have  chiefs 
who  were  worthy  of  their  trust. 

In  1252,  Alfonso  X.  was  reigning  in  Castile.  Instead  of 
looking  in  Grenada  for  a  new  crown,  which  would  have  been 
a  valuable  addition  to  the  one  he  already  wore,  he  sought 
one  from  Germany,  which  could  be  nothing  but  a  useless 
burden  to  him.  The  results  to  which  this  foolish  claim 
led  were  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  the  king  of  England, 
Henry  III.,  whose  brother  also  wished  to  be  emperor, 
namely,  enormous  expenditures  and  discontent  among  his 
subjects.  Nothing  could  be  more  untractable  than  the 
Castilian  aristocracy  ;  at  its  head  were  the  rival  houses  of 
Castro,  Lara,  and  Haro,  who,  in  their  mutual  hatred,  often 
went  so  far  as  to  seek  assistance  from  the  Moors.     When 

476 


Chap.  XXXI. j  SPANlStt.  477 

threatened  by  an  insurrection,  the  king  did  the  same  and 
called  upon  the  Merinides  for  help  ;  the  nation  proclaimed 
him  deposed  and  put  his  second  son  in  his  place,  Don 
Sancho,  a  good  soldier  (1282).  Alfonso  X.  nevertheless 
bore  the  name  of  the  Wise  ;  he  had  a  considerable  knowl- 
edge of  astronomy  and  published  the  code  of  laws  called 
Las  Siete  Partidas  (in  six  parts).  He  had  introduced  there 
the  right  of  succession,  which  was  in  force  in  the  feudal 
States  but  not  in  Spain.  In  virtue  of  this  right  the  throne 
reverted  to  the  son  of  Ferdinand  de  la  Cerda,  eldest  son  of 
Alfonso  X.,  who  died  before  his  father  ;  Don  Sancho  availed 
himself  of  the  old  law  and  claimed  succession  to  the  throne. 
He  succeeded  in  carrying  his  point,  with  the  aid  of  the 
nation,  in  1284.  This  gave  rise  to  some  hostilities  with  the 
king  of  France,  Philip  IH.,  the  uncle  of  the  young  deposed 
princes. 

The  stormy  minorities  of  Ferdinand  IV.  and  Alfonso 
XI.  brought  fresh  trouble  upon  Castile.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, is  celebrated  for  his  great  victory  at  Rio  Salado  over 
a  Merinide  invasion  (1340),  and  for  the  capture  of  Algiers. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Peter  the  Cruel,  whose  bloody  reign 
came  to  a  fitting  end  in  a  fratricidal  quarrel  :  Henry  II.,  of 
Transtamara,  his  natural  brother,  disputed  the  throne  with 
him  and  asked  for  help  from  the  king  of  France.  Charles 
V.  granted  it,  on  the  pretext  of  avenging  the  death  of  a 
French  princess,  Blanche  of  Bourbon,  who,  on  the  day  after 
her  marriage  with  Peter,  had  been  thrown  into  prison  and 
then  assassinated.  It  is  well  known  that  the  real  object  of 
the  King  of  France  was  to  send  Du  Guesclin's  adventurers, 
who  were  in  his  way,  off  somewhere  to  meet  their  death. 
This  assistance  gave  the  advantage  to  Transtamara,  who 
was  crowned  ;  but  Peter,  drawing  from  the  same  arsenal  a 
like  army,  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Black  Prince  with  other 
highwaymen.  Du  Guesclin  was  conquered  and  taken  at 
Najara.  When  set  at  liberty  again  he  gathered  another 
army  and  brought  victory  again  to  Transtamara  at  Montiel. 
Peter  entered  the  tent  of  the  French  general  to  negotiate 
with  him  and  with  his  brother.  But  Henry,  when  he  saw 
him,  struck  him  in  the  face  ;  then  followed  a  hand-to-hand 
fight,  and  the  two  brothers,  the  two  crowned  heads,  rolled 
on  the  ground  together.  Peter  was  above.  Du  Guesclin 
pulled  him  by  the  leg  and  gave  Transtamara  a  chance  to  draw 
his  dagger  and  stab   him.      Frightful   affairs  went  on  in 


47^  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

Spain  in  1369.  A  little  earlier  (1360),  Portugal  had  been 
appalled  by  the  tragic  end  of  Inez  de  Castro,  the  rage  of 
Dom  Pedro,  his  revenge,  the  sad  obsequies  related  by 
Camoens  ;  the  king  exhuming,  after  five  years  in  the  tomb, 
the  body  of  her  whom  he  called  his  wife,  and  proclaiming 
her  queen,  placing  upon  her  head  the  royal  crown  and 
forcing  the  court  to  come  and  kiss  the  hand  of  the  corpse, 
A  fruitless  war  with  Portugal  filled  the  reign  of  John  I., 
son  and  successor  of  Henry  II. 

Henry  III.,  who  followed,  was  a  sickly  prince  and  a 
minor,  but  firm  and  resolute  in  character  (1390).  He  was 
much  struck  by  the  abasement  of  the  royal  authority.  One 
day  his  steward  informed  him  that  he  had  nothing  to  give 
him  for  dinner  and  that  the  merchants  would  give  no  more 
credit ;  he  sent  his  cloak  to  be  sold,  dined  on  a  bit  of  goat's 
fiesh,  and  went  to  a  sumptuous  feast  given  by  the  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  to  all  the  grandees  ;  he  saw  them,  and 
heard  them  boasting  of  their  wealth.  The  next  day  he 
called  them  together  in  his  palace  and  appeared  in  their 
midst,  sword  in  hand  ;  he  seated  himself,  leaving  them 
standing,  and  asked,  with  a  terrible  frown  :  "  How  many 
kings  of  Castile  have  you  known  ? "  One  replied  that  he 
had  seen  three,  another  four,  another  five,  according  to 
their  ages.  "  Three,  four,  five  kings?  Why  do  you  tell  me 
that  ?  I,  young  as  I  am,  I  have  seen,  in  fact  I  see  twenty 
kings.  Yes,  indeed,  you  are  all  kings,  to  the  misfortune  0/ 
the  kingdom  and  to  my  shame  !     But  you  shall  be  so  na 

longer "     And  soldiers  rushed  into  the  room.     The 

nobles  begged  for  mercy  ;  he  pardoned  them,  but  in  the 
cortes  he  had  it  decided  that  grants  of  land  made  by  his 
predecessors  at  the  expense  of  the  royal  domains  were 
revoked,  and  that  the  nobles  should  be  taxed. 

Henry  III.  died  too  young  to  have  time  to  arrest  the 
downward  progress  of  the  royal  power,  and  it  continued  to 
decline  through  the  reign  of  John  II.,  who  loaded  his 
favorite,  Alvaro  de  Luna,  with  misplaced  powers,  and  was 
soon  obliged,  by  rebellion  among  his  subjects,  to  have  him 
executed  (1453)-  The  royal  power  fell  still  lower  under 
his  successor,  Henry  IV.  But  then,  as  if  it  had  finally 
touched  bottom,  it  suddenly  rose  again  and  began  a  new 
era  under  Isabella  and  Ferdinand  the  Catholic. 

Aragon  had  been  less  disturbed  by  domestic  difficulties 
and  more  by  foreign  affairs.     As  early  as  1213  Peter  II. 


Chap.  XXXI.]  SPANISfT.  479 

had  interfered  in  the  war  with  the  Albigenses ;  with  how 
little  success  we  already  know.  At  the  end  of  the  century 
Peter  IIT.  accepted  Sicily's  offer  of  her  throne  after  the 
Sicilian  Vespers.  James  II.  relinquished  his  claims  to  it  in 
the  treaty  of  Anagni,  but  the  Sicilians  insisted  upon  giving 
it  in  1297  to  a  prince  of  his  family.  Aragon  spent  most  of 
the  fourteenth  century  in  the  acquisition  of  Sardinia,  which 
the  Pope  had  ceded  to  her,  and  in  interminable  wars  with  the 
Genoese  on  that  account.  Aragon  was  finally  victorious 
and  her  domination  over  the  western  part  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean was  assured. 

In  1410  the  glorious  house  of  Barcelona  became  extinct ; 
all  the  crowns  that  had  belonged  to  her  passed  over  to  a 
prince  of  Castile,  Ferdinand,  called  the  Just,  who  had  lately 
refused  a  throne  offered  him  which  he  thought  should  be- 
long to  his  nephew.  He  left  two  sons,  Alfonso  V.  and 
John  II.;  the  former  was  adopted  by  Jane,  queen  of  Naples, 
and  successfully  disputed  that  kingdom  with  the  second 
house  of  Anjou  ;  the  younger  son,  by  his  marriage,  united 
Navarre  and  Aragon,  and,  in  order  to  maintain  the  union  to 
his  own  advantage,  he  poisoned  his  son,  Don  Carlos  de 
Viane.  The  union,  however,  proved  merely  temporary  ; 
Navarre,  on  his  death,  passed  to  the  house  of  Foix,  later  to 
that  of  Albret,  whose  heiress  married  a  Bourbon.  It  was 
another  son  of  that  despicable  man,  namely  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic,  who,  by  his  marriage  with  Isabella  of  Castile,  in 
1469,  brought  about  the  union  of  Spain  and  the  most  glori- 
ous period  of  its  history. 

Before  leaving  Castile  and  Aragon  a  few  words  must  be 
said  about  the  remarkable  institutions  of  those  two  countries. 
The  feudal  system  did  not  have  the  strength  there  that  it 
had  on  the  continent.  Nevertheless,  Aragon  was  much 
more  feudal  than  Castile,  doubtless  because  the  Carolingian 
domination  had  extended  over  the  Marches  of  Barcelona. 

The  constitution  of  Castile  was  a  result  of  its  own  history, 
which  was  a  continual  warfare  with  the  Moors.  When  the 
enemy  drew  near,  everybody  was  allowed  the  honor  of 
defending  his  religion  and  his  country.  That  resulted  in  a 
sort  of  equality  between  the  highest  and  lowest  classes, 
which  latter  were  never  lowered  to  the  condition  of  villein- 
age as  in  feudal  countries.  They  disputed  the  ground 
foot  by  foot,  valley  by  valley  :  and  it  was  necessary  that 
each  step  in  advance  should  be  maintained  by  a  permanent 


480  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

settlement.  As  they  advanced,  the  nobles  covered  the 
country  with  castles  {castiile),  and  colonies  were  transported 
to  the  conquered  cities  with  the  charge  of  defending  them. 
The  lords  in  their  castles  and  the  citizens  in  their  towns 
were  almost  independent  and  left  to  themselves  ;  there  was 
some  inconvenience  in  this  liberty,  but  it  also  had  its  advan- 
tages. In  the  year  1020  Alfonso  V.,  confirmed  the  fran- 
chises of  the  town  of  Leon  and  gave  it  a  code,  intended 
to  regulate  the  administration  of  its  magistrates.  Other 
charters  were  distributed  in  the  same  century,  among  many 
other  towns  ;  generally  the  charters  gave  the  towns  a  large 
extent  of  territory  with  the  right  of  choosing  their  judges  and 
their  municipal  magistrates.  The  king  had  but  one  officer 
(regidor)  in  the  communes,  charged  with  the  general  over- 
sight, but  who,  in  fact,  in  the  time  of  Alfonso  XL,  assumed 
a  much  greater  power.  There  were  three  classes  in  Castile  ; 
the  ricos  hombres,  an  aristocracy  of  great  proprietors  ;  the 
cahalleros  or  hidalgos,  the  smaller  nobility  exempted  from 
payment  of  taxes  on  condition  of  cavalry  service,  and  the 
pecheros  or  taxpayers,  forming  the  population  of  the  cities. 
From  1169  on,  deputies  from  cities  were  admitted  to  the 
cartes,  the  parliament  of  the  nation  ;  in.  13 15,  at  the  cortes 
of  Burgos,  there  were  192  deputies,  representing  more 
than  90  towns  ;  but  later  the  number  of  such  towns  fell  to 
18.  The  cortes  had  extended  powers  and  showed  that  they 
possessed  the  traditional  Spanish  pride.  In  1393,  ^^ter 
voting  a  tax  in  favor  of  Henry  III.,  they  added  that,  if  he 
should  give  orders  to  raise  another  tax  without  their  author- 
ization, "  his  orders  should  be  obeyed  but  not  executed," 
which  gives  a  vivid  impression  of  the  Castilian  character, 
respectful  but  inflexible.  We  see  that  the  cortes  were  neces- 
sary to  the  levying  of  taxes  ;  it  is  hard  to  determine  what 
part  they  had  in  the  legislative  power.  The  liermatidades 
(fraternities),  leagues  formed  by  and  among  the  towns, 
were  another  means  of  holding  the  royal  authority  in  check. 
In  Aragon,  the  ricos  hombres  were  real  feudal  lords  ;  they 
received  baronies  or  "  honors  "  from  the  king,  which  in- 
volved military  services  and  which  they  were  to  divide  by 
subinfeudation.  Below  them  were  the  mesnadaires,  also 
immediate  vassals,  but  whose  fiefs  had  not  the  title  of 
baronies  ;  then  the  infanzones,  simple  knights  or  gentlemen  ; 
then  the  common  people,  citizens  in  the  towns,  villeins  in 
the  country.     The  villeins   had   at  first  been  treated  with 


Chap.  XXXI.]  SPANISH.  48 1 

extreme  severity,  but  later  their  life  was  easier.  The  cortes 
of  Aragon  comprised  four  orders  called  hrazos  (arms)  :  the 
prelates  and  commanders  of  military  orders,  the  barons  or 
ricos  hofubres,  the  equestrian  order  or  ijifanzones,  and  the 
deputies  of  the  towns.  But  the  kingdom  of  Aragon  lacked 
unity  :  Aragon,  Catalonia  and  Valencia  had  all  their  sepa- 
rate cortes.  The  "  privilege  of  union  "  wrested  from 
Alfonso  III.  in  1287  declared  :  First,  that  the  cortes  should 
be  called  together  every  year  at  Saragossa  ;  Second,  that  if 
the  king  used  violence  toward  any  member  of  the  union  with- 
out being  authorized  by  the  sentence  of  the  justiciary,  the 
others  should  be  released  from  their  obedience.  The  great 
justiciary  ox  justiza,  to  which  the  king  himself  was  amenable, 
and  which  kept  a  firm  and  respected  guard  over  the  liberty 
of  the  country,  was  the  most  remarkable  of  the  Aragonese 
institutions.  The  audacity  of  the  formula  of  their  oath  to 
the  King  is  well  known  :  "  We,  who  individually  are  worth 
as  much  as  thou,  and  who  together  are  worth  more  than 
thou,  we  will  obey  thee,  if  thou  art  faithful  to  the  conditions 
imposed  upon  thee  ;  if  not,  not." 

Barcelona,  alone  among  all  the  Spanish  towns,  had  early 
attained  to  great  prosperity  through  its  maritime  commerce. 

While  Castile  and  Aragon  entered  more  or  less  into  the 
European  spirit,  Portugal,  far  off  in  the  remote  parts  of 
Europe,  opened  up  new  paths  for  herself.  John  I.,  a  bastard 
of  the  house  of  Burgundy,  which  had  just  died  out  in  the 
direct  line  (1383),  assured  Portugal's  independence  of  the 
claims  of  Castile,  by  the  great  victory  of  Aljubarotta  (1385)  ; 
to  commemorate  the  event,  he  built  on  the  battlefield  the 
convent  of  Batalha,  one  of  the  most  magnificent  edifices  in 
Portugal.  A  crusade  was  no  longer  possible  for  them  on 
the  Peninsula,  as  Castile  barred  the  way  to  the  Moors,  so 
he  conceived  the  idea  of  turning  the  attention  of  his  subjects 
to  Africa.  In  1415,  he  took  Ceuta.  His  youngest  son 
Henry,  Duke  of  Viseu,  imbibed  a  love  of  travel  from  that 
expedition.  On  his  return,  he  settled  in  the  village  of 
Sagres,  in  Cape  St.  Vincent,  called  mariners  about  him, 
skillful  geographers  of  foreign  lands  and  founded  a  naval 
academy.  For  his  motto  he  adopted  the  French  phrase  : 
Taletit de  Men  /aire  [will  to  do  good,  as  it  then  meant],  and 
put  it  gloriously  into  practice.  As  grand-master  of  the  order 
of  Christ,  he  appropriated  its  revenues  for  his  maritime 
enterprises.     In  14 19,  two  of  his  navigators  were  thrown  by 


4S2  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

a  tempest  on  the  island  of  Porto  Santo,  one  of  the  Madeira 
islands  ;  soon  after,  Zarco  re-discovered  another  one, 
covered  with  wood,  and  called  Madeira,  on  that  account. 
The  woods  were  set  on  fire  and  burned  continuously  for 
nine  years.  In  the  soil  thus  fertilized,  Prince  Henry  had 
vines  from  Cyprus,  or  Crete,  planted,  and  sugar-canes 
from  Sicily.  Pope  Martin  V.,  to  encourage  such  discoveries, 
granted  to  Henry  the  right  of  conquest  and  sovereignty 
from  the  Canaries  to  the  Indies,  with  plenary  indulgence  for 
all  who  perished  on  the  expeditions.  The  zeal  redoubled 
and  was  further  encouraged  by  the  success  of  Gil  Eannes 
who  crossed  in  1434  Cape  Bojador,  famous  for  its  fierce 
currents.  An  African  company  was  formed  at  Lagos  and 
obtained  a  franchise.  Cape  Blanco  and  Cape  Verd  (1445) 
were  rounded,  and  the  Azores  discovered  ;  gold-dust  from 
Africa  and  negroes,  in  which  there  began  to  be  a  trade, 
roused  on  the  continent  the  powerful  springs  of  human 
activity,  namely,  curiosity  and  cupidity.  The  Portuguese 
were  already  on  the  way  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ;  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  century,  the  route  to  India  by  sea  was 
discovered,  and  a  new  world  added  to  the  old. 

France,  England,  Spain,  Italy,  and  Germany,  that  is  to 

say,  the  center,  the  west,  and  the  south  of  Europe,  did  not 

make  up  the  whole  world  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

sfatel'^Den"     There  were  states  in  the  north  and  the  east, 

mark,  Sweden,     already  important  and  determined  to  become 

and    Norway:  i      ,         i  ,  •    .  i 

of  minor  im-  morc  SO,  but  whosc  Separate  existence  and 
Fifl^w'^^L^'r.?^     slower  development  kept  them  almost  outside 

the  Norsemen.  i  i 

the  course  of  events  and  ideas  of  the  times. 
In  those  remote  regions,  on  the  other  side  of  the  then  known 
world,  the  light  of  Christianity  and  civilization  faded  away, 
and  the  line  was  reached  where  the  barbarians,  pagans,  and 
Mohammedans  began  to  make  their  appearance  on  the  bor- 
ders between  Europe  and  Asia. 

That  great  belt  of  land,  as  much  surpassing  Europe  in 
extent  as  it  was  surpassed  by  Europe  in  civilization,  included 
various  groups  of  peoples.  To  the  north  were  the  Scandi- 
navian states  (Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway)  ;  to  the  east, 
the  Slav  states  (Poland  and  Russia),  which  bordered  on  the 
Tartar-Mongols,  situated  still  more  to  the  east  and  reaching 
down  into  the  heart  of  Asia  ;  to  the  south,  the  Hungarians, 
or  Magyars,  and  the  Roumanians  ;  and  to  the  southwest, 
the  Ottoman-Turks,  forming  one   group  with  the  Greek 


Chap.  XXXI.]  SCAYDTXA  VIAN.  483 

empire,  their  natural  enemy  and  future  prey,  just  as  two 
men  wrestling  are  locked  together  and  seem  like  a  single 
body. 

During  the  first  part  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  outside 
world  knew  nothing  of  the  two  Scandinavian  peninsulas  ex- 
cept through  the  pirates,  whom  they  sent  out  to  the  east 
and  west  on  the  two  seas  that  washed  their  shores.  By 
crossing  the  North  Sea,  the  Norsemen  had  reached  France, 
England,  Iceland,  Greenland,  and  even  America  ;  by  the 
Baltic,  they  had  reached  Russia.  When  the  Scandinavians 
had  been  shut  off  from  distant  conquest  by  the  settlements 
there,  they  begun  to  live  in  their  own  country  and  to  become 
civilized.  The  conversion  of  Denmark  to  Christianity, 
begun  in  the  ninth  century,  consummated  and  sanctioned 
in  the  eleventh  century  by  Cnut  the  Great,  who  also  reigned 
over  England,  and  the  conversion  of  Norway  accomplished 
in  the  tenth  century,  and  of  Sweden,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
eleventh,  made  those  countries  members  of  the  great  Catho- 
lic unity.     Scandinavian  warriors  took  part  in  the  crusades. 

The  glory  of  Denmark  was  revived  by  the  two  brothers, 
Cnut  VI.  (1182)  and  Waldemar  the  Victorious  (1202),  who, 
by  the  subjection  of  the  Wends,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Elbe,  gained  the  title  of  King  of  the  Wends  in  addition  to 
those  of  King  of  the  Danes,  Duke  of  Jutland,  and  Lord  of 
Nordalbingia  ;  Hamburg,  Liibeck,  Mecklenburg,  Esthonia, 
and  Holstein  were  subject  to  Waldemar  for  the  moment. 
He  is  also  known  as  a  legislator  ;  many  of  his  ordinances 
can  be  found  in  the  Code  of  Scania.  He  also  had  the  Code 
of  Jutland  drawn  up  in  1240.  There  began  to  be  a  taste 
for  letters  in  the  country  and  a  desire  for  culture,  and  the 
University  of  Paris  drew  many  students  from  Denmark. 

A  century  of  strife  followed  Waldemar's  great  reign. 
Denmark,  under  Waldemar  III.,  lost  Esthonia,  which  was 
conquered  by  the  Teutonic  Knights  ;  and  it  lost  the  com- 
merce of  the  Baltic,  which  was  seized  by  the  Hanseatic 
League  and  exclusively  reserved  to  it  by  the  treaty  of  Stral- 
sund  (1370).  During  that  period,  however,  the  country 
had  increased  in  prosperity,  the  cities  had  acquired  impor- 
tance and  had  gained  admittance  to  the  national  representa 
tion,  which  from  that  time  comprised  three  orders  (1250). 
Margaret,  the  famous  daughter  of  Waldemar  III.,  united 
Denmark  with  the  two  other  Scandinavian  states. 

Sweden  led  a  troubled  existence  due  to  the  election  sys- 


484  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

tem  which  was  often  employed  in  the  choice  of  a  king,  and 
to  the  rivahy  between  the  Gota  or  Goths,  and  the  Svea  or 
Swedes.  Under  Swerker,  Christianity  had  made  sufficient 
progress  to  receive  the  beginning  of  an  organization  from 
the  cardinal  legate,  Nicholas  Breakspear.  Eric  the  Saint, 
his  successor,  introduced  Christianity  into  Finland,  which 
he  conquered,  founding  thus  the  town  of  Abo. 

The  family  of  St.  Eric  died  out  in  1250.  Birger,  the 
jarl,  head  of  the  Folkungar  family,  was  made  regent  for  his 
son  Waldemar,  to  whom  the  nobles  awarded  the  crown. 
Birger  was  a  remarkable  ruler  ;  he  founded  or  greatly 
strengthened  Stockholm,  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  capi- 
tal, Sigtuna,  suppressed  private  warfare  and  judicial  con- 
tests, encouraged  commerce,  and  raised  the  position  of 
women.  "  The  old  men  and  the  young  wept  for  him,"  says 
the  chronicle,  "  and  the  women,  whose  rights  he  had  re- 
stored and  confirmed,  prayed  for  his  soul." 

Magnus  Ladulas,  or  the  Barnlock,  was  implacable  toward 
bandits  ;  thence  his  surname.  He  found  support  in  the 
clergy,  who  authorized  him  to  levy  taxes  on  ecclesiastical 
property,  and  who,  in  the  parliament  at  Stockholm  (1282), 
gave  the  crown  ownership  in  the  lakes,  rivers,  mines,  and 
forests.  He  put  these  revenues  to  a  noble  use,  and  called 
the  architect  Stephen  Bonneuil  from  France,  to  build  a 
cathedral  at  Upsal,  on  the  model  of  that  at  Paris. 

But  his  successors  allowed  the  royal  authority  to  decline 
and  let  the  different  parties  get  the  upper  hand.  Magnus 
II.,  the  Effeminate,  however,  united  Sweden  and  Norway, 
by  right  of  succession  ;  but  he  was  not  capable  of  keeping 
the  two  kingdoms,  and  the  senate  gave  them  to  his  sons 
Eric  and  Hakon,  Sweden  to  the  former,  Norway  to  the  lat- 
ter. When  Eric  died,  the  Swedes  proclaimed  Albert  of 
Mecklenburg  king.  But  the  Swedes  were  annoyed  by  the 
crowd  of  Germans  whom  he  attracted  to  his  court,  and  by 
his  surrender  of  the  island  of  Gotland  to  the  king  of  Den- 
mark ;  they  appealed  to  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Den- 
mark, the  wife  of  the  king  of  Norway. 

Norway  had  led  a  more  troubled  existence,  even,  than 
Sweden.  The  royal  office,  elective  at  first,  did  not  become 
hereditary  until  1263,  under  Magnus  VI.  He  and  his  pre- 
decessor Hakon  IV.  gave  the  royal  authority  a  short  period 
of  strength.  Their  reigns  are  marked  by  the  encourage- 
ment they  gave  to  commerce,  the   seaports  they  deepened, 


Chap.  XXXI.]  SCANDIXA  VIAN.  485 

and  the  wise  laws  they  established.  After  them  their  dy- 
nasty continued  to  decline  in  power  until  Swedish  princes 
came  to  reign  in  Norway,  Magnus  VII.  and  Hakon  VI., 
who  married  Margaret  of  Denmark,  and  had  by  her  a  son 
named  Olaf.  When  Waldemar  III.,  Margaret's  father,  died, 
the  Danes  elected  Olaf  to  be  their  king,  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  his  mother.  When  Hakon  VI.  died,  the  Norwegians 
made  the  same  election,  and  Margaret,  as  regent,  ruled  the 
two  kingdoms  with  great  ability,  supported  by  the  clergy. 
The  Swedes,  who  were  discontented  with  Albert  of  Mecklen- 
burg, called  upon  her  for  help  ;  she  defeated  Albert  at 
Falkoeping  (1389,)  and  extended  her  authority  over  the  three 
kingdoms,  and  this  happy  termination  was  confirmed  by  the 
Union  of  Calmar  {1397).  It  was  stipulated  that  the  three 
kingdoms  of  the  north  should  form  a  permanent  union, 
should  be  governed  by  the  same  sovereign,  and  should  con- 
clude a  defensive  alliance,  each,  however,  retaining  its  own 
laws,  constitution,  and  legislature.  The  succession  to  the 
common  throne  was  determined  in  detail. 

Though  this  act  seemed  to  augur  great  power  to  the  Scan- 
dinavian states,  it  had  but  a  temporary  effect.  After  Mar- 
garet's death  (141 2),  and  under  Eric  the  Pomeranian,  the 
union  was  first  broken  by  the  rebellion  of  Schleswig  and 
Holstein,  and  later  was  entirely  dissolved  on  the  death  of 
his  successor  Christopher  the  Bavarian  (1448).  The  Swedes 
then  seceded  and  made  Charles  Cnutson  their  king,  under 
the  name  of  Charles  VIII.  Denmark  and  Norway,  which 
had  kept  together,  chose  Christian  I.  from  the  house  of 
Oldenburg,  who  in  1459  brought  Schleswig  and  Holstein 
back  under  the  dominion  of  Denmark. 

The  history  of  the  Slavic  states,  lying  between  the  Bal- 
tic and  the  North  Sea,  is  a  closed  book  to  us  until  the  ninth 
century.  The  Poles  were  then  to  be  found 
pfiani's  power!  On  the  bauks  of  the  Vistula.  Piast,  their  le- 
Russia's  weak-  gendary  first  duke,  founded  the  dynasty 
which  has  born  his  name  and  which  reigneci 
in  Poland  until  1370,  and  in  Silesia  until  1675.  The  Poleip 
were  converted  to  Christianity  in  the  tenth  century  ;  the 
Emperor  Otto  I.  of  Germany  sent  a  bishop  to  Posen.  Otto 
HI.  later  installed  an  archbishop  at  Gnesen,  and  gave  him 
for  suffragans  the  bishops  of  Cracow,  Kolberg,  and  Breslau. 
As  Poland  owned,  at  that  time,  the  sovereignty  of  the  Ger- 
man emperor,  she  was  often   implicated  in  the  affairs  of 


486  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

Germany,  and  generally  supported  the  emperors  in  their 
wars.  But  Boleslav  I.,  Chrobry  or  the  Intrepid  (992)  as- 
sumed the  title  of  king,  and  from  that  moment  Poland 
aspired  to  complete  independence. 

She  was  a  powerful  nation  under  Boleslav  III.,  the  Victo- 
rious (1102-1138),  who  conquered  the  Pomeranians  and 
forced  them  to  embrace  Christianity.  The  division  of  his 
states  between  his  sons  brought  back  the  old  strife.  Sile- 
sia severed  her  connection  with  Poland  and  became  an  inde- 
pendent duchy.  The  Knights  of  the  German  Order,  called 
to  assist  Poland  against  the  Prussians,  were  not  slow  in 
showing  themselves  her  enemies  ;  they  took  away  all  chance 
of  growth  on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  and  wrested  from  her, 
in  1343,  the  final  cession  of  Pomerelia  and  the  rich  city  of 
Dantzig.  Nevertheless,  even  then  she  retrieved  herself. 
Vladislav  IV.  (I)  Loketek,  by  uniting  the  duchies  of  Posen 
and  Kalisck,  and  by  definitely  taking  the  title  of  king, 
which  was  borne  by  all  his  successors,  gave  the  country  and 
the  government  the  unity  and  strength  which  they  lacked. 
Casimir  III.,  the  Great,  (1333)  diverted  Polish  activity  from 
the  north  and  the  west  where  it  did  not  seem  to  be  success- 
ful, toward  the  east,  where  he  took  away  from  the  Rus- 
sians, Red  Russia,  Podolia,  and  Wolhynia  ;  the  Polish  fron- 
tier then  reached  the  Dnieper. 

The  success  and  the  wise  laws  of  Casimir  opened  an  era 
of  prosperity  to  Poland  ;  but  Casimir  had  no  children  and 
the  direct  line  of  the  Piasts  ended  with  him  :  In  order  to 
elect  his  nephew  Lewis  of  Hungary  he  was  obliged  to  allow 
the  Polish  nobilijty  to  impose  conditions  on  the  new  king, 
by  which  they  arrogated  many  prerogatives,  among  them 
exemption  from  taxation.  That  was  the  origin  of  the  Pacta 
conventa.  Lewis  also  left  no  children  and  though  he  had 
named  his  son-in-law,  Sigismund  of  Luxemburg,  his  suc- 
cessor, the  nobles  refused  to  recognize  him,  in  order  that, 
by  frequent  use,  they  might  confirm  their  right  of  election. 
They  offered  the  crown  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania, 
Jagello,  on  condition  of  his  marrying  Hedwig,  the  daughter 
of  the  late  king,  and  becoming  Christian,  both  he  and  his 
whole  nation  (1386).  From  a  territorial  point  of  view,  it 
was  a  good  choice,  as  Poland's  extent  was  thereby  doubled, 
and,  in  fact,  from  that  time  her  supremacy  over  surround- 
ing nations  was  undisjiuted.  The  Teutonic  Knights  had 
conquered    Samogitia,  bought  Esthonia  and  now   reigned 


Chap.  XXXT.]  SLAVIC.  4^7 

over  all  the  country  from  the  Oder  to  the  Gulf  of  Fuiland. 
The  situation  changed  when  Poland  and  Lithuania  came 
under  the  control  of  one  master,  Jagello  defeated  them  at 
Tannenberg  in  1410  ;  and  in  1436  the)'^  were  obliged  to 
surrender  Samogitia  and  Sudavia  ;  thirty  years  later,  by 
the  treaty  of  Thorn  (1466)  that  great  Teutonic  power  was 
shut  up  within  the  narrow  limits  of  eastern  Prussia. 

But  however  victorious  the  founder  of  the  glorious 
dynasty  of  the  Jagellos  might  be,  he  was  none  the  less 
dependent  on  the  Polish  nobility  even  by  the  very  fact  of 
his  accession.  He  was  obliged  to  consult  with  them  in 
order  to  secure  the  throne  to  his  son  and  to  levy  taxes  :  it 
w^as,  in  fact,  during  his  reign  that  the  fiuncios,  deputies  of 
the  nobility,  came  into  being,  and  the  dietines,  which  were 
continually  intruding  upon  the  government,  a  band  of  brave 
but  ungovernable  factions  and  turbulent  nobles  who  were 
always  in  arms,  and  bore  too  close  a  resemblance,  even  in 
their  deliberative  assemblies,  to  a  Tartar  horde  from  the 
steppes  of  Asia. 

We  pass  now  to  Russia  :  its  humble  beginnings  we  have 
already  described, — how  a  troop  of  Norse  pirates,  led  by 
Rurik,  put  themselves  in  862  at  the  service  of  the  powerful 
commercial  republic  of  Novgorod,  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Ilmen,  and  seized  the  town  they  were  meant  to  defend.  If 
Rurik's  descendants  did  not  keep  the  city  in  their  posses- 
sion, they  at  least  founded  principalities  which  were  the 
cornerstone  of  Russia's  greatness.  Spreading  from  one 
place  to  another,  these  bold  pirates  descended  the  Dnieper 
in  their  boats  and  went  to  Constantinople  in  search  of 
lucrative  service  or  adventure. 

On  the  road  they  took  Kieff,  a  stronghold  on  the  Dnieper, 
and  made  it  their  capital.  In  the  following  century  their 
relations  with  Constantinople,  which  were  at  times  friendly 
and  at  times  hostile,  led  to  their  conversion  to  Christianity. 
Under  Vladimir  I.  (9S0-1015)  and  under  Yaroslaff  I.  (1019- 
105 1),  the  grand  duchy  of  Kieff  had  considerable  power. 
But  Yaroslaff  divided  it  between  his  sons  and  caused  a 
decline  in  its  influence.  In  the  twelfth  century,  the  supre- 
macy passed  from  the  grand  duchy  of  Kieff  to  the  grand 
duchy  of  Vladimir,  without  raising  Russia  from  the  weak 
condition  into  which  she  had  been  brought  by  division.  As 
the  law  of  primogeniture  did  not  e.xist  in  Russia,  and  was 
not  introduced  into  the  family  of  the  Czars  until  the  six- 


488  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

teenth  century,  the  principalities  were  continually  being 
divided. 

Another  great  calamity  befell  them,  namely,  the  Mongol 
invasion  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  it  threatened  the 
complete  overthrow  of  their  power,  which  for  four  centuries 
had  been  unsuccessfully  struggling  to  gain  a  firm  footing. 
We  have  seen  that  the  Mongols  took  Moscow  in  1237, 
overthrew  the  grand  duchy  of  Kieff,  and  made  Vladimir 
tributary,  and  that  from  Russia  they  turned  to  the  conquest 
of  Poland,  Silesia,  Moravia,  and  Hungary,  of  which  coun- 
tries they  did  not  take  possession,  while  Russia  remained 
for  two  centuries  under  the  yoke  of  the  Tartars  of  the  Golden 
Horde.  They  were  obliged  to  pay  tribute,  and  the  least 
infraction  of  this  rule  cost  the  grand  dukes  their  lives,  who, 
on  their  accession,  were  made  to  seek  confirmation  of  their 
title  from  the  Khan.  One  of  them,  however,  attempted 
resistance,  and  profiting  by  the  discord  prevailing  in  the 
Golden  Horde,  he  conquered  the  Tartars  on  the  Don  and 
received  therefrom  the  surname  of  Donskoi  (1380)  ;  but  his 
success  was  of  a  transient  nature  ;  Russia  again  fell  under 
the  yoke  and  did  not  obtain  release  until  comparatively 
recent  times,  at  the  hands  of  Ivan  HI.  (1462-1505).  After 
1328  the  capital  of  Russia  was  at  Moscow,  the  real  heart  of 
the  country.  Novgorod,  Kieff,  and  Vladimir  had  succes- 
sively been  used  as  the  residence  of  the  great  princes. 

As  the  basin  of  the  beautiful  river  Danube  had  been  the 
high  road  for  the  invasions  passing  from  the  east  to  the 
Peopiesofthe  wcst,  the  different  armies  had  come  into  col- 
Danube  valley ;  Hsion  there,  and  there  the  different  nationali- 
unganans.  ^j^^  j^^^  mingled,  froui  the  Black  Sea  to  the 
mountains  of  Austria.  Men  of  every  race  were  to  be  seen 
there.  A  succession  of  races  had  followed  the  Gallic  emi- 
grants found  there  by  Alexander,  and  the  Dacians  fought 
by  Trajan,  first  Roman  colonists,  from  all  the  provinces 
and  especially  from  Italy,  then  Goths,  Asiatic  barbarians, 
Huns,  Avars,  Ikilgarians,  Petchenegs,  Khazares,  Cumans, 
Hungarians  and  Magyars,  and  finally  the  Slavs. 

It  has  already  been  seen  how  the  Hungarians  established 
themselves  in  the  valley  of  the  middle  Danube,  and  advanced 
as  far  as  the  Atlantic  ;  how  the  defeat  they  sustained  at 
yVugsburg  in  956  shut  them  up  in  the  country  which  has 
remained  their  inheritance.  In  the  year  1000  the  title  of 
king  was  assumed  by  Duke  Vaik,  who  afterwards  became 


Chap.  XXXI.]  ITUXGARIAN:  4^9 

famous  under  the  name  of  St.  Stephen,  and  the  Pope,  Sil- 
vester II.,  sent  him  the  angelical  crown.  The  history  of 
this  crown  is  long  and  much  disputed.  The  Hungarians 
made  it  an  object  of  almost  superstitious  worship,  very 
much  as  they,  more  than  any  other  people,  made  the  coro- 
nation of  their  king  an  act  indispensable  to  the  legality  of 
his  power.  Some  of  them  believe  that  it  was  a  crown  of  the 
Greek  Emperor  Heraclius,  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Avars  in  619  ;  that  Pippin,  the  son  of  Charlemagne,  by 
conquest  gained  possession  of  it  together  with  the  treasures 
of  the  Avars,  and  gave  it  to  the  Pope  as  his  part  of  the 
booty  ;  that  Silvester  II.  but  gave  it  back  to  the  new  heir 
of  the  Avars.  Others,  seeing  on  it  the  heads  of  Byzantine 
emperors  and  Greek  inscriptions,  suppose  that  it  was 
made  at  Constantinople  for  St.  Stephen.  It  is  the  palla- 
dium and  the  talisman,  as  it  were,  of  Hungary.  A  king 
who  has  not  worn  it  on  the  occasion  of  his  coronation  is  not 
in  reality  a  king  of  the  Magyars.* 

St.  Stephen  made  palatinates  or  counties  take  the  place 
of  the  former  division  into  eight  tribes.  Justice  was  admin- 
istered in  these  by  the  tspans,  who  also  exercised  military 
power,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Nandor-Ispan  or 
Palatine  of  Hungary,  a  kind  of  mayor  of  the  palace,  who 
had  a  widespread  authority.  Each  county  sent  two  or  three 
deputies  to  the  assembly  of  estates.  The  towns  were  not 
represented  because  they  were  few  in  number  and  not 
occupied  by  the  conquerors.  One  hundred  and  eight  fami- 
lies had  followed  Arpad  into  Hungary.  Each  one  had 
received  a  share  of  the  spoils  which  remained  free  of  taxa- 
tion— the  descendants  of  those  families  formed  the  nobility. 
Below  them  in  rank  were  the  greater  and  the  lesser  vassals 
of  the  king,  bound  to  render  military  service  in  return  for 
their  fiefs  ;  below  them  were  the  German  colonists,  forming 
privileged  communes  ;  lower  still  the  free  peasants  ;  finally 
the  serfs  and  the  slaves. 

The  code  of  laws  of  St.  Stephen  shows  us  the  manner  of 
life  among  this  people  :  its  foundation  is  the  %vergeld  or 
coftiposiiio,  and  the  price  of  blood  was  paid  in  what  was  and 
still  is  the  great  wealth  of  the  country,  in  cows. — The  pen- 

*  Von  Giesebrecht  (Deutsche  Kaiserzeit,  vol.  i.,  p.  740,  note)  says  that 
this  crown  is  composed  of  two  parts — the  upper  probably  that  sent  by 
Pope  Silvester  to  Stephen,  the  lower  of  Byzantine  origin,  apparently  sent 
in  the  year  1075  by  the  Emperor  Michael  Ducas  to  King  Geisa. — Ed. 


490  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATED.  [Book  IX. 

alty  for  wife  murder  was  five  cows  ;  ten,  if  the  accused  was 
of  noble  blood,  fifty,  if  he  was  a  count.  The  murder  of  a 
free  man  cost  a  serf  one  hundred  and  ten  cows  ;  a  first 
offense  in  theft  cost  him  his  nose  or  five  cows  ;  a  second 
offense,  his  ears  ;  a  third,  his  life. 

In  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  the  powerful  em- 
peror of  Germany,  Henry  III.,  after  a  victory,  restored  to 
the  throne  a  king  they  had  banished,  Peter,  whom  the  Hun- 
garians branded  with  the  nickname  of  the  German.  Henry 
recovered  for  Germany  the  territory  to  the  west  of  the 
Leitha  and  annexed  it  to  the  Eastmark  (Austria),  and 
obliged  Peter  to  hold  his  kingdom  in  fief  of  the  empire. 
But  the  nation  rebelled  at  such  an  act  of  treason.  Peter's 
eyes  were  put  out,  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  died, 
and  the  hated  bond  of  vassalage  was  broken. 

Ladislaw  I.,  the  St.  Louis  of  Hungary,  extended  the  lim- 
its of  his  country  in  two  directions  :  to  the  east  he  con- 
quered the  Cumans  who  had  come  out  from  Wallachia  and 
established  them  on  the  banks  of  the  Theiss  ;  moreover,  he 
forced  the  Petchenegs  of  Transylvania  to  acknowledge  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Magyar  kings  ;  to  the  southwest,  he  con- 
quered a  great  state.  After  the  overthrow  of  Avar  domina- 
tion by  the  Carolingian  Franks,  certain  Bohemian  Slavs, 
called  Croats,  that  is  to  say,  mountaineers,  had  invaded  that 
part  of  ancient  Pannonia  lying  on  the  banks  of  the  Save, 
and  Liburnia,  on  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  countries  which 
derived  from  them  their  names  of  Croatia  and  Slavonia. 
In  those  ages  Croatia  was  a  powerful  kingdom,  which  ruled 
from  the  Drave  to  Ragusa,  and  in  the  time  of  Gregory 
VII.  owned  itself  a  vassal  and  a  tributary  of  the  Holy  See. 

This  was  the  kingdom  conquered  by  Ladislaw  in  1088. 
The  claim  still  advanced  by  the  Hungarians  to  this  country 
on  the  ground  of  its  being  an  integral  part  of  the  kingdom 
of  Hungary,  dates  from  that  conquest  which  gave  the 
Magyar  chief  the  right  of  adding  to  their  title,  the  title  of 
king  of  Croatia  and  of  Dalmatia. 

Under  Geisa  II.,  who  reigned  from  1141  to  1161,  Tran- 
sylvania, which  had  been  laid  waste  by  many  incursions,  was 
repopulated  by  Saxon  and  Frisian  colonists,  whom  he 
induced  to  settle  there  by  granting  them  great  privileges. 
They  built  seven  towns  on  as  many  hills  ;  thence  Tran- 
sylvania's German  name  of  Siebenbiirgen,  the  seven  towns. 
Hermanstadt,  named   for  an  inhabitant  of   Nuremberg,  was 


Chap.  XXXI.]  HUN'GARIAN:  491 

their  capital.  Even  in  our  times  the  Saxon  villages  of 
Transylvania  may  be  known  by  the  cleanliness  of  their 
houses  and  streets,  by  the  fine  condition  of  their  cultivated 
fields,  and  by  the  moral  or  pious  sentiments  which  they 
often  inscribe  above  their  doors. 

Andrew  II.  (i  205-1 235),  the  leader  of  a  fifth  and  fruitless 
crusade,  is  the  author  of  part  of  the  many  evils  which 
Hungary  has  had  to  undergo.  He  gave  his  people  a  con- 
stitution which  organized  a  state  of  anarchy  by  decreeing  in 
his  Golden  Bull  (1222)  that  if  the  king  should  violate  the 
privileges  of  the  nobility,  they  should  be  permitted  to  resist 
him  by  force,  and  such  resistance  should  not  be  treated  as 
rebellion. 

In  1301,  the  race  of  Arpad  in  the  male  line  died  out. 
Boniface  VIII.,  considering  Hungary  a  fief  of  the  Holy 
See,  declared  that  the  crown  ought  to  pass  to  a  prince  of 
the  House  of  Anjou  at  Naples,  to  Charles  Robert,  who 
was  a  descendant  of  Arpad  in  the  female  line.  A  French 
dynasty  took  its  place  upon  the  throne  of  St.  Stephen. 
The  most  illustrious  and  almost  the  sole  repiesentative  of 
this  line  was  Louis  the  Great  (1342-1382),  who  twice  con- 
quered Naples,  but  only  to  revenge  his  brother,  and  not 
with  the  intention  of  retaining  the  kingdom  ;  gained  many 
victories  over  the  princes  of  Servia,  Bosnia,  INIoldavia,  and 
Bulgaria,  who  acknowledged  his  sovereignty  ;  was  chosen 
king  of  Poland  on  the  death  of  Casimir  the  Great,  and  finally, 
to  close  the  list  with  an  act  which  is  still  of  great  importance, 
while  all  his  conquests  were  of  short  duration,  he  planted 
the  famous  vineyards  of  Tokai. 

Louis's  rule  extended  from  the  mouths  of  the  Cattaro  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Vistula,  and  from  Austria  to  the  Black 
Sea.  It  was  a  great  dominion,  but  he  had  no  son  ;  and  it 
fell  to  pieces  after  his  death.  His  daughter  Mary  had  mar- 
ried a  German  prince,  Sigismund  by  name,  and  they  together 
occupied  the  throne  of  Hungary.  It  was  this  prince  who 
led  the  disastrous  crusade  of  Nicopoli  against  the  Turks 
in  1396,  and  was  elected  Emperor  of  Germany  in  1410. 
Unfortunately,  like  Louis,  Sigismund  had  no  son,  and  by  the 
marriage  of  his  daughter  to  Albert  of  Austria,  Hungary  was 
for  the  first  time,  in  1437,  put  into  the  possession  of  the  house 
of  Hapsburg.  Albert  reigned  but  two  years.  The  queen, 
after  his  death,  gave  birth  to  a  son,  Ladislaus  (Ladislaw) 
the  Posthumous,  who  was  recognized  as  king  by  all  the  na- 


492  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

tion.  But  ambassadors  had  already  gone  to  offer  the  hand 
of  the  royal  widow  to  Vladislav,  king  of  Poland.  That 
prince,  proclaimed  king  by  one  faction  and  by  the  other 
regarded  as  regent  for  the  young  king,  perished  at  the  dis- 
astrous battle  of  Varna  in  1444.  We  have  now  come  into 
the  very  thick  of  the  Ottoman  invasions  and  the  exploits  of 
John  Hunyadi,  who  was  made  regent  for  young  Ladislaus  ; 
what  we  have  further  to  say  of  Hungary  will  be  in  connec- 
tion with  the  history  of  the  Turks. 

The  Latin  Empire  which  the  fourth  crusade  had  set  up 

at  Constantinople  had  not  lasted  more  than  half  a  century. 

Founded  in   1204,  it  was  overthrown  in  1261 

•^ ""  ^^K  ^'""    by  the  fifth  emperor  of  Nicea,  Michae2  Paleolo- 

pire.    Ottoman         •'  '^  .        ' 

Turks,  and  gus,  whose  dynasty  remamed  upon  the  throne 
Mongols  of  Ti-     yj^^jj  ^j^g  yg^^^   j^^^      g^j.  j,_^g  restoration  of 

the  Greek  princes  did  not  give  new  life  to  the 
empire.  The  Hungarians  were  masters  of  the  left  banks  of 
the  Danube,  the  Servians  and  Bulgarians  of  the  right  ;  the 
Turks  held  nine-tenths  of  Asia  Minor  ;  and  Charles  of  An- 
jou,  from  his  kingdom  of  Naples,  threatened  to  raise  again 
the  Latin  standard  in  the  capital.  Michael  in  his  terror 
tried  to  avert  the  storm  by  winning  the  Pope  over  to  his 
cause.  His  deputies  went  to  the  council  of  Lyons  and  made 
a  profession  of  orthodox  faith  which  deceived  nobody. 
The  Sicilian  Vespers  and  the  death  of  Charles  of  Anjou 
relieved  him  from  the  danger  he  most  feared.  His 
successor,  Andronicus  IL,  saw  a  much  more  formidable 
danger  before  him,  namely,  the  advance  of  the  Otto- 
man Turks.  He  called  for  the  assistance  of  Catalan 
mercenaries,  who  conquered  the  Mussulmans,  but  made 
Constantinople  tremble  for  her  safety.  Andronicus  got 
rid  of  their  chieftain  by  having  him  assassinated  ;  he  was 
not  able  to  restrain  1500  of  those  adventurers  from  seizing 
Gallipolis,  and  proclaiming  themselves  "the  army  of  the 
Franks  reigning  in  Thrace  and  Macedonia."  For  five 
years  the  empire  was  incapable  of  defending  itself  against 
such  enemies  as  these.  Then  came  civil  war  ;  Andronicus 
II.  was  imprisoned  in  a  convent  by  his  grandson,  Andro- 
nicus III.  (1332),  who,  in  spite  of  that  bold  beginning, 
showed  himself  to  be  indolent  by  nature  and  much  more 
interested  in  theological  quarrels  than  in  resisting  the 
Turks  and  Bulgarians,  who  were  forcing  their  way  into  the 
empire ;    he  left  the  care  of  fighting  them  to  John  Canta- 


Chap.  XXXI.]        GREEK  AND   OTTOMAN.  493 

cuzenus.  When  he  died  his  wife  wished  to  banish  the  suc- 
cessful and  formidable  general.  Cantacuzenus  assumed 
the  purple,  made  an  alliance  with  the  Turks,  and  a  civil 
war  followed,  which  exhausted  the  last  remaining  forces  of 
the  empire.  Cantacuzenus,  assisted  to  victory  by  the 
Osmanlis,  at  first  divided  his  authority  with  his  ward  John 
Paleologus,  son  of  Andronicus  III.  Then  he  confined  him 
in  a  monastery  ;  but  he  soon  saw  his  allies  taking  up  their 
abode  in  Gallipoli,  a  position  which  gave  them  the  entrance 
to  Europe.  Later  the  Genevans  brought  Paleologus  back 
to  Constantinople,  and  sent  Cantacuzenus,  in  his  turn,  into 
a  convent  (1357).  The  further  history  of  the  empire  is  but 
a  century's  slow  agony.  This  pause  before  its  final  dis- 
solution was  not  caused  by  a  vigorous  struggle  for  existence 
on  the  part  of  the  empire,  but  by  the  fact  that  the  Turks  had 
forgotten  Constantinople  in  their  eagerness  to  reach  the 
banks  of  the  Danube. 

A  short  account  of  the  Turks  is  necessary  here. 

Osman,  a  Turcoman  chief  of  Kharism,  appeared,  toward 
the  year  1269,  in  Asia  Minor,  where  the  destruction  of  the 
Seldjuk  kingdom  enabled  him  peacefully  to  extend  his 
power.  He  was  one  of  the  emirs  who  had  revolted  and 
had  overthrown,  in  1294,  the  last  sultan  of  Iconium.  In 
1325  he  took  Broussa  in  Bythinia,  but  there  were  no  indica- 
tions that  this  little  tribe  was  to  become  a  formidable  force. 
When  Osman  died  in  the  following  year,  his  estate  was 
found  to  consist  of  a  spoon,  a  salt-cellar,  a  ceremonial  robe,  - 
a  new  turban,  some  horses,  a  few  yokes  of  oxen,  and  a  herd 
of  sheep  :  it  was  a  fair  example  of  the  heritage  left  by  a 
Turcoman  chieftain. 

His  son  Orkhan  captured  Nicomedia  and  Nicia ;  all 
Bythinia  and  soon  after  Mysia  with  its  capital,  Pergamus, 
were  subject  to  him.  The  Osmanlis  then  stretched  along 
the  beautiful  shores  which  were  washed  by  the  Bosphorus, 
the  Propontis  and  the  Hellespont.  On  the  opposite  bank 
they  saw  the  splendor  of  the  many  towns  ruled  by  the  cross 
of  Constantine  and  their  eyes  continually  brooded  upon  the 
great  and  rich  city  of  Constantinople.  One  night,  say  the 
Turkish  historians,  Soliman,  son  of  Orkhan,  was  seated  in 
the  midst  of  the  ruins  of  Cyzicus  watching  by  the  light  of 
the  moon  the  sparkling  waters  of  the  sea  of  Marmora,  which 
led  to  the  object  of  their  great  desire.  It  seemed  to  him 
that  the  shadows  thrown  by  the  colossal  ruins  of  the  de- 


,494  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

stroyed  city  lengthened  out  before  him,  like  a  bridge  across 
the  sea,  and  at  the  same  time  mysterious  voices  reminded 
him  that  the  empire  of  the  world  had  been  promised  to  his 
race.  "  This  is  a  sign  from  God,"  he  said.  When  day 
broke,  he  caused  two  rafts  to  be  built,  on  which  he  embarked 
with  39  men.  One  of  the  Greek  emperors  had  recently 
asked  his  assistance  in  opposing  a  rival,  and  Soliman,  at 
the  head  of  10,000  horsemen,  had  gone  through  all  Thrace 
and  Bulgaria  ravaging  as  he  went.  On  his  return  he  had 
noticed  how  poorly  guarded  were  the  Greek  fortresses  on 
the  straits.  He  surprised  one  of  them  with  his  39  men. 
Shortly  after  an  earthquake  put  into  his  hands  the  best 
fortification  of  the  region,  Gallipoli,  whence  the  frightened 
inhabitants  made  their  escape,  flying  what  they  believed  to 
be  the  wrath  of  heaven.  The  wrath  of  heaven  did  indeed 
visit  their  city,  but  it  came  in  the  guise  of  the  Turks.  From 
that  day  they  had  gained  a  footing  in  Europe  (1356). 

Orkhan  was  then  70  years  old,  and  could  not  take  advan- 
tage of  the  deplorable  divisions  of  a  people  who  seemed 
ready  to  deliver  themselves  into  his  hands.  Soliman  pre- 
ceded him  to  the  tomb,  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  but 
he  bequeathed  his  ambition  and  ardor  to  his  brother  Amurath 
(Murad).  Orkhan  had  begun  the  creation  of  the  formi- 
dable body  of  Janizaries  and  the  political  and  judiciary 
organization  of  his  provinces.  In  each  he  had  placed  a 
governor  or  pacha,  on  whom  the  power  of  the  cadis  estab- 
lished in  the  towns  depended. 

Amurath  completed  the  organization  of  the  Janizaries. 
This  formidable  body  of  infantry  was  recruited,  for  the 
most  part,  from  robust  Christian  children,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners  or  stolen  from  their  parents,  and  who  were 
instructed  in  the  Mussulmanic  law  in  a  way  to  inspire  them 
with  ardent  fanaticism,  and  who  were  then  subjected  to  the 
most  severe  discipline.  Amurath,  no  doubt,  had  in  mind, 
when  he  was  organizing  them,  the  military  orders  of  the 
Christians,  for  he  associated  his  new  soldiers  with  a  religious 
brotherhood  founded  by  Hadji-Begtasch  and  sent  them  to 
that  holy  personage  to  receive  a  name.  When  they  appeared 
before  him,  the  saint  put  the  sleeve  of  his  garment  upon 
one  of  their  chiefs  and  cried  :  "  Let  them  be  called  Yeni 
cheri  {\\q.\s  soldiers)  ;  let  their  bearing  be  always  steadfast, 
their  hands  always  victorious,  their  sword  always  sharp,  and 
their  lance  always  over  the  heads  of  their  enemies,   and 


Chap.  XXXI.]         GREEK  AND    OTTOMAN.  495 

wherever  they  may  go,  may  they  always  return  with  happi- 
ness in  their  faces."  The  sheikh  or  chief  of  the  Begtaschi 
was  a  colonel  in  a  regiment  of  the  Janizaries,  and  eight 
dervishes  lived  in  their  barracks,  praying  night  and  day  for 
the  safety  of  the  Ottoman  Porte  and  for  the  success  of  the 
arms  of  the  warrior  family  of  Hadji-Begtasch.  In  order  to 
convince  them  of  the  Sultan's  solicitude  for  their  well-being, 
their  officers  called  themselves  inspector  of  the  soup,  chief 
cook,  etc.,  and  their  council  held  its  meetings  around  the 
cauldron  of  the  regiment.  When  the  inhabitants  of  Con- 
stantinople saw  the  Janizaries  bringing  their  saucepans  to 
the  squares,  they  knew  it  to  be  the  signal  for  some  great 
event  ;  the  death  of  a  vizier  or  a  sultan  was  near  at  hand, 
or  a  great  war  against  the  Christians  was  to  commence. 

The  Janizaries  formed  the  infantry,  the  spahis  the  regular 
cavalry,  of  the  Ottoman  army.  To  all  were  consigned 
grants  of  land,  a  kind  of  military  fiefs.  They  did  not,  how- 
ever, constitute  a  feudal  system,  as  they  were  never  heredi- 
tary. Some  Christians,  the  Woinak,  in  consideration  of 
exemption  from  all  tribute,  were  charged  with  the  duty  of 
taking  care  of  the  horses  and  transports  in  time  of  war. 
A  multitude  of  irregular  troops  were  added  to  the  regular 
troops,  called  the  Asab  or  foot-soldiers,  the  Akindji  or 
horsemen.  This  strong  military  organization  promised 
success,  and  the  promise  was  fulfilled. 

Soliman  had  opened  the  gates  of  Europe  to  the  Turks. 
Under  Amurath,  they  rushed  in,  but  before  they  attacked 
Constantinople  directly,  they  turned  to  her  surroundings. 
Amurath  took  Adrianople  (1360)  and  made  it  his  residence, 
though  he  had  in  the  same  year  taken  Ancyra,  in  the  heart 
of  Asia  Minor.  But  when  he  pitched  his  tent  in  the  midst 
of  implacable  enemies,  he  made  it  necessary  for  the  exist- 
ence of  his  people  that  they  should  continue  the  conquest 
of  the  country,  and  by  taking  his  stand  in  the  second  town 
of  importance  in  Thrace  he  forced  them  sooner  or  later  to 
capture  the  first  in  rank. 

John  Paleologus,  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  to  avert  the 
danger,  returned  to  his  allegiance  to  the  Holy  See.  He 
himself  went  to  Rome,  and  the  union  of  the  two  churches 
was  solemnly  proclaimed  (1369).  Fine  promises  had  been 
made  him  there.  The  Pope  could  not  keep  them,  and 
the  unfortunate  emperor  exhausted  his  last  resources  upon 
this  journey.     When  he  tried  to  return  to  the  East,  he  was 


49^  Other  European  states.       [BookIX. 

retained  at  Venice  by  his  creditors,  and  his  son,  Manuel, 
was  obliged  to  sell  all  he  possessed  in  order  to  gain  the 
release  of  his  father.  Meantime  a  hermit  of  Savoy  had 
brought  over  a  few  crusaders  in  Venetian  ships,  and  had 
recaptured  Gallipoli  for  a  brief  space  (1366) ;  others,  with 
the  king  of  Cyprus,  had  devastated  Alexandria.  These 
were  merely  the  doings  of  filibusters  and  not  a  serious 
war.  The  Turkish  authority  was  not  shaken  for  an  instant, 
and  Paleologus  decided  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Sultan,  to  be- 
come his  vassal,  and  follow  him  in  his  wars  ;  he  followed 
him,  at  least,  in  those  which  Amurath  waged  with  the  Seld- 
juk  emirs  of  Asia  Minor,  most  of  whom  were  obliged  to 
submit  to  him. 

Beyond  the  Balkans,  in  the  great  valley  of  the  Danube, 
dwelt  a  number  of  brave  Christian  peoples  who  found  much 
more  to  fear  in  their  new  neighbors  than  they  had  in  the 
decrepit  Greeks  of  Constantinople,  Many  of  them  united 
with  each  other  as  early  as  the  year  1363,  to  crush  the 
Turks,  and  went  in  search  of  them  to  the  banks  of  the 
Maritza,  not  far  from  Adrianople.  Their  defeat  secured 
the  establishment  of  the  Ottomans  in  Thrace.  Amurath 
returned  war  with  war.  Froissart  relates  that  he  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Prince  of  Servia,  leading  a  mule  loaded 
with  a  bag  of  millet.  "  As  many  grains  of  corn  as  are  in 
this  bag,"  said  they,  "so  many  are  the  warriors  of  our  Sul- 
tan." The  prince  did  not  reply,  but  opened  the  bag,  spread 
the  corn  on  the  ground,  and  let  the  birds  in  the  lower  court 
eat  it.  At  the  end  of  a  few  minutes,  nothing  remained. 
"  Thus,"  said  he,  "  thus  will  your  people  disappear,  and 
you  see  that  there  is  not  enough."  If  the  chronicler,  or 
rather  the  king  of  Armenia,  who  told  him  this  story,  is  to 
be  believed,  a  Turkish  army  of  60,000  men  was  almost  an- 
nihilated by  the  Servians. 

Amurath,  however,  took  Sophia,  the  principal  town  of  Bul- 
garia (1382),  and  in  1389  he  fought  the  famous  battle  of  the 
Field  of  the  Blackbirds,  with  the  princes  of  Servia  and 
Bosnia,  on  the  great  plain  of  Kassovia,  which  is  watered  by 
the  upper  Drina.  He  was  victorious,  but  a  Servian  named 
Milosch  Kobilovich,  who  had  been  accused  of  treason, 
wished  to  avenge  his  people  and  himself  ;  he  made  his  way 
to  the  Sultan's  presence,  by  representing  himself  as  a  de- 
serter, and  plunged  a  dagger  into  his  breast.  The  prince 
of  Servia,   taken    prisoner   during   the  action,  and  all  his 


Chap.  XXXI.]         GREEK  AND    OTTOnfAN:  497 

principal  officers,  were  killed  before  the  eyes  of  the  expiring 
padischah.  The  Turks  have  called  Amurath  Khodoven- 
dikar — the  laborer  of  God.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Bajazet  Ilderiin,  or  the  Thunderbolt. 

The  new  Sultan's  first  act  was  the  murder  of  his  brother, 
and  his  first  combats  were  expeditions  into  Asia  INIinor,  to 
complete  the  subjugation  of  the  lesser  Turkish  princes  and 
the  conquest  of  the  last  Greek  towns  of  that  region.  He 
was  called  back  in  1396  by  great  danger  threatened  on  the 
Danube.  This  time  it  was  in  very  truth,  a  crusade.  Sigis- 
mund,  king  of  Hungary,  was  its  leader;  a  host  of  French 
knights  took  part ;  at  their  head  was  John  the  Fearless,  son 
of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  This  brilliant  body  of  chivalry 
showed  the  same  presumptuous  rashness  at  Nicopoli  that 
they  had  shown  at  Crecy  and  Poitiers.  They  were  all 
killed.  The  conquerors  penetrated  as  far  as  the  Save,  and 
entered  Thessaly  and  the  Morea,  where  they  captured  Argos 
(1397).  Fear  of  them  began  to  spread  in  the  mountains  of 
Austria  and  beyond  the  Adriatic. 

While  the  Turks  were  gaining  these  victories,  Constanti- 
nople lived  in  constant  fear  and  tried  to  avert  the  wrath  of 
the  Sultan  by  abject  submission.  John  Paleologus  paid 
him  a  tribute  of  30,000  gold  crowns  and  with  a  body  of 
12,000  men  assisted  him  in  conquering  the  Greek  towns  of 
Asia  Minor.  In  1391,  he  built  two  towers  near  one  of  the 
city  gates.  Bajazet  ordered  him  to  demolish  them  if  he  did 
not  wish  his  son  Manuel,  who  was  then  in  his  service,  to  have 
his  eyes  put  out.  He  obeyed.  This  same  Manuel,  when 
his  father  died,  escaped  from  the  court  of  the  Sultan,  to 
return  to  Constantinople.  Bajazet  immediately  blockaded 
the  city  and  the  blockade  lasted  seven  years,  until  the  Turks 
were  allowed  to  have  a  mosque  and  a  cadi  in  the  very  city. 
In  1400,  Manuel  besought  Europe  to  make  another  effort. 
He  went  to  Paris  and  to  London,  displaying  all  the  miseries 
nf  the  great  title  he  bore,  even  begging  money  to  support 
his  life.  He  counted  himself  happy  to  obtain  a  pension 
of  30,000  crowns  from  France.  The  last  moment  of  the 
Greek  empire  seemed  to  have  come,  when  more  efficient 
help  arrived  from  an  unsuspected  quarter. 

Tamerlain  (Timur,  surnamed  Lenk  or  the  Lame)  was 
descended  from  Jenghiz-Khan  in  a  female  line  ;  his  father, 
the  chief  of  the  tribe,  owned  a  little  province  near  Samar- 
cand.     The  empire  of  Jenghiz   had  been  broken  up  into  a 


198  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

multitude  of  little  principalities,  whose  chiefs  were  constantly 
at  war  with  one  another.  Timur  joined  in  these  quarrels, 
showed  great  valor  and  gained  great  renown.  In  1370,  he 
was  strong  enough  to  overthrow  the  Khan  of  Samarcand. 
Two  years  later,  he  began  his  conquests.  He  first  conquered 
Kharism  (or  western  Turkestan,  to  the  south  of  Lake  Aral) 
and  the  kingdom  of  Kashgar  (Chinese  Turkestan  or  lesser 
Bokhara)  ;  then  the  neighboring  provinces  of  Persia  ;  in 
1385  he  went  around  the  Caspian  Sea  at  the  south,  took 
Tauris,  Kars,  and  Tiflis,  and  conquered  some  of  the  moun- 
taineers of  the  Caucasus  and  of  Armenia.  In  1387  he 
entered  Ispahan,  where  he  put  70,000  persons  to  the  sword. 
At  Sebsvar  in  Khorassan  he  had  already  massacred  the 
whole  population,  except  2000  men,  who  were  later  piled 
one  upon  the  other  with  mortar  and  brick  to  serve  as  foun- 
dation for  several  towers  which  he  wished  to  build.  Later, 
before  he  arrived  at  Delhi,  being  embarrassed  by  the  exist- 
ence of  100,000  captives,  he  had  them  put  to  death.  He 
amused  himself  in  building  at  the  city  gates  pyramids  of 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  heads.  Attila  and  his  Huns  were 
left  far  behind. 

In  1390,  he  undertook  to  overthrow  the  empire  of  the 
Golden  Horde  in  southern  Russia.  He  gained  at  least  one 
great  battle  near  the  Volga  ;  two  years  later,  he  conquered 
what  remained  of  Persia,  entered  Bagdad,  Bassora  and  Mo- 
sul, and  being  again  provoked  by  the  Khan  of  Kiptchak, 
he  crossed  the  Caucasus  by  the  defile  of  Derbent,  leading 
400,000  warriors,  and  made  a  victorious  passage  through 
the  country  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  Moscow.  A  lack 
of  forage  and  the  severity  of  the  climate  forced  him  to  re- 
treat. He  had  not  overthrown  the  dominion  of  the  Golden 
Horde,  but  he  had  weakened  it  and  so  had  prepared  the 
way  for  the  liberation  of  the  Russian  nation. 

In  1398  he  was  to  be  found  at  the  other  extremity  of  his  em- 
pire and  of  Asia.  He  was  then  sixty-two  years  old  ;  neither 
age  nor  fatigue  had  any  power  over  him  ;  he  dreamed  of  the 
conquest  of  the  Indies.  His  tired  emirs  asked  for  rest ;  he 
read  them  the  Koran,  which  imposes  an  eternal  combat  with 
idolators,  and  he  rushed  down  upon  the  banks  of  the  Indus 
and  the  Ganges,  at  the  head  of  92,000  horsemen  and  in- 
numerable infantry,  spreading  terror  on  every  side.  Delhi 
was  sacked  in  a  horrible  manner,  and  the  princes  of  Hindo- 
stan  were  overcome.     One  year  later,  this  terrible  traveler, 


Chap.  XXXI.]         GREEK  AND   OTTOMAN.  499 

who  might  be  said  to  wear  out  victory  and  death  in  their 
attempts  to  follow  him,  was  in  Georgia  at  the  foot  of  the 
Caucasus.  There  the  trembling  deputies  from  the  Greek 
Emperor  and  certain  Seldjuk  princes  despoiled  by  Bajazet, 
came  to  find  him.  The  two  powerful  monarchs  who  made 
all  Europe  and  Asia  tremble  before  them,  exchanged  a  few 
haughty  letters,  preludes  to  a  terrible  war.  Before  the  war 
broke  out,  Timur  had  time  to  conquer  the  Sultan  of  Egypt, 
and  to  burn  Aleppo,  Damascus,  and  Bagdad.  After  taking 
this  last  city,  he  built,  for  a  trophy  as  it  were,  an  obelisk 
of  the  heads  of  90,000  men  (1401).  At  Aleppo  he  built  of 
the  same  material  towers  10  cubits  in  height  and  20  cubits 
in  circumference. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  June  in  the  following  year,  Bajazet 
and  Timur  met  with  400,000  Turks  and  800,000  Mongols, 
on  the  plains  of  Ancyra  ;  two  barbarous  nations,  two  powers 
for  evil  which  brought  nothing  but  destruction  in  their  train. 
The  Ottomans  were  defeated,  their  sultan  taken,  and  Asia 
Minor  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors,  who  pushed 
their  way  as  far  as  Smyrna,  carried  it  by  assault,  and  did  not 
stop  until  they  came  to  the  deep  waters  of  the  Archipelago. 
The  land  was  theirs,  but  infidels  held  the  seas.  They  went 
in  search  of  other  lands  to  conquer.  Taking  a  survey  of 
Asia  from  one  end  to  the  other,  Timur  could  find  but  one 
empire  still  standing  and  worthy  of  his  efforts,  and  that  was 
China.  He  was  leading  his  countless  hordes  against  that 
country,  when  finally,  March  19,  1405,  death  stopped  the 
indefatigable  old  man  who  has  come  down  to  us  as  the 
most  terrible  personification  in  history  of  the  evil  spirit  of 
conquest.  After  his  death  his  empire  was  divided  and  dis- 
appeared. 

Bajazet  had  survived  his  defeat  by  only  a  year,  notwith- 
standing the  consideration  shown  him  by  Timur  ;  but  his 
empire  did  not  follow  him  in  his  fall.  Ten  years,  only,  were 
passed  in  agitation  and  confusion,  during  which  period 
Bajazet's  sons  were  disputing  his  heritage  ;  in  1413  Moham- 
med I.  was  secured  in  sole  possession  of  his  father's  power. 

In  142 1,  his  son  Amurath  II.  succeeded  him  ;  he  had  tc 
contest  the  throne  with  an  impostor  or  pretender  whom  the 
Greek  emperor  brought  forward  as  Bajazet's  eldest  son, 
who  had  disappeared  at  the  battle  of  Ancyra.  The  pre- 
tender was  defeated,  taken,  and  hung  on  one  of  the  towers 
of  Adrianople.     To  revenge  himself  upon  the  Greeks  Amu- 


500  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

rath  besieged  their  capital  ;  they  defended  themselves  with 
the  weapons  to  which  weakness  resorts,  perfidy  and  cun- 
ning. Amurath  was  called  away  to  Asia,  by  the  revolt  of 
his  brother  Mustapha.  It  was  not  necessary  for  him  to 
fight.  Mustapha,  sold  by  the  traitor  who  had  urged  him  to 
revolt,  was  hung  on  a  fig-tree,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nicea. 
But  once  again  Constantinople  was  saved.  Amurath  seemed 
to  forget  it.  He  attacked  the  Venetians,  the  masters  of 
Thessalonica,  of  Negropont  and  Candia,  and  the  lesser 
princes  who  had  divided  Greece  among  themselves.  In 
1430  he  took  Thessalonica  by  assault,  and  the  following 
year  he  caused  his  authority  to  be  recognized  at  Janina  and 
at  Croia,  the  capital  of  Albania,  whose  prince,  John  Cas- 
triot,  gave  his  son  George  as  hostage  for  his  fidelity. 

After  many  combats  in  Dalmatia,  in  Servia,  in  Wallachia, 
and  even  in  Transylvania,  the  Hungarians  felt  the  necessity 
of  making  a  great  effort  to  repulse  the  Ottoman  domina- 
tion which  was  coming  upon  them  from  three  sides  at  once, 
along  the  Adriatic,  by  the  Danube,  and  across  the  Carpa- 
thian mountains.  A  Transylvanian  nobleman  named  John 
Hunyadi  was  the  hero  of  this  war.  The  White  Knight  of 
Wallachia,  as  he  is  called  by  Commines,  destroyed,  in  the 
year  1442,  20,000  Turks  near  Hermanstadt,  and  some  time 
after  he  defeated  with  15,000  men  an  army  ten  times  as 
numerous.  He  was  again  victorious  at  Nissa  in  Servia, 
captured  Sophia  in  Bulgaria,  and  paying  the  ravages  of  the 
Turks  in  kind,  he  laid  waste  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube. 

Meanwhile,  the  Greek  emperor,  in  order  to  gain  the  sup- 
port of  Catholic  Europe,  had  again  offered  to  subscribe  to 
the  union  of  the  two  churches.  But,  said  a  Byzantine  his- 
torian, if  at  the  moment  when  the  Turks  were  masters  of  a 
half  of  Constantinople,  an  angel  coming  down  from  heaven 
had  said  to  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  "  Agree  to  the  union 
and  I  will  drive  out  your  enemies,"  they  would  have  replied  : 
"  Rather  Mohammed  than  the  Pope."  The  union  accepted 
by  the  emperor  was  accordingly  refused  by  the  bishops.  It 
had  the  effect,  however,  of  instigating  a  new  crusade,  which 
Ladislaw,  king  of  Poland  and  regent  of  Hungary,  accom- 
panied by  a  papal  legate,  conducted  as  far  as  Bulgaria. 

Amurath  became  uneasy  and  asked  for  peace.  It  was 
concluded  for  ten  years.  He  took  his  oath  upon  the  Koran 
and  Ladislaw  upon  the  Gospels.  But  the  legate  was  indig- 
nant that  a  treaty  should  be  made   with  an  infidel,  and  it 


Chap.  XXXI.]        GREEK  AND   OTTOMAN.  ^o\ 

was  broken,  notwithstanding  Hunyadi's  efforts  to  the  con- 
trary. The  crusaders  marched  upon  Varna,  across  Bul- 
garia, counting  upon  a  Christian  fleet  in  the  Hellespont  to 
keep  Amurath  from  summoning  his  forces  from  Asia.  The 
Genoans  were  bribed  to  lend  him  their  vessels.  Before  the 
action  began,  Amurath  caused  the  treaty  which  the  Chris- 
tians were  violating  to  be  carried  through  the  ranks  on  the 
point  of  a  spear.  Ladislaw  was  killed,  the  legate  perished  in 
the  flight,  and  Hunyadi  saved  but  a  small  remnant  of  the 
army. 

Amurath  did  not  pursue  the  fugitives.  He  did  not  try 
to  attack  the  great  mass  of  all  the  Christian  nations,  whose 
weight  he  felt,  even  though  he  had  been  victorious  over 
them.  Following  a  policy  which  does  him  credit,  he  turned 
his  attention  to  the  little  powers  which  were  in  his  way  to 
the  south  of  the  Danube  ;  in  1446  he  conquered  almost  the 
whole  of  the  Morea  and  invaded  Epirus.  There,  in  those 
inaccessible  mountains,  he  found  an  indomitable  race  and 
a  man  worthy  of  such  a  race,  George  Castriot,  whose 
exploits  gained  for  him  the  name  of  the  Bey  Alexander, 
Scanderbeg,  from  the  Turks.  Amurath  had  brought  him 
up  and  had  made  him  his  favorite.  But  he  had  not  been 
able  to  erase  from  the  heart  of  the  Christian  boy,  whom  he 
had  made  a  Mussulman,  the  memory  of  his  fatherland,  of 
the  faith  of  his  ancestors,  and  of  independence.  After  a 
victory  gained  by  Hunyadi  over  the  Turks  in  1443,  Scan- 
derbeg had  forced  the  sultan's  secretary,  at  the  dagger's 
point,  to  sign  him  an  order  obliging  the  governor  of  Croia 
to  deliver  that  place  into  his  hands.  From  that  day  he 
threw  off  the  friendship  of  the  Turks  and  became  their 
most  terrible  enemy.  In  vain  did  Amurath  overrun  Albania 
with  his  troops  ;  Scanderbeg  was  always  at  hand,  on  their 
flanks,  on  their  rear,  above  their  heads ;  always  there,  and 
always  striking,  but  always  out  of  reach. 

Hunyadi,  when  proclaimed  regent  of  Hungary,  wished  to 
repair  the  disaster  at  Varna,  and  in  1448  marched  into 
Servia.  The  memory  of  the  same  event  brought  the  two 
armies  of  the  Christians  and  the  Mussulmans  together  in 
the  valley  of  Kassovia,  where  the  Turks  had  been  victorious, 
but  where  the  first  Amurath  had  perished.  The  second 
Amurath  awaited  there  the  approach  of  the  Christians  with 
his  army  of  150,00a  men.  The  Hungarian  army  was  almost 
entirely  destroyed  ;    Hunyadi    escaped  with  the   greatest 


502  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES.  [Book  IX. 

difficulty.  The  two  following  years  were  spent  by  the 
sultan  in  reducing  Albania  to  submission,  but  he  could  not 
take  Croia  nor  crush  Scanderbeg.  Early  in  the  year  145 1 
he  died  at  Adrianople.  He  had  abdicated  twice,  and  twice 
the  confusion  and  revolts  that  immediately  followed  had 
forced  him  to  resume  his  authority. 

Mohammed  II.,  who  was  more  impetuous,  more  impatient 
of  delay,  ascended  the  throne  with  the  resolution  of  taking 
Constantinople,  and  of  sacrificing  everything  to  this  end. 
It  was  his  constant  thought  by  day  and  by  night.  One 
morning  he  called  his  vizier  and  said  to  him  :  "  Look  at  my 
couch,  look  at  this  disorder  ;  Constantinople  keeps  me 
from  closing  my  eyes.  Give  me  Constantinople."  Bajazet 
had  built  a  fortress  on  the  coast  of  Asia,  where  the  Bos- 
phorus  entered  Thrace  ;  in  a  few  weeks  Mohammed  built 
another  castle  opposite,  on  the  European  coast,  and  the 
passage  was  closed  to  all  vessels.  A  cannon  foundry,  esta- 
blished at  Adrianople  under  the  direction  of  a  Hungarian, 
manufactured  formidable  pieces  of  artillery,  amongst  others 
an  enormous  cannon,  which  hurled  balls  of  1200  pounds 
weight.  Two  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  men  surrounded 
Constantinople,  and  a  fleet  was  stationed  at  the  entrance  to 
the  port,  which  the  besieged  had  closed  with  a  chain. 

The  defense  of  the  city  consisted  of  but  7000  men,  includ- 
ing 2000  Venetians  and  Genoans,  who  were  commanded 
by  an  able  leader,  a  Genoan,  named  Justiniani.  The 
Emperor  Constantine  offered  up  prayers  in  a  church  where 
a  bishop  of  the  Roman  communion  was  officiating  ;  his 
court  prayed  in  the  others,  according  to  the  Greek  rites, 
and  a  mortal  hatred  on  both  sides  separated  the  two  parties. 
The  city,  however,  was  still  so  strong  that  Mohammed  had 
made  little  progress,  when  he  bethought  himself  of  an 
expedient  which  destroyed  the  defenses.  Constantinople  is 
separated  from  its  two  suburbs,  Pera  and  Galata,  by  its 
port,  the  Golden  Horn,  a  little  gulf,  long  and  narrow,  which 
runs  up  into  the  country  beyond  Galata.  Mohammed  built 
behind  that  suburb  a  plank  road,  which  he  then  had  greased. 
One  end  of  it  reached  the  Bosphorus,  the  other  the  head  of 
the  gulf.  By  main  strength  they  hoisted  the  ships  upon 
this  novel  road,  and  the  Greeks  suddenly  were  stupefied  to 
see  the  Ottoman  fleet  in  their  very  harbor,  in  the  midst  of 
their  works  of  defense.  On  the  29th  of  May,  at  one  o'clock 
in  the  night,  a  furious  assault  began  ;    at  eight  o'clock  in 


Chap.  XXXI.]        GREEK  AND   OTTOMAN.  503 

the  morning  half  of  Constantinople  was  taken.  Justiniani 
was  mortally  wounded  ;  Constantine  was  dead  ;  by  his 
sacrifice  he  had  ennobled  the  last  hours  of  the  Roman 
empire.  The  other  quarters,  having  their  own  separate 
fortifications,  capitulated.  The  cross  was  thrown  down 
from  St.  Sophia  and  the  crescent  took  its  place. 


BOOK  X. 

CIVILIZATION    IN    THE    LAST   CENTURIES 
OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

THE  CHURCH  FROM   1270  to  1453. 


Foreshadowings  of  a  new  civilization. — The  Papacy  from  Gregory  VII. 
to  Boniface  VIII. — The  Popes  at  Avignon  (1:309-1376);  Great 
Schism  of  the  West  (137S-1448). — Wycliffe,  John  Huss,  Gerson  ; 
Councils  of  Pisa  (1409),  of  Constance  (1414)  and  of  Basel  (1431); 
Gallican  doctrines. 


In  following  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  we  have  seen 

how  they  prepared   the  way  for  a  political   and  a  social 

revolution.      By  means   of  the    former  cen- 

A     new      era  i-         ■  r  i        •  i     r  i 

in  civilization  tralization  of  powcr  was  substituted  for  the 
foreshadowed.  Jq^^^j  powcrs,  and  the  will  of  the  king  was 
made  supreme  over  the  nobles  ;  by  the  latter,  the  serfs  were 
enfranchised,  the  middle  classes  were  raised,  and  a  beginning- 
was  made  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Third  Estate. 

But  modern  nations  are  not  only  removed  from  the  Middle 
Ages  in  their  political  and  social  organization,  but  they  are 
animated  by  a  different  spirit,  and  even  at  the  time  we  have 
now  reached  their  religion,  literature,  and  ideas  show  signs 
of  a  coming  change  of  great  importance  and  significance. 

A  baron  clothed  in  his  Milanese  armor,  and  seated  upon 
his  Spanish  charger,  was  invincible  and  invulnerable  ;  now, 
a  little  charcoal,  saltpetre,  and  sulphur,  mixed  together, 
makes  the  poorest  and  the  weakest  peasant  the  equal,  on 
the  battlefield,  of  the  wealthiest  noble  or  the  most  hardy 
horseman.  Force  and  power  were  leaving  their  ancient 
places  of  abode,  and  thought  was  no  longer  monopolized 
by  the  religious  orders.  In  the  flourishing  period  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  intellectual  life  was  only  found  among  the 

505 


$o6  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

clergy  ;  now  it  was  awakening  among  the  laity.  And  just 
as  the  clergy  occupied  themselves  exclusively  with  questions 
relating  to  heaven,  the  laity  occupied  themselves  with  ques- 
tions of  purely  earthly  importance.  The  consequence  of 
this  simple  change  was  the  subsequent  creation  of  the 
physical,  natural,  and  economical  sciences,  which  in  turn  led 
to  new  ideas  on  social  matters ;  and  the  man  of  modern 
times  finally  began  the  true  conquest  of  the  earth,  his 
domain,  and  the  conquest  of  his  conscience,  which,  in  most 
cases,  had  long  been  smothered  under  the  weight  of  igno- 
rance and  superstition. 

The  Church,  like  everything  else  in  this  world,  has  its 

history,  that  is  to  say,  the  constant  movement  and  develop- 

,         ment  inseparable  from  life,  for   the  absence 

Papacy   from  .     ,  T  c      r    ,        , 

Gregory  VII.  to    of  chaugc  IS  a  proof  of  death. 

Boniface  VIII.  pj-^,.^  ji^g  ^jj^g  ^f  Gregory  VII.  at  the  end 

of  the  eleventh  century  until  the  time  of  Boniface  VIII.  at 
the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth,  the  Papacy  continually 
grew  in  pretensions  and  in  power,  both  without  and  within 
the  pale  of  the  Church  ;  after  that  period,  its  power  declined. 
The  doctrines  of  Gregory  VII.  in  regard  to  pontifical 
supremacy  bore  their  fruit  after  his  time,  and  the  extreme 
boldness  of  his  conduct  in  his  relation  with  sovereigns  be- 
came a  fundamental  doctrine,  if  we  may  say  so,  of  the 
Papacy.  Adrian  IV.  forced  the  greatest  of  the  German 
Caesars,  Frederick  Barbarossa,  to  hold  his  stirrup,  and  Inno- 
cent III.  formulated  the  pontifical  doctrines  in  language 
that  was  magnificent  but  very  extraordinary  :  "As  the  sun 
and  the  moon  are  hung  in  the  heavens,  the  greater  of  these 
stars  to  preside  over  the  day,  the  lesser  to  preside  over  the 
night  ;  so  there  are  also  two  powers  in  the  community  of 
the  faithful, — the  pontifical  power,  which  is  first  in  impor- 
tance, because  it  has  charge  of  souls  ;  the  royal  power, 
second  in  importance,  because  its  charge  is  merely  the  body." 
On  the  strength  of  this  moral  oversight  committed  to  him 
he  interfered  in  all  the  contentions  between  the  sovereigns 
of  his  time,  and  hurled  his  thunderbolts  at  the  heads  of  all 
the  kings,  threatening  some  of  them,  striking  others.  Philip 
Augustus,  John  Lackland,  Sverri  of  Norway,  who  had 
usurped  his  crown,  and  the  king  of  Leon,  who  had  married 
his  cousin,  were  all  excommunicated.  The  king  of  Hun- 
gary, who  had  detained  a  papal  legate,  was  threatened  with 
seeing  his  son  dispossessed  of  the  throne.     To  escape  all 


Chap.  XXXII.]  THE  CHURCH  FROM  1270—1453.  5^7 

fear  of  so  formidable  a  power,  Peter  II.,  king  of  Aragon, 
had  himself  consecrated  a  knight  by  the  Pope  and  acknowl- 
edged himself  his  vassal  and  tributary.  In  the  quarrel  be- 
tween Philip  of  Swabiaand  Otto  IV.  in  Germany,  Innocent 
claimed  to  have  the  right  to  "  examine,  approve,  anoint,  con- 
secrate, and  crown  the  emperor  elect,  if  he  be  worthy  ;  to 
reject  him,  if  unworthy."  This  was  answered  a  century 
later  by  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Frankfort.  If  preten- 
sions such  as  these  had  prevailed,  all  the  kingdoms  of  Eu- 
rope would  have  become  fiefs  of  the  Holy  See. 

In  the  thirteenth  century,  the  condemnation  and  deposi- 
tion of  the  emperor  Frederick  II.  at  the  council  of  Lyons, 
the  release  of  the  Aragonese  from  their  oath  to  their  king 
Peter,  the  taking  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  away  from  Man- 
fred and  the  giving  it  to  Charles  of  Anjou,  all  bore  witness 
to  papal  omnipotence. 

Boniface  VIII.  finally,  in  his  bull  Unam  sanctam,  sur- 
passed even  the  language  of  Innocent  III.;  for,  instead  of 
limiting  himself  to  the  recognition  of  two  powers,  one  of 
them  inferior  to  the  other,  he  seemed  to  wish  to  absorb  the 
former  and  make  it  entirely  subordinate  to  the  latter.  "  To 
the  Church  belong  the  two  swords,  spiritual  and  temporal ; 
the  latter  working  for  the  Church,  the  former  through  the 
Church  ;  the  one  controlled  by  the  priesthood,  the  other  by 
the  kings  and  barons,  but  following  the  will  and  waiting 
the  permission  of  the  priesthood.  The  sword  must  be 
ruled  by  the  sword,  and  temporal  authority  must  yield  to 
spiritual  power." 

These  great  popes,  indeed,  had  prepared  the  way  for 
their  boundless  pretensions  ;  they  took  care  to  inscribe 
them  beforehand  in  the  law,  and  to  make  them  popular  with 
the  masses.  The  collection  of  decretals  published  in  the 
time  of  Gregory  IX.  in  1234,  by  Raymond  of  Pennafort, 
who  brought  together  the  rescripts  of  the  last  popes,  Alexan- 
der III.,  Innocent  III.,  Honorius  III.,  and  which  was  con- 
tinued later  under  Boniface  VIII.,  Clement  V.,  and  John 
XXII.,  opened  a  more  fertile  field  in  the  study  of  the  canon 
law  which  was  interpreted  and  commented  upon  by  the  can- 
onists ;  and  as,  in  the  interpretation  of  a  law,  it  is  always 
the  sense  of  the  legislator  which  is  sought,  the  jurisconsults, 
in  the  law  which  they  studied  and  then  put  in  force  were 
most  impressed  with  the  spirit  of  domination  of  the  pontiffs 
who  had  dictated  it.     The  right  of  deposing  kings  and  empe- 


5o8  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

rors  was  written  down  at  full  length  in  the  canonical  code. 
In  every  Christian  state  the  Papacy  had  advocates  to  plead 
the  cause  of  its  ambition.  It  also  had  its  preachers  among 
the  mendicant  monks,  orders  which  arose  at  that  time. 

In  virtue  of  the  same  principles,  the  Pope  had  the  power 
not  only  of  imposing  religious  laws  but  also  of  exempting 
from  them  ;  he  held  the  power  of  dispensation  in  his  hand. 
He  also  claimed  the  right  of  disposing  of  ecclesiastical  bene- 
fices, at  first  of  a  few  ;  Honorius  III.  only  demanded  that 
each  church  should  reserve  two  prebendaries  for  the  Holy 
See  ;  later  he  claimed  them  all  ;  and  Clement  IV.,  Boniface 
VIII.,  and  Clement  V.  introduced  the  theory  that  to  the 
Pope,  the  universal  patron,  belonged  the  distribution  of  all 
benefices.  It  will  be  remembered  that  England,  under 
Henry  III.,  was,  in  a  way,  invaded  by  Italian  priests.  The 
right  of  disposing  of  ecclesiastical  revenues  throughout 
Christendom  followed  as  a  necessary  consequence,  and,  as 
early  as  the  year  1199  Innocent  III.  levied  a  fortieth  part 
of  the  revenues  from  the  Christian  clergy,  which  he  caused 
to  be  collected  by  special  agents.  His  successors  renewed 
and  multiplied,  on  various  pretexts,  orders  of  this  nature, 
and  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  the  Middle  Ages  the 
clergy  possessed  a  third,  perhaps,  of  Germany  and  a  fifth  of 
England  and  of  France. 

The  princes  were  disturbed  by  the  great  wealth  of  the 
clergy  ;  many  of  them  felt  the  danger  and  took  measures  to 
arrest  its  progress  by  means  of  laws  which  put  restrictions 
on  the  acquisition  by  the  clergy  of  landed  property,  which 
in  their  hands  became  mortmain,  that  is  to  say,  were  with- 
drawn from  circulation  and  were  exempted  from  public 
taxes.  That  was  one  object,  among  others,  against  which 
the  law  published  in  England  in  1279,  under  the  title  of 
the  Statute  of  Mortmain,  was  directed. 

Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  the  successful  rival  of  civil 
jurisdiction,  had  made  the  same  progress  ;  not  only  had  the 
clergy  been  secured  from  the  action  of  lay  tribunals,  but  a 
host  of  persons  had  acquired  the  same  privilege  by  a  simple 
religious  vow  or  by  promising  to  join  a  crusade,  and  a  host 
of  cases  were  brought  directly  before  the  ecclesiastical 
courts.  The  secular  power  was  too  indifferent  in  the  mat- 
ter :  St.  Louis,  Frederick  II.,  Alfonso  X.  all  favored  the 
increasing  power  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  doubtless 
because  feudal  justice  lost  more  by  it  than  royal  justice  ; 


Chap.  XXXII.J  THE  CHURCH  FROM  1270—145^.  5°9 

in  England,  however,  it  had  been  in  the  twelfth  century  the 
object  of  a  bloody  conflict  between  the  two  powers,  but 
Thomas  a  Becket  had  triumphed  in  death.  Now  whatever 
jurisdiction  the  local  clergy  and  the  bishops  had  obtained 
the  Holy  See  endeavored  to  take  to  itself  by  means  of 
appeals  to  the  cpurt  of  Rome,  just  as  it  endeavored,  by 
means  of  the  tithes  and  the  fortieths,  to  absorb  a  part  of  the 
wealth  they  had  acquired. 

Accordingly  two  questions  of  superlative  importance 
arose  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  :  Was 
Europe  to  become  a  theocracy  by  the  triumph  of  the  spiritual 
over  the  temporal  power  ?  Was  the  Church  to  be  an  aris- 
tocratic hierarchy  or  an  absolute  monarchy  ?  In  the  year 
1300,  Boniface  VIII.  would  have  smiled  at  the  idea  of  there 
being  a  doubt  on  this  point,  when,  on  the  great  jubilee 
which  he  had  appointed,  he  appeared  invested  with  the 
imperial  robes  and  preceded  by  the  two  swords,  in  the 
sight  of  innumerable  Christians  gathered  at  Rome,  and  when 
all  the  wealth  of  Europe  was  heaped  up  on  the  altar  of  St. 
Peter.  Three  years  later,  however,  the  face  of  things  had 
undergone  a  complete  change  the  temporal  power,  so  often 
defeated,  suddenly  triumphed,  and  it  became  evident  that 
Europe  was  not  to  be  a  theocracy. 

The  second  question  waited  two  centuries  and  a  half  for 
its  solution. 

The  Papacy,  which  had  soared  high  above  all  Europe,  fell 
shattered  to  earth  at  Avignon.  While  trying  to  invade 
foreign  kingdoms,  it  was  taken  prisoner  and 
Avignon* ^c^isog-  lost  its  own  kingdom.  The  Babylonian  Cap- 
sV^ism*1)ft^h  e  tivity,  which  began  in  1309  by  the  establish- 
west  C1378-1448).  ment  of  Clement  V.  at  Avignon,  lasted  nearly 
seventy  years  and  included  seven  successive  pontificates. 
The  lofty  ambition  of  preceding  centuries  was  now  followed 
by  a  worldly,  indolent,  and  effeminate  mode  of  life.  Those 
French  popes,  the  servants  of  the  king  of  France,  as  others, 
later,  were  servants  of  the  House  of  Austria,  had  no  will 
but  his  and  no  authority  but  in  his  service.  Benedict  XII. 
with  tears  in  his  eyes  replied  to  the  ambassadors  of  the 
excommunicated  Emperor  Lewis  of  Bavaria,  that  in  his  heart 
he  was  much  inclined  to  absolve  him,  but  that,  if  he  pro- 
nounced the  absolution,  the  king  of  France  would  depose  him. 
Wealth  took  the  place  of  power  as  the  object  of  their  ambi- 
tion ;  the  Avignon  Papacy  began  to  heap  up  treasure  and 


5l^  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

to  levy  from  the  clergy,  in  concert  with  the  king  of  France, 
tithes  and  taxes  which  they  mutually  authorized  each  other 
to  collect.  The  reservations  and  the  provisions  had  already 
been  created  ;  John  XXII.  conceived  the  idea  of  the  annates 
(the  first  year's  revenues  of  vacant  benefices).  The  people 
were  irritated  by  this  spectacle  ;  the  greatest  discontent 
was  found  at  Rome,  whose  people  were  deserted  by  their 
sovereign  and  now  only  saw  his  legates.  Public  opinion 
pronounced  strongly  for  the  return  of  the  pontiffs  to  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  Christian  world.  Gregory  XI.  was 
then  in  possession  of  the  tiara.  St.  Catherine  of  Sienna, 
renowned  throughout  Italy  for  her  inspired  revelations,  pre- 
vailed upon  him  to  return  to  Rome,  and  he  went  there  in 
1376.  He  died  in  1378.  The  sixteen  cardinals  present  in 
Rome,  four  Italians,  eleven  Frenchmen,  and  one  Spaniard, 
endeavored  to  find  a  successor.  Doubtless  a  Frenchman 
would  have  been  elected,  if  the  people  of  Rome  had  not  be- 
sieged the  doors  of  the  conclave  in  an  uproar,  crying  to  the 
cardinals  that  they  would  have  a  Roman  Pope,  "  or  they 
would  make  their  heads  redder  than  their  hats."  They 
elected  an  Italian,  the  Archbishop  of  Bari,  under  the  name 
of  Urban  VI. 

Hardly  were  they  at  liberty  again,  when  the  Frenchmen 
and  three  of  the  Italians  protested  against  the  forced  elec- 
tion and  appointed  a  French  Pope,  the  Cardinal  of  Geneva, 
under  the  name  of  Clement  VII.  There  were  then  two 
Popes,  and  the  Great  Schism  of  the  West  began,  the  most 
deadly  wound  which  the  Church  had  received.  Europe 
divided  on  the  question  :  England,  Germany,  Hungary, 
Bohemia,  Holland,  and  nearly  all  of  Italy  owned  the  author- 
ity of  Urban  ;  France,  Spain,  Scotland,  Savoy  and  Lorraine 
supported  the  cause  of  Clement  VII. 

The  division  in  the  Church,  the  two  rival  tiaras,  the  hos- 
tility between  Avignon  and  Rome  was  a  most  affecting 
spectacle  to  Christian  eyes.  All  the  foremost  men  of  Christen- 
dom were  alarmed  by  an  event  which  struck  a  fatal  blow  at 
the  faith  of  the  people.  All  tried  to  put  an  end  to  the 
schism  ;  the  University  of  Paris  was  distinguished  for  its 
zeal  aiTd  activity  in  the  cause.  It  held  a  solemn  meeting  in 
1394  and  found  three  methods  for  restoring  the  lost  unity. 
First,  that  the  two  competitors  should  make  a  voluntary  sur- 
render ;  second,  that  arbitrators  agreed  upon  by  the  two  par- 
ties should  decide  the  (jucstion  ;  or,  third,  that  there  should 


CiiAP.  XXXII.]  THE  CHURCH  FROM  1370—1453.  S^I 

be  a  general  council.  Nicolas  of  Clemangis,  a  celebrated 
theologian,  who  made  a  searching  inquiry  into  the  troubles 
of  the  Church  and  of  Avignon,  presented  these  conclusions 
to  Charles  VI.,  king  of  France,  who  received  them  favor- 
ably in  one  of  his  lucid  moments  ;  but  his  madness  returned 
upon  him,  and  the  princes,  who  again  became  supreme,  for- 
bade the  University  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  schism. 
The  latter  showed  a  very  energetic  spirit,  closing  its  courses 
and  discontinuing  its  public  lessons. 

Of  the  three  proposed  remedies,  the  first  was  found,  by 
experience,  to  be  impracticable.  Clement  VII.  died  ;  his 
cardinals,  in  order  not  to  forfeit  their  claims,  hastened  to 
prepare  for  a  new  election  and  chose  the  Spaniard,  Peter 
of  Luna,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Benedict  XIII.  (1394), 
and  opposed  every  attempt  at  conciliation.  Twice  did  France 
withdraw  her  obedience,  but  in  vain  :  "  What  matters  it  to 
me,"  he  coldly  said,  "St.  Peter  did  not  count  that  kingdom 
among  his  provinces."  It  was  in  vain  that  they  beseiged 
him  in  Avignon  ;  he  remained  Pope,  though  confined  in  the 
citadel,  and  later  succeeded  in  escaping.  The  pontiffs  who 
successively  held  the  See  at  Rome,  Boniface  IX.,  Innocent 
VI.,  and  Gregory  XII.,  showed  the  same  disposition,  and 
the  two  adversaries  hurled  at  each  other  their  anathemas. 

Their   proceedings   were   extremely    imprudent.     There 

had  already  been  many  anti- popes,  and  the  Church  had  not 

been  shaken  by  them,  because  at  that  time 

wyciiffejohn    {he  Spirit  of  obcdicnce  was  universal ;  at  the 

Huss,   Gerson  ;  ,        r       i  /•  ^  .  j-rr 

Council  of  Pisa  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  a  dirierent 
stance  °\mw'  Spirit  made  its  appearance,  and  something 
and  of  Basel  like  a  wiud  of  rcvolution  swept  over  Europe, 
can'doctrfnes'."  There  wcrc  many  indications  of  the  formida- 
ble agitation  at  work  in  the  heart  of  society  ; 
in  France,  the  Jacquerie,  Marcel,  and  the  Cabochines  ;  in 
Flanders,  the  two  Van  Arteveldes  ;  in  England,  Wat  Tyler  ; 
in  Italy,  Rienzo  and  the  republics.  It  was  certainly  fair  to 
suppose  that  the  general  movement  might  reach  the  Church. 
The  word  reformation,  which  was  to  rouse  so  many  echoes 
and  fill  Europe  with  its  sound  a  century  later,  had  already 
begun  to  be  heard.  The  heretic  Wycliffe  did  not  stand 
alone,  nor  the  fierce  Nicolas  of  Clemangis  ;  Gerson  himself, 
a  most  pious  doctor,  much  respected  in  the  Church,  who  has 
been  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  author  of  the  hnitation 
of  Christ,  wrote   in  very  strong  language  on  that  subject : 


Si^  THE  LAST  CEl^TUklES.  [Book  X. 

"  The  court  of  Rome  has  created  a  thousand  offices  by 
which  to  make  money,  but  hardly  one  for  the  propagation  of 
virtue.  From  morning  till  night  there  is  talk  of  nothing 
but  armies,  lands,  towns,  and  money  ;  rarely,  or  rather  never, 
do  thev  speak  of  chastity,  charity,  justice,  fidelity,  and  a  pure 
life."  ' 

As  unity  could  not  be  restored  by  the  voluntary  yielding 
of  either  of  the  rival  popes,  the  charge  of  effecting,  at  the 
same  time,  the  reunion  and  the  reformation  of  the  Church 
was  put  into  the  hands  of  a  council.  It  was  convoked  by 
the  cardinals  at  Pisa  in  1409.  The  council  deposed  Bene- 
dict and  Gregory,  and  chose  Alexander  V.  But  as  the  two 
former  refused  to  submit,  there  were  three  popes  instead  of 
two  ;  the  remedy  had  increased  the  evil. 

The  first  question  to  be  solved  was,  in  fact,  whether  the 
Pope  or  the  council  possessed  the  superior  power.  For,  if 
the  authority  of  the  Pope  was  higher  than  that  of  the  coun- 
cil, what  right  had  the  latter  to  depose  the  former  ?  Bene- 
dict, Gregory,  and  afterward  Alexander,  supported  that 
view  of  the  case,  and  claimed  that  the  Church  was  with  and 
of  the  Pope,  and  that  a  council  obtained  its  oecumenical 
character,  not  by  the  number  of  its  members,  but  by  the 
presence  of  the  pontiff.  Gerson  replied  to  that  monarchi- 
cal theory  :  "  The  Church  universal  is  the  assemblage  of  all 
Christians,  whether  Greeks  or  barbarians,  men  or  women, 
nobles  or  peasants,  rich  or  poor.  This  Church  it  is  which, 
according  to  tradition,  can  neither  err  nor  offend  ;  her  only 
head  is  Jesus  Christ,  the  popes,  cardinals,  prelates,  ecclesias- 
tics, kings,  and  the  people  are    its  members,   although   of 

different  degrees There  is  another  Church,  called 

Apostolic,  which  is  apart  and  enclosed  within  the  Church 
universal,  to  wit,  the  Pope  and  the  clergy  ;  it  is  that  which 
is  usually  called  the  Roman  Church,  it  is  the  Church  of 
whom  the  Pope  is  regarded  as  the  head,  and  the  other 
ecclesiastics  as  members.  This  Church  can  err  and  offend, 
it  can  deceive  and  be  deceived  and  can  fall  into  schism  and 
heresy  ;  it  is  but  the  instrument  and  the  organ  of  the  Church 
universal,  and  has  no  more  authority  than  is  given  by  the 
Church  universal  to  wield  the  power  which  resides  in  it  alone. 
.  .  .  The  Church  has  the  right  to  depose  the  popes  if  they  show 
themselves  unworthy  of  their  office  or  if  they  are  incapable 
of  exercising  its  functions  ;  for  if,  for  the  public  good,  a 
king  may  be  deposed,  who  holds  the  kingdom  of  his  ances- 


Chap.  XXXII.]  THE  CHURCH  FROM  1270—1453.  513 

tors  by  the  right  of  succession,  how  much  more  may  a  Pope 
be  deposed,  who  holds  his  title  only  through  the  election  of 
the  cardinals  ?.,.."  Those  are  the  doctrines  of  the 
Galilean  church,  which  Gerson  was  among  the  first  to  for- 
mulate, and  which  were  later  defended  and  modified  by 
Bossuet. 

But  a  few  minds  at  once  audacious  and  logical,  who  were 
not  afraid  to  overstep  the  limits  of  orthodoxy,  went  even 
farther  than  these  bold  doctrines.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  Wycliffe  wished,  as  it  were,  to  overthrow  the  whole 
Catholic  Church,  even  attacked  its  dogmas  when  he  denied 
the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence  (transubstantiation).  John 
Huss,  who  did  not  go  so  far  as  that,  nevertheless  insisted 
upon  three  points  of  vital  importance  :  the  appeal  to  Scrip- 
ture as  the  only  infallible  authority  ;  the  necessity  of  bring- 
ing the  clergy  back  to  a  life  of  discipline  and  purity,  whether 
by  depriving  them  of  all  interference  in  temporal  affairs,  or 
by  taking  from  them  the  property  of  which  they  made  a  bad 
use  ;  and  finally,  the  dispensation  of  spiritual  power  to  the 
priests  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  by  reason  of  their  inner  purity 
and  only  in  so  far  as  they  were  qualified  to  receive  it  and 
worthy  to  use  it.  These  doctrines  led  straight  to  Protes- 
tantism. John  Huss  also  attacked  certain  ceremonies  : 
auricular  confession,  the  worship  of  images,  and  fasting. 
Finally,  the  monks  and  the  Pope  with  his  court  were  the 
objects  of  his  most  violent  diatribes  ;  he  wrote  two  books, 
the  one  entitled.  The  Abomination  of  Monks ;  the  other. 
The  Metnbers  of  Antichrist.  The  titles  give  an  idea  of  their 
contents. 

Alexander  V.  had  hastily  dissolved  the  council  of  Pisa  ; 
his  successor  John  XXHL,  forced  by  public  opinion  and  by 
the  Emperor  Sigismund,  who  came  to  Italy  expressly  to 
confer  with  him  on  that  important  subject,  convoked  an- 
other. He  wished  it  to  assemble  in  one  of  the  Lombard 
cities.  Sigismund  insisted  upon  the  selection  of  a  German 
town  ;  Constance  was  the  appointed  place  (1414). 

This  great  council  was  attended  not  only  by  the  bishops, 
as  had  always  before  been  the  usage,  but  by  abbots,  ambas- 
sadors of  the  Christian  princes,  deputies  from  the  universi- 
ties, a  host  of  theologians  of  inferior  rank,  and  even  doctors 
of  jurisprudence.  The  Emperor  Sigismund,  by  his  presence, 
upheld  those  who  were  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  schism, 
and  promised  them,  in  case  of  need,  the  support  of  his 


514  THE  LAST  CENTURIES  [Book  X. 

favor  and  his  imperial  authority.  He  presided  several  times 
at  the  sessions. 

A  host  of  Italian  bishops  had  assembled  there,  resolved 
to  secure  the  victory  of  the  ultramontane  ideas.  The  eccle- 
siastics from  other  countries,  in  order  to  counteract  their 
advantage  in  numbers,  decided  that  the  vote  should  not  be 
taken  by  heads,  but  by  nations,  and  the  council  was  divided 
into  four  nations,  each  having  one  vote  :  Italians,  Germans, 
French,  and  English.  This  arrangement  gave  an  advan- 
tage to  the  moderate  party.  The  council  was  animated  by 
the  Galilean  spirit  and  condemned  the  two  extremes  ;  on 
the  one  hand,  the  absolutism  of  the  Pope  and  the  corruption 
of  the  Church  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  puritan  reform  of 
John  Huss. 

The  immediate  object  of  the  convocation  of  the  council 
was  attained,  though  it  was  by  long  and  weary  efforts.  The 
fathers  appointed  Martin  V.  as  true  Pope.  Of  the  three 
false  pontiffs,  one,  Gregory  XII.,  abdicated  ;  the  other  two, 
Benedict  XIII.  and  John  XXIII.,  were  removed  from  office. 
There  was  an  end  to  the  schism  (1417)  for  a  few  years. 

In  the  matter  of  reforms,  the  council  drew  a  bloody  line 
at  the  point  where  it  thought  they  ought  to  stop.  It  sent 
radical  reform  to  the  stake  with  John  Huss  and  Jerome  of 
Prague,  the  reform  which  triumphed  with  Luther  a  little 
later,  and  it  attempted  to  formulate  a  moderate  reform  of 
its  own,  through  the  medium  of  a  committee  which,  how- 
ever, failed  to  accomplish  anything.  Various  projects  of 
reform  were  submitted  to  the  council  which,  if  they  could 
have  been  carried  out,  would  have  seriously  limited  the  papal 
power  and  made  the  local  churches  more  independent. 
But  the  different  interests  represented  in  the  council  could 
not  come  to  an  agreement,  and  it  finally  dissolved,  having 
decreed  only  a  few  measures  of  reform.  The  most  important 
of  thftse  was  that  general  councils  should  be  summoned 
hereafter  at  regular  intervals.  This  would  have  given  the 
Church  a  fixed  legislative  assembly  had  the  popes  not  known 
how  to  avoid  compliance  with  the  decree  and  so  to  escape 
this  danger  to  their  power.  The  council  also  attempted 
some  reforms  in  the  discipline  and  life  of  the  clergy.  But 
these  moderate  reforms,  which  might  have  led  to  more 
thorough  ones,  were  never  accomplished.  Martin  V.,  on  his 
side,  drew  up  an  act,  in  which  he  treated  the  question  of 
reform  as  he  understood  it, — that  is,  he  evaded  it  completely. 


Chap.  XXXII.]  THE  CHURCH  FROM  1370—1453.  515 

and,  by  sowing  discord  between  the  different  nations  of  the 
council,  only  too  easy  a  task  in  the  case  of  France  and  Eng- 
land, he  declared  the  assembly  dissolved,  before  any  real 
result  had  been  reached  (1418). 

A  short  time  afterward  the  same  questions  of  reform 
made  it  necessary  for  Pope  Eugenius  IV.  to  convoke 
another  council  at  Basel  (1431).  He  repented  this  action 
and  declared  it  dissolved.  The  fathers  obstinately  con- 
tinued in  session  and  brought  forward  again  all  the  pro- 
positions advanced  at  Constance,  relating  to  the  superior 
authority  of  the  general  councils ;  they  decreed  that  they 
vi^ere  to  be  convoked  periodically,  that  they  could  be  dis- 
solved only  on  the  consent  of  two  thirds  of  their  members, 
and  that  the  Pope  should  be  held  to  appear  in  person  or 
through  his  legates.  Eugenius  IV.  transferred  the  council 
to  Ferrara  and  then  to  Florence,  where  only  a  portion  of 
the  fathers  assembled.  Those  at  Basel  deposed  him  and 
elected  the  Duke  of  Savoy  Pope  under  the  name  of  Felix  V. 
Division  again  appeared  in  the  Church  :  the  council  remained 
in  session  until  1443  ;  in  1438  Charles  VII.  brought  before 
them  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges,  where  the  very 
principles  of  the  councils  of  Constance  and  Basel  and  the 
liberty  of  the  Galilean  church  were  established.  The  new 
schism  prevailed  until  the  abdication  of  Felix  V.  in  1448. 

Thus  the  great  authority  of  the  Church,  which  had  ruled 
all  the  Europe  of  the  Middle  Ages,  continued  to  exist  in  the 
midst  of  convulsion  and  discord.  "  This  I  well  know,"  said 
Froissart,  at  the  beginning  of  these  deplorable  troubles, 
"that  some  day  people  will  be  astonished  at  such  things, 
that  the  Church  should  become  involved  in  such  difficulties 
and  so  long  be  unable  to  free  herself  from  them.  But  it 
was  a  plague  sent  by  God  to  warn  the  clergy  and  make 
them  consider  what  a  great  estate  and  superfluity  they  held 
and  managed.  But  many  did  not  take  it  into  consideration  ; 
for  they  were  so  blinded  by  overweening  pride  that  each  one 
wished  to  be  like  every  one  else  ;  and  because  of  that  things 
went  badly,  and  if  our  faith  had  not  been  confirmed  by  the 
hand  and  by  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  it  would  have 
wavered  or  given  way.  For  those  great  landed  noblemen 
....  did  nothing  but  laugh  and  play  at  the  time  of  the 
chronicles  I  chronicle,  the  year  of  grace  1390,  whom  many 
of  the  people  wondered  at,  that  such  great  lords  provided 
neither  a  remedy  nor  a  plan," 


5l6  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

They  did  try  to  provide  a  remedy  and  a  plan  of  action, 
but  they  did  not  succeed  in  changing  anything.  Abuses  in 
the  discipUne  and  mode  of  hfe  increased  on  the  contrary, 
and  as  a  consequence  of  having  avoided  a  reform  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  they  brought  on  a  revolution  in  the  six- 
teenth. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

THE  NATIONAL   LITERATURES.— THE   INVENTIONS  OF 
THE   MIDDLE   AGES. 


The  Italian  and  French  literatures. — The  literatures  of  the  North. — 
English,  German,  and  Scandinavian. — Spanish  and  Portuguese  lite- 
ratures. Renaissance  of  classical  learning. — Printing,  oil  painting, 
engraving,  and  gunpowder. 

As  the  Middle  Ages  advanced  to  their  close,  the  indi- 
viduality of  the  different  nations  became  more  and  more 
marked.  At  first  all  intellectual  life  was 
a  if d^  F  r^'e  n  c^h  ^^^lost  e.xclusivcly  Confined  to  the  religious 
literatures:  orders  and  found  its  expression  in  Latin,  the 

language  of  the  Church,  and  also  the  univer- 
sal language.  Now  thought  became  secularized  and  the 
laity  began  to  think,  speak,  and  write  in  as  many  languages 
as  there  were  nations.  Each  nation  had  already  its  own 
idiom,  which  was  not  only  spoken  by  the  masses,  but  in 
several  cases  had  been  raised  to  some  literary  power  and 
dethroned  the  Latin  tongue,  which  was  until  then  alone 
reserved  for  the  great  object,  of  the  human  life. 

After  the  troubadours  had  been  silenced,  the  Italian 
language  was  the  one  which  developed  the  most  rapidly. 
With  an  unexampled  precocity  it  had  attained  its  perfection 
in  the  midst  of  the  Middle  Ages.  It  owed  this  privilege  to 
the  commerce,  industry,  and  political  life  which  had  been 
developed  in  Italy  much  sooner  than  elsewhere,  and  which 
demanded  not  a  learned  and  dead  language,  but  a  living 
language,  adapted  to  all  the  details  of  political  life.  The 
The  Italian  language  had  in  this  way  been  developed  and 
enriched  ;  it  was  the  instrument  of  the  lofty  and  terrible 
and  tender  poetry  of  Dante  ;  Petrarch  used  it  in  his  grace- 
ful verse,  and  Boccaccio  not  only  in  verse  but  in  admirable 
prose.  When  it  had  shown  its  power  in  works  of  such  ex- 
tent and  variety  it  might  well  be  considered  as  a  finished 

517 


5l8  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

language.  We  will  not  repeat  what  we  have  already  said  in 
Chapter  XXIX.,  but  will  return  to  France,  whose  literature 
held  the  next  place  to  that  of  Italy, 

The  French  literature  did  not  at  first  soar  as  high  as  the 
Italian,  nor  did  it  immediately  attain  perfection,  but  it  was 
the  more  spontaneous  of  the  two.  Dante  and  Petrarch  were 
inspired  by  Virgil  and  acknowledged  themselves  to  be  his 
disciples.  But  who  were  the  predecessors  of  Joinville  and 
Froissart  ?  In  what  way  were  they  influenced  by  the  lite- 
rature of  antiquity  ? 

Joinville  left  behind  him  a  French  prose  which  was  clear, 
simple,  keen,  and  flexible,  and  wonderfully  adapted  to  nar- 
rative. Froissart  employed  it  in  the  same  way  and  made  it 
even  more  perfect.  We  still  admire  the  graceful  style  of 
this  narrator  and  the  charming  pictures  he  has  left  us  of  the 
chivalrous  society  of  his  times.  His  coloring  is  fresh,  strong, 
and  natural  ;  his  sentiments,  delicate,  moderate,  and  as 
elevated  as  his  style.  Froissart's  aim  in  writing  the  history 
of  his  times  was  to  divert  rather  than  to  instruct.  He  only 
asked  for  readers  from  the  same  rank  of  society  that  he  de- 
scribed and  in  the  midst  of  which  he  passed  his  life.  Not 
that  he  was  himself  a  noble,  like  Joinville  and  Villehardouin. 
These  latter  wrote  real  memoirs  in  which  they  described 
actions  and  events  in  which  they  themselves  had  played  an 
important  part.  Jehan  Froissart,  born  at  Valenciennes  to- 
ward 1337,  was  only  a  clerk,  the  canon  and  treasurer  of 
the  church  of  Chimay,  who  from  choice  spent  his  life  in 
wandering  from  castle  to  castle — pen,  not  sword,  in  hand, 
and  in  describing  actions  and  events  of  which  he  was  only  a 
spectator.  He  was  a  kind  of  trouvere,  who  wrote  in  prose 
about  things  that  had  really  happened,  and  for  the  rest  he 
was  well  supplied  with  subjects  by  the  epoch  in  which  he 
lived.  It  was  the  time  of  the  wars  of  the  English  in  France. 
The  chivalry  of  these  two  countries,  the  most  brilliant 
in  the  world,  were  rivals  in  valor,  luxury,  and  courtesy. 
When  feats  of  war  were  suspended  for  a  time  they  were  im- 
mediately succeeded  by  the  feats  of  the  tourney.  An  ex- 
treme activity  ruled  this  society  both  in  peace  and  war,  and 
they  needed  an  active  historian,  who  should  follow  them  to 
the  field  of  battle  to  gaze  from  afar  at  the  fine  blows  given 
and  taken,  or  to  the  various  castles  to  collect  and  repeat 
with  embellishments  the  accounts  of  all  that  was  going  on. 
Froissart  has  left  us  a  brilliant  and  truthful  picture  of  his 


Chap.  XXXIII.]  LITER  A  TURES  AND  INVENTIONS.        519 

times  rather  than  a  serious,  reflective,  and  critical,  history 
for  which  we  must  wait  until  the  time  of  Commines. 

We  must,  however,  mention  the  remarkable  change  which 
took  place  before  Commines.  Before  the  Chronicle  of 
Froissart  was  actually  finished  (it  extends  from  1326  to 
1400)  learned  history  had  begun  to  be  written.  Christine 
de  Pisan,  who  wrote  the  history  of  Charles  V.,  and  Alain 
Chartier,  who  wrote  the  history  of  Charles  VII.  and  Le 
Quadrilogue-Invectif,  were  both  learned  writers  and  as  well 
versed  in  antiquity  as  was  then  possible  in  France,  often 
referring  to  Seneca,  Cicero,  Virgil,  Orpheus,  Musaeus,  and 
Homer  and  much  less  anxious  to  describe  contemporary 
affairs  with  simplicity  than  to  adorn  their  narrations  with 
imitations  of  the  ancients.  With  them  unconscious  humor 
was  superseded  by  a  labored  style  which  lost  the  charm  of 
naturalness,  but  which  was  trying  to  become  settled  and  to 
acquire  more  gravity,  symmetry,  and  elevation.  Alain  Char- 
tier  astonished  his  contemporaries  by  his  harmonious  and 
well-rounded  periods,  and  he  had  the  same  success  which  was 
later  won  by  Balzac  :  a  queen  of  France  wished  to  kiss  the 
lips  "from  which  so  many  golden  words  had  fallen."  Per- 
haps more  stress  should  be  laid  on  the  revolution  in  French 
prose,  which  was  inaugurated  by  Alain  Chartier,  because 
this  same  new  character  of  dignity  and  seriousness  which 
he  was  the  first  to  impress  upon  prose  was  that  which 
marked  it  in  its  golden  age  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  fine  prose  of  Froissart  and  Alain  Chartier  was  not 
generally  read.  The  nobles  and  the  scholars  constituted 
their  public.  When  the  fabliaux  with  their  ill-natured  tales 
had  superseded  the  warlike  epics,  they  circulated  among 
the  rich  and  cultivated  bourgeoisie,  but  beyond  a  few  vague 
legends  there  was  no  popular  literature  at  all.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  Mysteries,  which  collected  the  people  in  the  new 
position  of  spectator  and  judge  around  the  small  plat- 
form, the  origin  of  our  theatre,  was  an  important  event. 
The  first  subjects  represented  on  this  rough  stage  were 
borrowed  from  religion.  The  Bible  had  begun  to  be  trans- 
lated into  the  vulgar  tongue  ;  it  was  also  translated  to  the 
people  by  scenic  action.  The  Church  herself  had  opened 
this  path  by  certain  dialogues  m  the  Latin  and  Romance 
languages,  which  were  recited  by  pupils  in  the  gallery  of  a 
church,  even  in  the  middle  of  the  service.  Somewhat  later 
she  had  substituted  regular  scenic  plays  for  these  dialogues, 


520  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

plays  which  were  represented  in  the  choir  and  in  which  there 
were  grotesque  and  profane  elements,  inherited,  perhaps, 
from  the  follies  of  paganism.  For  instance,  in  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  Passion,  or  of  the  flight  of  the  Virgin, 
Barabbas  and  the  Wandering  Jew  would  appear,  or  even 
Balaam's  Ass,  which  was  made  to  bray  underneath  the 
nave.  There  were  elements  of  terror  as  well  as  of  laughter 
in  these  plays.  Among  the  mysteries  that  have  come 
down  to  us  the  one  representing  the  story  of  the  Foolish 
Virgins  is  both  striking  and  impressive  :  when  on  waking 
up  they  are  conscious  of  their  irreparable  error  they  cry  in 
despair,  "  Unhappy  wretches  that  we  are,  we  have  slept 
too  long  "  ;  and  this  melancholy  cry  full  of  agony  resounds 
eleven  times,  when  suddenly  the  infernal  regions  are  opened 
and  Christ  appears  and  throws  them  down  into  them,  saying  : 
"  Go,  miserable  beings  !  go,  accursed  ones  f  you  are  con- 
demned to  everlasting  punishment  and  to  dwell  in  the 
infernal  regions." 

The  clergy  allowed  the  laity  to  assume  the  privilege  of 
representing  the  sacred  events  :  and  at  first  saw  nothing  at 
all  unsuitable  in  it,  though  it  was  one  of  the  symptoms 
of  the  emancipation  of  the  lay  society.  Fraternities  were 
formed  for  this  objectby  the  bourgeoisie,  by  master  masons, 
joiners,  and  locksmiths.  The  Confrerie  de  la  Passion  which 
was  authorized  in  1402  by  letters  patent  from  Charles  VI. 
was  installed  outside  the  Saint-Denis  gate,  in  the  hospital 
of  the  Trinity.  This  fraternity  was  to  a  certain  extent  dedi- 
cated to  representing  the  dramatic  cycle  of  the  Passion  of 
Christ,  and  obtained  a  great  success  ;  an  indefatigable 
crowd  was  never  weary  of  coming  every  Sunday  to  see  and 
hear  and  did  not  go  back  until  nightfall.  They  saw  God 
himself,  the  Trinity,  the  mysteries  and  the  miracles^  sacred 
things  upon  which  it  would  seem  that  no  Christian  should 
have  been  willing  to  look. 

Profane  comedy  was  also  developing  at  the  same  time 
with  this  religious  drama,  and  its  critical  and  satirical 
character  was  well  designated  by  its  name,  Morality.  The 
authors  of  this  kind  of  comedy  were  the  clerks  of  the 
Palace  of  Justice,  who  were  formed  into  a  corporation  by 
Philip  the  Fair.  The  Moralities  followed  the  satirical 
school  of  the  fabliaux,  and  of  the  Romance  of  the  Rose. 
They  made  a  great  use  of  allegory,  as  is  shown  by  the 
names  of  their  characters,  such  as  IVell-advised and  Ill-advised, 


Chap.  XXXIII.]  LITER  A  TURES  AND  INVENTIONS.        52 1 

Afraid-to-co7ifess-his-sins,  Grand-revels,  Thirst  and  Without- 
water,  etc.  These  subtleties  were,  however,  less  attractive 
to  the  crowd  than  the  mysteries,  and  farces  which  were 
more  provocative  of  laughter  took  their  place.  About  the 
middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  French  comic  stage 
possessed  its  first  great  work  in  the  celebrated  farce  of 
L'Avocat  Patelin. 

Aside  from  the  mysteries,  where  there  was  occasionally 
some  poetical  expression  and  much  poetical  feeling,  poetry 
produced  no  great  works  in  the  French  language  during 
the  century  of  social  revolution  and  moral  decadence  which 
marks  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Charles  of  Orleans, 
however,  the  captive  of  Agincourt,  has  left  us  some  grace- 
ful verses,  full  of  delicacy  and  freshness,  which  breathe  a 
tender  melancholy.  There  was  no  inspiration  in  the  com- 
bats of  this  epoch,  and  the  epic  poem  was  replaced  by 
history.  The  poetry  of  the  age  was  to  be  found  rather  in 
the  mysticism  of  the  human  soul,  already  distressed  by  the 
sufferings  of  doubt ;  it  is  found  in  the  echo  of  the  soul's 
suffering,  in  the  De  Imitatione  Christi,  the  work  of  an  un- 
known author,  but  probably  by  Thomas  a  Kempis.  The 
great  and  immediate  popularity  of  this  book  shows  that  it 
filled  a  need  that  was  felt  by  devout  souls  of  being  sus- 
tained and  of  renewing  their  strength  by  a  direct  communi- 
cation with  God,  avoiding  all  unworthy  intermediaries. 

In  speaking  of  the  last  century  of  the  Middle  Ages  it  is 

as  impossible  to   separate  the  history  of  the  languages  of 

„.     ,.^  France  and   England  as  that  of  their  wars, 

Tiic  liter 3— 

ture   of  the    for  they  constantly   intermingled.      In  con- 
Englfsh',  sTan^    scquencc  of  the  many  conquests  suffered  by 
dinavian,  and     England  shc  was  One  of  the  last  countries  to 
erman.  form  an  idiom.     In  France  the  last  invasion 

took  place  under  Clovis,  or  at  the  very  latest  at  the  battle 
of  Testry.  In  England  the  last  did  not  take  place  until 
under  William  the  Conqueror  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh 
century.  The  Saxons,  the  Danes,  and  the  Norman-Franks, 
each  in  turn  brought  their  language  to  England  like  so 
many  currents,  leaving  each  a  different  alluvium  on  the 
same  soil.  The  original  language  was  the  Saxon  intro- 
duced by  the  German  invaders  who  conquered  the  Roman- 
ized Celts,  after  the  fall  of  the  Roman  domination.  It 
absorbed  a  few  new  words  as  a  result  of  the  Danish  inva- 
sion, and  after  the  establishment  of  the  Normans  in  Eng- 


522  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

land  was  gradually  modified  under  the  influence  of  the 
Norman-French  which  they  spoke.  The  Celtic  had  now 
almost  entirely  disappeared  ;  the  Saxon  formed  the  body  of 
the  language,  while  there  was  a  strong  French  element  in  it, 
which  was  the  means  of  combining  the  Roman  with  the  Ger- 
man element.  But  this  last  combination  was  as  slow  in 
coming  as  was  that  of  the  two  peoples,  and  resulted  in  the 
supremacy  of  the  langiiage  of  the  conquered.  William's 
successors,  their  courts  and  their  barons  all  used  the  French  ; 
and  this  became  the  official  language  and  was  taught  in  the 
schools.  The  conquerors  may  have  wished  their  language 
to  be  used  in  order  that  the  last  traces  of  Saxon  indepen- 
dence might  be  effaced,  just  as  the  Germans  did  in  Posen, 
the  Russians  at  Warsaw,  and  the  Austrians  at  Lemberg. 
But  the  Saxons  intrenched  themselves  in  their  ancient  lan- 
guage as  they  did  in  their  forests  :  they  would  not  give  it 
up,  and  the  Norman  barons  suffered  from  the  cutting  lines 
of  their  ballads  as  well  as  from  the  arrows  of  Robin  Hood 
and  his  men.*  The  wars  of  the  wood  were  sung  in  a 
poetry  which  breathes  forth  the  freshness  of  the  thickets 
and  the  love  of  independence. 

When  shawes  beene  sheene  and  shradds  full  fayn 

And  leeves  both  large  and  longe, 

Itt  is  merry,  walking  in  the  fayre  forrest, 

To  heare  the  small  birds  songe. 
In  this  way  begins  a  ballad  which  tells  us  of  a  meeting  be- 
tween Robin  Hood  and  a  Norman  baron  who  did  not  know 
him  ;   they  challenge  each  other  to  a  shooting  match,  and 
Robin  pierces  the  goal  with  his  arrow. 

"  Gods  blessing  on  thy  heart,"  sayes  Guye, 

"  Goode  fellow,  thy  shooting  is  goode, 
For  an  thy  hart  has  good  as  thy  hands, 

Thou  were  better  than  Robin  Hood." 

"  Tell  me  thy  name,  good  fellow,"  quoth  Guy, 

Vnder  the  leaves  of  lyne, 
"  Nay,  by  my  faith,"  quoth  good  Robin, 

"  Till  thou  haue  told  me  thine." 

"  I  dwell  by  dale  and  downe,"  quoth  Guye. 

"  And  I  haue  done  many  a  curst  turne  ; 
And  he  that  calls  me  by  my  right  name 
Calles  me  Guye  of  good  Gysborne. " 

*There  is  no  evidence  of  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Normans  to 
induce  the  English  to  abandon  the  use  of  their  national  language.  On 
Robin  Hood  see  above,  p.   184,  note. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXXIII.]  LITERA  TURES  AND  INVENTIONS.        523 

"  My  dwelling  is  in  the  wood,"  sayes  Robin, 

"  By  thee  I  set  right  nought  ; 
My  name  is  Robin  Hood  of  Barnesdale, 
A  fellow  thou  has  long  sought." 

He  that  had  neither  beene  a  kithe  nor  kin 

Might  haue  seene  a  full  fayre  sight  : 
To  see  how  together  these  yeomen  went, 
With  blades  both  browne  and  bright. 

To  have  seene  how  these  yeomen  together  fought 

Two  howers  of  a  summer  day  ; 
Itt  was  neither  Guy  nor  Robin  Hood 

That  fittled  them  to  flye  away. 

Such  were  the  subjects  sung  in  the  Saxon  language,  and 
which  could  be  sung  in  no  other. 

This  antagonism  between  the  two  peoples  finally  be- 
gan to  pass  away.  At  first  the  Norman  barons,  in  their 
struggle  against  the  royal  power,  and  later  the  whole  Nor- 
man nation,  in  the  struggle  with  Philip  Augustus  after  the 
loss  of  Normandy  and  still  more  after  the  beginning  of  the 
Hundred  Years'  War,  drew  nearer  to  the  Saxons,  treated 
them  better,  and  gave  them  a  place  in  the  army  and  the  parlia- 
ments. The  two  languages  then  became  intimately  con- 
nected and  formed  insensibly  a  mixed  language,  the  English 
language,  in  which  the  ancient  Anglo-Saxon  was  largely 
retained.  This  revolution  is  curiously  noticed  by  a  contem- 
porary writer  : 

"  For  two  hundred  years  children  in  school  against  the 
usage  and  manner  of  all  other  nations  are  compelled  for 
to  leave  their  own  language  and  for  to  construe  in  French. 
Gentlemen's  children  are  taught  to  speak  French  from  the 
time  that  they  are  rocked  in  their  cradles,  and  uplandish 
men  wish  to  liken  themselves  to  gentlemen  and  take  de- 
light with  great  business  for  to  speak  French.  This  man- 
ner was  much  used  before  the  great  pestilence,  and  is  since 
somewhat  changed.  For  John  Cornwal,  a  master  of  gram- 
mar, changed  the  lore  in  grammar-school,  and  construction 
of  French  into  English  ;  and  Richard  Pencrych  learned 
that  manner  teaching  of  him,  and  other  men  of  Pencrych  ; 
so  that  now,  the  year  of  our  Lord  a  thousand  three  hundred 
fourscore  and  five,  of  the  second  King  Richard  after  the 
conquest  nine,  in  all  the  grammar-schools  of  England 
children  leave  French  and  construe  and  learn  in  English." 

This  English  language  was  to  be  the  national  tongue  of 


524  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

Albion,  and  though  an  irregular  and  composite  language,  it 
is  as  proud  and  powerful  as  the  spirit  of  those  who  use  it. 

A  very  important  act  of  Edward  III.,  was  the  statute  in 
which  he  decreed  in  1362  that  every  suit  preferred  before  a 
court  of  justice  should  be  pleaded,  discussed,  and  the  judg- 
ment given,  in  English.  This  was  in  a  way  the  official 
rehabilitation  of  the  proscribed  language.  It  had  already 
produced  some  literary  monuments  :  as  early  as  the  reign 
of  Edward  I.,  Robert,  a  monk  of  Gloucester,  had  composed 
a  chronicle  in  verse  on  the  story  of  Geoffroy  of  Monmouth, 
and  thirty  years  later  another  monk,  Robert  Mannyng, 
translated  another  from  the  French.  There  had  also  been 
numerous  translations  into  verse  of  French  romances  versi- 
fied religious  treatises,  scriptural  paraphrases,  and  some 
interesting  general  and  political  lyrics,  during  the  first  half 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  But  the  first  English  writer 
who  can  be  read  with  any  pleasure  is  William  Langland,  the 
author  of  the  Vision  concerning  Piers  the  Ploughman,  a  bit- 
ing satire  on  the  clergy  in  which  alliteration  takes  the  place 
of  rhyme.  He  closely  preceded  one  of  the  most  glorious 
of  English  poets,  Geoffrey  Chaucer,  the  author  of  Troilus 
and  Cressida,  the  House  of  Fame,  and  the  Canterbury  Tales. 
Chaucer,  who  was  born  in  London  about  1328,  or,  as  many 
believe,  about  1340,  and  was  first  a  page  in  the  family  of 
Prince  Lionel  then  a  friend  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  is 
held  to  have  given  a  fixed  form  to  the  national  idiom  and  to 
have  introduced  the  best  measure  for  English  verse.  He 
translated  the  Consolations  of  Boethius  and  the  Romance 
of  the  Rose.  He  also  drew  from  Boccaccio,  and  other 
sources,  thus  borrowing  from  the  treasury  of  the  literatures 
which  were  already  formed  wealth  for  that  of  his  own  country. 
Chaucer  described  his  era  with  much  truth  and  with  a  lively 
satirical  imagination.  In  politics  and  religion  he  sympa- 
thized   in  many  respects    with  the  new  doctrines. 

About  this  same  time  English  prose  also  arose.  Wycliffe 
made  use  of  it  in  his  translation  of  the  Bible,  and  the 
English  translation  of  Sir  John  Maundeville's  diverting 
book  of  Eastern  travels  came  soon  after. 

Germany  is  one  of  the  countries  whose  language  under- 
went the  least  change  during  the  Middle  Ages.  It  remained 
purely  Germanic  because  no  invasion  ever  introduced  any 
new  element  into  it.  It  is  surprising  that,  on  that  account, 
it  was  not  the  first  to  produce  a  literature.     This  resulted 


Chap.  XXXIIL]  LITER  A  TURKS  AND  INVENTIONS.        525 

from  the  fact  that  Germany  had  not  the  inspiration  which 
comes  from  internal  activity,  because  her  culture  did  not 
begin  until  long  after  that  of  other  countries,  and  because 
she  was  continually  in  close  contact  with  peoples  who  were 
the  last  to  awaken  to  European  civilization.  The  Gothic 
Bible  of  Ulfilas  (360-380),  later  a  fragment  of  a  translation 
in  High  German  of  the  treatise  of  Isidore,  "  De  Nativitate 
Domini,"  the  translation  of  the  Rules  of  St.  Benedict  (720), 
and  so  forth,  are  the  only  monuments  of  this  language  before 
Charlemagne,  and  these  are  hardly  literary  monuments. 
This  emperor  gave  a  great  impulse  to  study.  We  have  seen 
that  he  ordered  a  collection  to  be  made  of  the  national 
songs  of  the  Germans.  Among  them  was  undoubtedly  the 
famous  fragment  of  the  song  of  Hildebrand,  which  is 
anterior  to  the  end  of  the  eighth  century.  It  is  written  in 
alliteration,  a  form  of  initial  rhyme  which  is  still  occa- 
sionally used.  Under  the  successors  of  Charlemagne  we 
find  among  others  the  song  of  Louis  (Louis  III.  of  France) 
in  which  the  poet  celebrates  his  victories  over  the  Norse- 
men in  rhymed  strophes.  Besides  this  warlike  poetry, 
under  Louis  the  Pious,  and  by  his  orders,  the  religious 
poetry  produced  in  alliterative  Low  German  a  work  entitled 
"  The  Harmonies  of  the  Gospels."  There  was  more  or  less 
literary  activity  under  Otto  the  Great  and  his  successors, 
but  the  disorders  which  broke  out  under  Henry  IV.  checked 
its  progress,  and  it  was  not  resumed  until  after  the  accession 
of  the  Hohenstauffen. 

We  have  previously  seen  how  high  a  point  poetry  attained 
under  this  brilliant  dynasty.  In  the  following  period,  how- 
ever (the  14th  and  15th  centuries),  prose  began  to  flourish, 
while  poetry  declined.  In  the  midst  of  the  disturbances 
due  to  internal  discord,  the  minnesinger  were  unable  to 
find  any  secure  protection  either  with  the  emperors  or 
with  the  nobles.  The  cities,  which  were  then  very  pros- 
perous and  enriched  by  commerce,  tried,  at  least  those  of 
the  south,  to  encourage  them,  but  without  any  great  success. 
Poetry  exchanged  its  lively  simplicity  for  a  cold  allegory, 
and  was  not  even  able  to  find  any  poetical  subject  ;  as  an 
example  we  may  take  the  rhymed  chronicle  of  the  Council 
of  Constance.  We  can  hardly  discern  more  than  one  work 
of  note,  namely,  the  "Ship  of  Fools,"  by  Sebastian  Brand. 
While  the  meistersinger  were  making  a  cold  imitation  of 
the  poetry  of  the  preceding  age  and  weighing  it  down  with 


526  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

burdensome  rules,  the  people  were  preparing  a  renaissance 
under  the  form,  since  then  so  popular  in  Germany,  of 
ballads  and  chansons  which  were  collected  together  and 
printed  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  But 
truly  poetical  verses,  both  lofty  and  noble  in  their  sentiment, 
were  then  only  to  be  found  in  Switzerland,  which  country 
was  thrilling  from  its  struggle  with  Austria,  and  repeated 
with  enthusiasm  the  fine  lines  of  Veit  Weber  and  of  Jean 
Viol,  who  sang  the  battles  they  had  fought.  Halb  Suter, 
of  Lucerne,  also  celebrated  the  victory  of  Sempach  (1386). 

The  first  attempts  at  German  prose  took  the  form  of 
novels  and  romances,  which  were  still  borrowed  from  the 
Carolingian  cycle  and  the  French  romances.  It  was  further 
developed  in  the  collections  of  laws  which  were  drawn  up 
to  suit  the  needs  of  the  age,  and  in  the  preaching  called 
forth  by  the  movement  in  religious  ideas — particularly  in 
the  sermons  of  the  mystic  John  Tauler,  a  Dominican  and  a 
predecessor  worthy  of  Luther  in  his  skillful  use  of  the 
German  language.  The  prose  language  already  showed 
great  adaptability  to  philosophical  argumentation,  through 
the  possible  combinations  of  words  and  creation  of  new 
words,  a  dangerous  gift  and  one  which  has  often  been 
abused,  which  has  enriched  its  vocabulary  at  the  expense  of 
its  clearness,  the  first  essential  of  every  language.  A  few 
chronicles  were  written  out  in  the  fourteenth  century  those 
of  Limburg  and  Alsace,  and  in  the  fifteenth  century,  that 
of  Thuringia,  etc.  On  the  whole,  German  literature  in  the 
Middle  Ages  did  not  produce  anything  of  marked  excel- 
lence, if  we  except  the  curious  Song  of  the  Niebelungen, 
which  ranks,  however,  far  below  the  Iliad,  and  which  owes 
its  present  reputation  less  to  the  deliberate  judgment  of  a 
critical  taste  than  to  the  interested  prejudice  of  an  easily 
satisfied  patriotism.* 

The  Scandinavian  literature,  like  their  language,  is  an 
offshoot  of  the  same  Germanic  stock.  The  Eddas,  a  collec- 
tion of  the  old  songs  of  the  Northern  countries  and  the  pur- 
est source  of  German  mythology,  are  the  first  monuments 
of  the  language,  before  the  introduction  of  Christianity. 
Among  other  things  we  find  there  a  part  of  the  deeds  of  the 
German  Niebelungen  poem.     When  Christianity  was  intro- 

*  This  estimate  of  medioeval  German  literature  would  hardly  be  ac- 
cepted by  the  few  who  are  best  qualified  to  judge. — Eu. 


Chap.  XXXIII.]  LITERA  TURES  AND  INVENTIONS.        527 

duced,  the  South  gained  an  influence  over  the  Northern 
mind  and  spread  there  the  chivalrous  ideas  of  France  ;  the 
new  movement  inspired  the  poem  of  Ragnar  Lodbrog,  the 
last  song  of  Hialmar  the  Vanquished,  and  the  funeral 
dirge  of  Eyvied-Skaidaspiiler  on  Hakon,  king  of  Norway. 
These  were  followed  by  a  series  of  popular  songs,  Folkvisor, 
which  make  use  of  rhyme.  "  The  Victim  of  the  Convent," 
the  "  Bloody  Nuptials,"  "  St.  George,"  etc.,  are  still  read 
with  pleasure  in  Sweden. 

The  Bczmpeviser  of  Denmark  correspond  to  the  Folkvisor 
of  Sweden.  They  are  war  songs,  or  rather  historical  nar- 
rations, borrowed  from  the  memories  of  the  olden  time  and 
written  in  the  national  language.  The  greater  part,  no 
doubt,  were  committed  to  writing  a  little  after  the  establish- 
ment of  Christianity  in  Denmark.  A  large  number  were 
borrowed  from  France,  England,  and  Germany.  Euphemia, 
queen  of  Norway  (1299-1312),  introduced  into  her  country 
the  romances  of  the  cycles  of  the  Round  Table  and  of 
Charlemagne,  and  had  those  passages  translated  in  which 
any  national  episodes  were  involved.  One  of  the  most 
touching  passages  relates  to  Queen  Aurora  (Dagmar),  the 
wife  of  the  king  of  Denmark,  Waldemar  the  Victorious.  The 
primitive  traditions  of  Denmark  still  live  in  the  works  of  an 
author  who,  however,  wrote  in  Latin,  Saxo  Grainmaticus; 
he  composed,  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  a  remarka- 
ble history  of  Denmark  where  he  gathered  together  the  old 
legends.  From  this  source,  though  indirectly,  Shakspere 
derived  the  story  of  Hamlet. 

As  Spain  remained  apart  from  the  course  of  European 

progress,  and  as  her  existence  had  a  character  of  its  own, 

_      .  .        .     the  sketch  of  her  literature  may  well  be  de- 

Spamshand       .  ,  ,         ,  ,   ,  ,      ^ -'  , 

Portuguese  ferrcd  to  the  last,  although  from  the  pomt 
Literatures.  ^^  vicw  of  its  Origin,  it  should  rank  among 
the  first,  among  the  branches  of  the  Latin  stock.  The 
Latin  language,  established  in  the  peninsula  by  the  Romans 
and  maintained  and  fixed  there  by  the  Christian  clergy 
under  the  Visigoths,  has  been  its  model,  almost  without 
exception.  Neither  the  ancient  Celtic  or  Iberian  and  Punic 
idioms  of  the  peoples  conquered  by  Rome,  nor  the  language 
of  the  conquering  Arabs,  have  modified  it  to  any  great 
extent.  The  latter  neither  imposed  their  religion  on  the 
conquered  country  nor  their  language.  The  Arabic  tongue 
spread  somewhat,  it  is  true,  and  Spanish  Christians  made 


528  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

use  of  it  in  their  writings  ;  the  petty  kings  of  the  northern 
part  of  the  peninsula  made  it  the  language  of  their  courts  ; 
but  it  did  not  take  root,  and  later  it  was  pushed  aside  with 
Mohammedanism.  The  basis  of  the  language  of  the  Span- 
ish Christians  was,  accordingly,  Roman,  modified  in  differ- 
ent ways  according  to  the  various  localities,  and  bearing  in 
Catalonia,  Navarre,  and  the  island  of  Majorca  a  resemblance 
to  the  language  of  Provence,  which  was  not  the  case  with  the 
Castilian  form. 

The  first  important  prose  monument  of  the  Castilian 
dialect  is  the  Code  of  the  Siete  Partidas,  published  in  the 
thirteenth  century  by  Alfonso  el  Sabio,  the  Wise,  where  the 
dignity  of  the  Spanish  language  is  already  apparent.  Al- 
fonso, who  endeavored,  without  success,  to  establish  politi- 
cal unity  in  his  kingdom,  tried  to  prepare  the  way  for  it 
by  unity  of  language  ;  Spain  also  owes  to  his  encourage- 
ment scientific  and  historical  works  of  large  influence. 

Castilian  poetry  was  different  from  that  of  other  coun- 
tries. The  people  were  engaged  in  incessant  combats  with 
the  Moors  and  later  in  obstinate  civil  wars,  and  had  not 
time,  as  in  France,  to  compose  great  poems,  and  interminable 
romances,  on  half-fabulous  heroes  interesting  only  for  their 
presentation  of  the  national  characteristics.  But  they  had 
their  romances,  their  poems,  short,  popular,  and  entirely 
national,  which  treated  of  the  Christian  heroes  of  the 
country,  or  rather  of  the  hero,  for  the  Cid  is  in  himself  the 
type  of  the  Spanish  cavalier,  fighting  against  the  Moors. 
The  Romancero  is  a  collection  of  these  romances,  incoherent 
enough,  which  relate  without  sequence  episodes  in  the  life 
of  the  Cid,  and  which  belong  to  different  periods. 

The  oldest  among  them  show  a  simplicity  and  roughness 
which  is  modified  in  the  later  parts  ;  in  these  we  find  not 
only  perfection  of  style  but  even  refinement  of  ideas  and 
mythology.  Nevertheless  they  all  show  the  qualities  native 
to  the  Spanish  mind,  a  harsh  and  sonorous  accent,  a  martial 
and  enthusiastic  spirit,  an  impetuous  and  trenchant  form  of 
hyperbole,  warmth  of  color,  expression  emphatic  but  always 
noble,  sentiments  of  honor  and  love,  combined  with  a  certain 
indescribable  hardness  and  sometimes  even  ferocity. 

The  Romancero  of  the  Cid  is  a  very  curious  monument  of 
the  human  mind  ;  it  is  the  work  of  a  large  number  of 
authors,  writing  on  the  same  theme  without  concert  of  action, 
and  whose  names,  though  worthy,  are  not  known  to  fame.     It 


Chap.  XXXIIL]  LITERA  TURKS  AND  INVENTIONS.        5^9 

is  a  Spanish  Iliad  which  assuredly,  we  can  speak  with 
certainty  in  this  case,  did  not  have  a  Homer.  The  hero 
alone  gives  it  unity.  His  first  appearance  is  in  a  duel  with 
the  Count,  a  fine  episode  which  has  been  admirably  rendered 
by  Corneille  :  "  The  Cid  remained  absorbed  in  thought, 
knowing  himself  to  be  full  young  in  years  to  avenge  his 
father,  by  killing  the  Count  of  Lozano.  He  looked  at  the 
formidable  band  of  his  powerful  enemy,  who  had  a  thousand 
Asturians,  partisans  of  his  cause,  in  the  mountains  ;  he  con- 
sidered how,  in  the  cortes  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  Leon,  the 
Count's  vote  was  the  first,  his  arm  the  strongest  in  battle. 
All  that  seemed  small  to  him  in  the  presence  of  so  great  an 
injury,  the  first  that  had  been  suffered  by  the  blood  of  Lain 
the  Bald.  From  heaven  he  demanded  justice  ;  from  earth, 
he  demanded  a  field  ;  from  his  aged  father,  liberty  to  fight ; 
from  honor,  courage  and  a  strong  arm.  He  is  not  disturbed 
by  his  youth,  fof  from  a  child  the  valiant  hidalgo  is  ac- 
customed to  the  idea  of  dying  in  an  affair  of  honor.  .  .  .  He 
takes  the  old  sword  of  one  of  his  ancestors:  'You  have 
found  a  second  master,'  said  he,  '  as  brave  as  the  first. — 
Come,  let  us  go  to  the  field,  for  it  is  time  to  give  Count 
Lozano  the  punishment  merited  by  his  infamous  words  and 
his  hand.'  "  The  Cid  avenges  his  father  by  killing  the  father 
of  Ximena,  who  first  entreats  the  king  for  his  death,  then, 
won  by  the  splendor  of  his  valor,  herself  asks  his  hand. 
"  His  fidelity  to  the  King  Don  Sancho  ;  the  death  of  that 
king  assassinated  beneath  the  walls  of  Zamora  ;  the  ac- 
cession of  Don  Sancho's  brother,  Don  Alfonso  ;  the  Cid's 
haughty  refusal  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  so  long  as  the 
king  will  not  declare  himself  a  stranger  to  the  death  of  the 
brotb'ir  whose  crown  he  takes  ;  the  docility  of  the  king, 
forced  to  obey  so  powerful  a  subject,  and  to  swear,  per- 
haps, to  a  falsehood  in  order  to  obtain  in  return  the  oath  of 
the  Cid  ;  the  persecutions  stirred  up  by  that  hero  ;  his 
exile  ;  his  victories  ;  his  place  of  retreat  among  the  Moors  ; 
his  marriage  to  a  second  Ximena  ;  his  new  exploits  ;  the 
marriage  of  his  daughters  and  the  affront  offered  them  ;  his 
vengeance  ;  the  glory  of  his  old  age  ;  the  kings  of  the  East 
who  sent  him  ambassadors  and  presents  ;  his  death  ;  his 
body  placed  in  full  armor  upon  his  famous  horse  Babiega, 
and  this  lifeless  body  gaining  a  last  victory,  and  putting  the 
enemy  to  flight ;  such  is  the  course  of  events  in  the  epic 
of  the  Cid."— (Villemain.) 


53°  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [BOOK  X. 

While  Castile,  the  Asturias,  and  Valencia  were  singing 
the  glories  of  the  Cid  in  poems  purely  national,  Aragon  and 
Catalonia,  which  were  more  nearly  connected  with  Europe 
and  especially  with  the  South  of  France,  came  under  the 
influence  of  Provence.  The  gay  science  had  taken  the  place 
of  arms  and  tournaments  in  the  affections  of  the  princes  and 
nobles  :  "  all  seemed  to  be  jugglers  "  {jongleurs).  Professors 
in  the  art  came  from  Provence,  and  a  solemn  embassy  was 
sent  to  the  king  of  France  on  the  subject.  The  day  of 
Provenfale  poetry  was  as  short-lived  on  the  south  of  the 
Pyrenees  as  on  the  north  ;  it  perished  in  Aragon,  and  it 
was  the  Castilian  school  which  sent  forth  the  great  Spanish 
poets  of  later  days. 

The  dramatic  genius  of  the  Lope  de  Vegas  and  the  Cal- 
derons,  so  strange  and  so  bold,  already  had  its  forerunner 
in  the  well-known  Spanish  Jew  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
with  his  odd  name,  Don  Santo  Rabby,  who  in  a  piece  called 
TJie  Universal  Dance  introduces  Death  on  the  scene,  who 
speaks  these  words  :  "  I  am  Death,  and  come  inevitably  to 
all  who  are  or  are  to  be  in  the  world.  I  call  each  one  and 
I  say  :  '  Alas  !  why  are  you  so  anxious  for  this  life  so  short, 
which  tarries  but  an  instant,  since  there  is  no  giant  so 
strong  that  he  can  guard  against  my  bow  ?  It  is  right  for 
you  to  die  when  I  hit  you  with  my  cruel  arrow.'  "  The 
dance  begins  :  and  Death  points  out  two  beautiful  young 
girls  :  "  Neither  their  flowers,  nor  their  roses,  nor  their  finery 
can  protect  them.  If  they  could,  they  would  be  glad  to  part 
from  me  ;  but  that  is  not  possible,  they  are  my  betrothed." 

There  were  many  fine  monuments  of  Spanish  prose  pro- 
duced in  the  fourteenth  century.  El  Conde  Lucanor,  a  col- 
lection of  stories  related  to  a  sovereign  by  his  minister,  to 
teach  him  what  to  do  on  any  difficult  occasion,  and  where 
we  see  both  the  Spanish  dignity  and  the  allegorical  tendency 
of  the  Arabs ;  also  the  chronicle  of  Ayala,  who  has  given  a 
severely  simple  and  forcible  history  of  a  period  attended 
by  great  bloodshed,  the  period  when  two  kings  of  the  name 
of  Peter  the  Cruel  reigned  in  Castile  and  in  Aragon, 
and  when  France  and  England,  represented  by  Du  Gues- 
clin  and  the  Black  Prince,  interfered  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Peninsula. 

Aragon  also  had  a  curious  historical  monument  in  the 
chronicle  of  Ramon  Muntaner,  an  aged  Catalonian  who  had 
waged  an  adventurous  warfare  in  nearly  every  European 


Chap.  XXXIII. ]  LITERA  TURES  AND  INVENTIONS.        531 

country,  as  was  customary  among  his  compatriots  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  who,  when  he  had  retired  to  his 
castle,  bethought  himself  of  writing  his  memoirs,  like  Ville- 
hardouin  and  Joinville. 

The  Portuguese  language,  like  the  Spanish,  is  closely  re- 
lated to  the  Latin  language,  and  it,  too,  is  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent but  a  Latin  dialect.  Doubtless  if  the  whole  peninsula  had 
made  one  state,  the  Portuguese  would  have  been  absorbed 
and  have  counted  only  as  di  patois.  Political  circumstances, 
which  made  Portugal  a  kingdom,  made  her  language  also  a 
separate  language.  Her  poetry,  like  that  of  Aragon,  owed 
its  origin  to  the  troubadours  ;  Henry  of  Burgundy,  on  whom 
Alfonso  VL  bestowed  the  country  of  Portugal,  brought  many 
of  them  in  his  train.  ,  The  Portuguese  spirit  already  differed 
from  the  Spanish  spirit  in  its  greater  refinement  and  greater 
sweetness.  The  Cid  is  the  national  subject  of  the  Spaniards  ; 
one  might  almost  say  that  Inez  de  Castro  holds  the  same 
place  among  the  Portuguese  ;  they  delighted  in  developing, 
until  the  day  when  Camoens  forever  consecrated  it  in  his 
verses,  the  touching  story  of  a  lover's  fidelity  even  beyond 
the  tomb.  Revery,  that  delicate  flower,  opened  its  petals 
on  the  shores  of  that  beautiful  country  when  nightly  the  sun 
disappeared  in  the  vast  ocean,  so  full  of  mystery.  Bernard 
de  Ribeiro,  a  poet  of  the  fifteenth  century,  tells  us  of  a 
young  girl,  dreaming  in  this  way,  on  a  lonely  mountain, 
whence  she  saw  "  how  the  earth  vanishes  into  the  waters 
and  how  the  sea  stretches  out  from  shore,  to  end  where  no 
eye  shall  see  it,"  that  sea  already  plowed  by  the  Portuguese 
vessels. 

The  national  languages,  found  on  all  sides,  showed  the 
existence  of  nations  and  had  already  produced  distinct  lit- 
eratures; but  the  intellectual  movement  of 
^!car\\udlis^^'  modern  times  was  saved  from  being  isolated 
by  the  study  of  the  works  of  antiquity.  It 
not  only  overflowed  our  different  literatures  with  the  treas- 
ures of  the  art  and  science  of  the  ancients,  but  it  gave  them 
a  common  ground  of  ideas  and  inspiration.  It  paved  the 
way  for  the  intellectual  unity  of  modern  times. 

The  last  moment  of  the  Middle  Ages  is  precisely  the  mo- 
ment when  the  ancients  were  born  again,  so  to  speak,  and 
became  the  object  of  an  impassioned  and  wisely  conducted 
study.  Two  great  writers,  Petrarch  and  Boccaccio,  were 
very  instrumental  in  this  revival.     Petrarch  gave  the  word 


532  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

for  the  vigorous  research  for  the  remains  of  classic  times, 
which  made  the  discovery  of  a  manuscript  of  almost  equal 
importance  with  the  conquest  of  a  city.  Poggio  Bracciolini, 
in  1414,  discovered  in  an  abandoned  tower  of  the  monastery 
of  St.  Gall  a  copy  of  Quintilian,  together  with  a  part  of  the 
works  of  Valerius  Flaccus,  also  Silius  Italicus,  twelve  come- 
dies of  Plautus,  Lucretius,  Columella,  TertuUian,  Ammianus 
Marcellinus,  etc.  A  bishop  of  Lodi  discovered  Cicero's  trea- 
tises on  Rhetoric.  Among  the  indefatigable  seekers  for 
buried  treasure,  we  may  also  mention  Filelfo,  Laurentius 
Valla,  Nicolo  Nicoli,  Leonardo  Aretino,  etc. 

At  the  same  time,  professors  of  Greek  came  across  from 
Greece  herself.  Petrarch  had  studied  this  language.  Boc- 
caccio induced  Leontius  Pilatus  to  leave  Thessalonica  and 
open  a  public  course  of  lectures  on  Homer  in  Florence. 
At  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  Emmanuel  Chrysoloras 
went  to  Florence  to  lecture  on  Greek  literature.  He  was 
followed  by  Bessario,  Theodore  of  Gaza,  George  of  Tre- 
bizond,  and  Gemistius  Pletho.  Constantinople,  even  after 
her  capture,  sent  Lascaris  and  Musurus  to  the  West.  The 
popes,  the  kings  of  Naples,  and  the  Medicis  all  opened  their 
arms  to  the  learned  foreigners. 

This  zeal  was  greatest  in  Italy,  but  it  soon  gained  pos- 
session of  the  other  countries.  Charles  V.  of  France  had 
the  classics  translated,  and  in  1456  Tifernas  went  to  Paris 
to  give  lessons  in  Greek. 

The  German  universities,  founded  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury at  Prague  (1348),  at  Vienna*  (13S6),  at  Erfurt  (1392), 
and  after  1400,  at  Wurtzburg,  Leipzig,  Ingolstadt,  and  Ros- 
tock, entered  eagerly  into  the  movement  of  classical  study 
under  the  lead  of  learned  men  such  as  Rudolf  Agricola, 
Conrad  Weissel,  and  John  Reuchlin.  England  kept  alive 
the  flame  of  classical  learning  in  the  great  schools  of  Win- 
chester and  Eton,  founded,  the  first  about  1387,  the  second 
in  1440,  and  there  is  proof  of  the  fact  that,  toward  the  mid- 
dle of  the  fifteenth  century,  Latin  versification  was  already 
taught  there.  In  Spain,  Ayala  translated  Livy,  and  John 
de  Mena  studied  the  art  of  poetry  in  the  works  of  Ovid, 
Propertius,  Tibullus,  and  Juvenal. 

*  The  date  of  Vienna  is  doubtful.  Denifle,  Universitaten,  i,  p.  624, 
concludes  tliat  it  was  founded  in  1365  and  reorganized  in  1384.  Heidel- 
berg (1386)  and  Cologne  (1389)  should  be  added. — Ed. 


Chap.  XXXIIL]  LITERATURES  AND  INVENTIONS.        S33 

The  libraries  of  the  Middle  Ages  were  very  limited. 
Charles  V.  increased  St.  Louis's  library  to  the  number  of  900 
volumes.  The  University  of  Oxford  received 
pffJuin^g,  en-  ^oo  volumcs  from  the  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
graving,  g'un-  brother  of  the  king,  in  1440  ;  120  of  their  num- 
pow  er.  ^^^  were  estimated  to  be  worth  looo  pounds 

sterling.  In  142 1,  the  Elector  Palatine  bequeathed  to  the 
University  of  Heidelberg  his  collection  comprising  152  vol- 
umes. Those  were  the  most  important  libraries  owned  by 
universities  and  princes,  a  poor  supply  indeed.  But  sud- 
denly three  men  of  ISIainz,  Furst,  Schaeffer,  and  Gut- 
enberg, invented  a  mechanical  method  of  endlessly  and 
rapidly  reproducing  the  works  which  had  taken  the  hand 
of  the  copyist  a  vast  amount  of  time  to  reproduce  one 
single  time.  The  first  idea  of  this  great  invention  was 
gained,  it  has  been  said,  from  playing  cards.  From 
playing  cards  advance  had  been  made  to  vignettes,  re- 
representing  the  saints  and  accompanied  by  a  few  ex- 
planatory words.  A  block  of  wood  was  used,  on  which 
the  figures  or  the  letters  were  cut.  The  Dutch  insist  that 
Coster,  of  Harlem,  was  the  first  to  use  movable  characters  ; 
the  merit  of  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  Gutenberg  and 
his  companions  by  common  consent.*  Between  1450  and 
1455,  they  printed  at  Mainz  an  edition  of  the  Vulgate  called 
the  Bible  of  forty-two  lines  [called  also  the  Mazarin  Bible.] 
Before  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  almost  all  the 
classics  which  had  survived  destruction  had  been  printed. 
In  1452,  a  Florentine  goldsmith,  named  Finiguerra,  in- 
vented the  art  of  reproducing  pictures  by  engraving  upon 
metal  ;  the  discovery  of  engraving  by  means  of  acids  soon 
followed.  A  little  earlier,  in  141  r,  Van  Eyck  employed,  on 
great  pictures  upon  which  he  was  engaged  in  Ghent,  a  sicca- 
tive oil  which  had  been  known  as  early  as  the  year  1328,  and 
which,  consequently,  he  did  not  invent,  but  which,  when  it 
came  into  general  use,  revolutionized  the  art  of  painting. 
Before  that  time  they  had  painted  in  distemper,  in  fresco, 
in  gum,  in  glue,  or  in  the  white  of  eggs  ;  the  use  of  oil  in 
grinding  colors  was  well  known,  but  they  did  not  resort  to 
that  process,  because  they  did  not  know  how  to  dry  the 

*  Consult  the  article  "  Typography  "  in  vol.  xxiii.  of  the  Encyclopaedia 
Britannica,  by  J.  H.  Hessels.  His  conclusion  in  favor  of  the  claims  of 
Coster  has  not  been  universally  accepted. — Ed. 


534  THE  LAST  CENTURIES.  [Book  X. 

paints.  After  Van  Eyck,  the  world  was  ready  for  great 
painters  ;  the  instrument  for  their  genius  was  ready  to  their 
hand. 

The  art  of  war  also  suffered  a  complete  change  by  the 
introduction  of  gunpowder.  It  is  nearly  certain  that  this 
discovery  was  given  to  Europe  by  the  Saracens.  An 
Arabian  author  relates,  about  the  year  1249,  that  powder 
was  used  in  the  machines  of  war.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
fourteenth  century  cannon,  or  rather  mortars,  were  invented. 
Edward  III.  possibly  used  them  at  Crecy  ;  though  they 
are  not  mentioned  by  Froissart,  the  testimony  of  Villani, 
who  wrote  two  years  later,  appears  to  be  decisive.  He 
attributes  the  most  extraordinary  effects  to  the  ''bombards  " 
of  Edward  III.:  "  It  seemed,"  said  he,  "  as  if  God  thundered 
with  a  great  destruction  of  men  and  horses."  They  did 
not  know,  as  yet,  how  to  make  practical  use  of  it  on  the 
battle-field,  and  they  used  it  more  in  sieges  and  naval 
battles  ;  it  was  used  at  Chioggia.  The  French  made  great 
improvements  in  their  artillery,  which  gained  them  a  supe- 
riority confirmed  by  the  success  of  Charles  VII.  over  the 
English.  The  invention  of  the  arquebus  or  "  hand  cannon  " 
dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

Infantry,  or  the  plebeian  part  of  the  army,  by  the  use  of  the 
pike  regained  an  importance  which  it  had  not  enjoyed  since 
the  time  of  the  Roman.  It  was  owing  to  their  deep  ranks 
of  foot-soldiers,  armed  with  pikes,  that  the  Swiss  had  been 
enabled  to  conquer  the  Austrians  and  had  begun  to  make 
themselves  formidable  enemies.  While  the  pike  joined  to 
the  arquebus,  forming  the  modern  musket,  made  all  men 
equal  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  effect  of  the  absolute 
monarchy  was  to  reduce  all  to  equality  before  the  law,  the 
invention  of  printing  prepared  the  way  for  general  intel- 
lectual equality.  These  were  all  signs  of  the  new  age  about 
to  appear. 


THE   END. 


INDEX. 


Aachen,  192 

Aarhus,  foundation  of  bishopric  of,  193 

Abbas  family,  92 

Abbassides,  the,  91-93,  97  ;  exhaustion, 
of,  263  ;  empire  of,  m  Asia,  264 

Abbo,  227 

Abdallah,  77,  93,  94 

Abdalmumen,  301 

Abd-el-Melek,  88 

Abd-el-Muttalib,  grandfather  of  Mo- 
hammed, 77 

Abderrahman  I.,  escape  from  massacre 
of  Ommiads,  93;  rule  of,  98;  builds 
mosque  at  Cordova,  and  palace  of 
Al-Tehra,  103 

Abderrahman  II.,  98 

Abderrahman  III.,  98,  297;  invades 
Aquitania,  108;  revolt  of  wali  of 
Barcelona  against,  128 

Abelard,  248,  326,  329 

Aben-Abed,  301 

Ablution,  84 

Abo,  founding  of  the  town,  484 

Abodriti,  126,  130 

"  Abomination  of  Monks,  The,"  513 

Abraha-el-Djadan,  74 

Abraham,  73;  prophet  of  God,  82;  Mo- 
hammedan descent  from,  277 

Abu  Bekr,  friend  of  Mohammed,  77,  81, 
84,85 

Abu-Giaffar  Almanssur,  94 

Abul-Abbas,  93 

Abulfeda,  102 

Abu-Obeidah,  takes  Damascus,  85 

Abu-Talib,  77-70 

Abyssinia,  72 ;  night  of  Mohammed's 
followers  to,  78 

Abyssians,  invade  Yemen,  74;  defeat  of, 
by  Chosroes,  74 

Achaia,  Prince  of,  281 

Achilles  of  the  Cambrians,  the,  41 

Acids,  art  of  engraving  by,  533 

Acre,  capture  of,  27a 

Adalbero,  175  (note),  176,  316 

Adalbert,  194 

Adam,  prophet  of  God,  82 

Adelgis,  124 

Adelheid,  194-196 

Adelwald,  115 

Aden,  73 


Adhemar,  267 

Adolf,  brother  of  Alaric,  21 

Adolf  of  Nassau,  369,  370,  466,  468 

Adrian,  vallum  of,  40 

Adrian  IV.,  350;  humiliates  Frederick 
Barbarossa,  506 

Adrianople,  battle  of,  17;  taken  by  Am- 
urath,  495;  battle  between  Christians 
and  Turks  near,  496;  e.xecution  of  pre- 
tender at,  499;  cannon  foundry  estab- 
lished at,  502;  Amurath  II.  dies  at, 
502 

Adriatic  Sea,  the,  14,  17,  219,  221,  267, 
278,  449, 454,  458, 490,  497,  500;  Alaric's 
position  on,  19;  marriage  of  the,  279 

Advocatus,  office  of,  193,  207 

yEgean  Sea,  harassed  by  Gaiseric,  23 

^gidius,  28,  2q;  exiled,  58 

^land,  221 

^thelberht,  favors  St.  Augustine,  115; 
conversion  of,  159 

jEthelred,  180 

^thelred  II.,  163,  313 

.iEthelstan,  162 

^tius,  22,  23,  41;  defeats  Attila,  24,  25; 
marches  against  Attila,  25;  defeats 
Clodion,  28 

Africa,  52,  54,  166,  221 ;  pillage  of,  13; 
Roman  Empire  in,  17;  Alaric's  plans 
against,  20;  attempted  invasion  by 
Walia,  21;  invaded  by  Vandals,  22; 
abandoned  by  the  Romans, 23;  rescued 
from  Vandals,  43 ;  taken  by  Belisarius, 
47;  under  the  Tobbas,  74;  Arabs  dom- 
inate northern  coast,  88;  the  bound- 
ary of  Arab  empire,  91;  under  Abbas- 
sides, 93;  revolt  from  Arab  yoke,  95, 
96;  Fatimite  rule  over,  97,  264;  fate 
of  Arabian  empire  in,  99;  given  over 
to  Saracens,  295;  fresh  invasion  of 
Spain  from,  300;  commerce  of  Nov- 
gorod with,  319;  death  of  Alfonso  in, 
368;  Portugal's  interest  in,  481 

Agde,  council  of,  113 

Agenois,  345;  Raymond  VII.'s  interest 
in,  361;  ceded  to  England,  364,  405 

Agila,  48 

Agiloliings,  the,  127 

Agilulf,  39,  114 

Agincourt,  battle  of,  423 

535 


536 


INDEX. 


Aglabites,  the,  96,  97,  166 

Agnani,  seizure  of  Boniface  VIII.  at, 

378 
Agnes,  dowager  queen  of  Hungary,  467 
Agnes,  Empress,  240 
Agnes  of  Meran,  359 
Agora,  the,  zo6 
Agricola,  165 
Ahkaf,  73 
Aids,  203 
Aigues-Mortes,  St.  Louis  embarks  for 

Palestine  at,  284,  285;   commune  of, 

366 
Air-pump,  discovery  of,  330 
Aisne,  River,  59,  174 
Aistulf,  120 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  132,  174,  175,    192,  233, 

250,    472:    Charlemagne's   residence, 

133;  prosperity  of,  315 
Alznadin,  battle  of,  85 
Akaba,  Gulf  of,  72 
Akbah,  advance  to  the  Atlantic,  88 
Akindji,  the,  495 
Alacab,  battle  of.  302 
Al-Almin,name  of  honor  of  Mohammed, 

Alamannians,  amendment  of  laws  of, 
61 

Alani,  the,  16 

Alans,  29;  attack  on  Western  Empire, 
18;  southern  march  of,  19;  wars  in 
Spain,  21 

Alarcos,  battle  of,  302 

Alaric,  19,  35,  40;  attack  on  Empire  of 
the  West,  18;  position  on  the  Adriatic, 
19;  third  attack  on  Rome,  20;  head  of 
Roman  armies,  20;  crosses  the  Alps, 
20;  death  of,  20;  burial  of,  20,  21; 
havoc  wrought  by,  28 

Alaric  11.,  35;  alliance  with  Clovis,  29 

Albania,  recognizes  Amurath  II.,  500; 
overrun  by  Amurath  II.,  501 

Albert  I.  of  Austria,  370,  466-468 

Albert  II.  of  Austria,  474,  491 

Albert  of  Mecklenburg,  becomes  king 
of  Sweden,  484;  defeated  by  Margaret 
of  Denmark,  485 

Albert  the  Bear,  247  and  note. 

Albert  the  Great,  326,  330 

Albi,  292 

Albigenses,  war  with  the,  281,  282,  289, 
290,  292,  302,  333,  356,  360,  374,  479 

Albizzi,  the,  453 

Alboin,  career  of,  38 

Albornoz,  453 

Albret,  house  of,  Navarre  passes  to,  479 

Alcantara,  military  order  of,  302 

Alchemy,  331  and  note 

Alcohol,  discovery  of,  102 

Alcuin,  136,  137,  223 

Aleinanni,  107,  189;  movements  of,  11; 
possessions  of,  29;  conquered  by 
Clovis,  30;  influence  of  Theodoric 
over,  35;  tendency  towards  inde- 
pendence, 106;  expeditions  against, 
119;  stop  Widukind,  125;  preserve 
their  laws,  139;  boast  of  subjection  to 
Franks,  140 


Alemannia,  189,  218;  appropriated  to 
King  Charles,  143 

Alemannians,  law  of,  62 

Alemannic  federation,  189 

Aleppo,  surrender  of,  to  Arabs,  86; 
burned  by  Timur,  ^99;  towers  built  of 
human  heads  by  Timur,  499 

Alexander  the  Great,  88,  230,  232,  334, 
488 

Alexander  Bey.    See  Scanderberg 

Alexander  II.,  Pope,  183 

Alexander  III.,  Pope,  251;  meeting  with 
Frederick  I.,  252,  279;  action  towards 
emancipation  of  serfs,  316;  decretals 
of,  507 

Alexander  IV.,  Pope,  387,  444 

Alexander  V.,  Pope,  elected,  512;  dis- 
solves Council  of  Pisa,  513 

Alexander  of  Hales,  330 

Alexandria,  458;  capture  of,  53;  siege 
of,  87;  an  apostolic  see,  no;  commerce 
of,  322;  devastated  by  king  of  Cyprus, 
496 

Alexandria  (Italy),  built,  251  and  note; 
stops  Frederick  I.'s  progress,  252 

Alexandrian  school,  100 

Alexius,  Emperor,  221 

Alexius  (Comnenus),  crusader  allies 
of,  267;  dread  of  the  crusaders,  267, 
268;  guides  crusaders  to  Constanti- 
nople, 280 

Al-Farabi,  100 

Alfonso  I.  (of  Aragon),  conquers  Sara- 
gossa,  300 

Alfonso  I.  of  Portugal,  victory  over 
Mussulmans,  301 

Alfonso  II.,  296 

Alfonso  III.,  reign  of,  297;  forms  alli- 
ance with  Navarre,  297;  grants  privi- 
lege of  union,  481 

Alfonso  v.,  479;  gives  code  to  Leon,  480 

Alfonso  V.  (of  Aragon),  455 

Alfonso  VI.,  529;  homage  demanded  by 
Gregory  VII.,  299;  erects  county  of 
Portugal,  300;  conquers  Toledo,  301; 
defeated  at  Ucles,  301 

Alfonso  X.,  461,  528;  defeated  at  Alarcos, 
301,  302;  reign  of,  476,  477 ;  favors  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction,  508 

Alfonso  XI.,  477,  480 

Alfonso  of  Poitiers,  363 

Alfonso  of  Poitou,  361-363 

Alfred  the  Great,  rule  of,  159-162 

Algarve,  annexed  to  Portugal,  303 

Algebra,  loi 

Algeziras,  independence  of,  99 

Algiers,  capture  of,  477 

Al-Hakam  II..  98 

Alhambra,  the,  103 

Al-Husein,  93 

All,  77,  78,  85,  87,  97 

Alice,  daughter  of  Geoffrey,  354 

Alides,  the,  92.  97 

Alienation,  right  of,  203 

Alighieri.     See  Danth. 

Aljubarotta,  battle  of,  481 

Al-Kindi,  100 

Al-Koran.    See  Koran. 


k 


INDEX. 


537 


Allah,  worship  of,  75 

Allegory,  525 

Allerton,  battle  of  the  Standard,  346 

Alliteration,  524,  525 

Allodial  lands,  208  and  note. 

Al-Mamun,  95,  loi 

Almanssur,94,  95;  advances  education, 

lOI 

Almanzor,  98,  297,  298 

Almohades,  the,  loi,  300,  301,  302,  303 

Almoravids,  the,  300,  303 

Al-Moumenin.  Emir,  355 

Alost,  siege  of,  345 

Alp-Arslan  (Alp  the  Lion),  263,  264 

Alphart,  338 

Alps,  the,  19,  20,  31,  38,  113,'  120,  124, 
146,  150,  167,  168,  180,  188,  195,  197, 
218,  219,  247-249,  267,  320,  340,  380,  407, 
448,  451,  465,  468;  Burgundian  bound- 
ary, 29;  Theodoric's  movements  in, 
34;  ravaged  by  Saracens,  149 

Alpujarras,  the,  476 

Alsace,  143,  218,  462,  464,  467;  in  hands 
of  Allemanni,  29;  incursions  of  Hun- 
garians, 168;  Philip  of,  352;  chronicles 
of,  526 

Al-Sirat,  bridge  of,  82 

Al-Tehra,  palace  of,  103 

Altheim,  Diet  of,  190 

Alvaro  de  Luna,  478 

Amalaric,  33,  35 

Amalasuntha,  38,  48 

Amal  family,  34 

Amalfi,  39,  194,  322;  threatened  by  Sar- 
acens, 166;  commerce  of,  320,  458 

Amaury,  295 

Ambrosian  chant,  the,  116 

Ambrosius,  41 

America,  166;  discovery  of,  164,  165;  in- 
vaded by  Norsemen,  483 

Amiens,  county  of,  216;  commune  of, 
309,  310;  commerce  of,  322;  acquired 
by  Philip  Augustus,  352,  358 ;  assembly 
at,  388 

Ammianus,  532 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  14 

Amru,  action  in  Egypt,  86,  87 

Amsterdam,  creation  of  port,  321 

Amurath  L,  494-496 

Amurath  IL,  rule  of,  499-502 

Anagni,  treaty  of,  479 

Anarchy,  211,  215 

Anastasius,  32,  36,  44,  45;  recognizes 
Theodoric,  35;  rebuilding  of  wall  of, 
50 

Anatolia,  53 

Anbar,  kingdom  of,  73 

Anchorites,  iii 

Ancient  history,  end  of,  i 

Ancyra,  taken  by  Amurath,  495;  battle 
of,  499 

Andelle,  the,  158 

Andelot,  treaty  of,  58,  60,  69 

Andelys,  death  of  Balliol  at,  390 

"  Andover  Review,"  200  (note). 

Andrew  IL,  491 ;  conducts  fifth  crusade, 
282 

Andrew  of  Hungary,  455 


Andrews, ,  "  Institutes  of  General 

History,"  200,  note. 

Andronicus  II. ,  reign  of,  492 

Andronicus  III.,  492,   493 

Andros,  taken  by  Venetians,  279 

Angelical  crown,  the,  489 

Angelo,  Michel,  458 

Angelus,  Isaac,  280 

Angers,  study  of  law  in,  317 

Angevin,  444,  446 

Angevine  dynasty,  455 

Anghiari,  battle  of,  456 

Angles,  the,  11;  invade  Great  Britain, 
40,  42;  summoned  against  Picts,  41 

Angilbert,  136,  137 

Anglo-Sa.xons,  62;  missions  to,  58;  law 
of.  62 

Anglo-Saxon  heptarchy,  40 

Anglo-Saxon  language,  tenacity  of,  523 

Anglo-Saxon  monarchy,  162 

Angouleme,  ceded  to  Jane  of  Evreux, 
394;  claimed  by  Charles  the  Bad,  398, 
399;  expels  English  garrison,  409 

Angoumois,  345,405 

Angrians,  the,  124 

Aniane,  St.  Benedict  of,  112;  288,  note. 

Anicia  family,  the,  114 

Anjou,  350;  Henry  II. 's  claim  on,  346; 
surrenders  to  Arthur,  353;  occupied 
by  Philip  Augustus,  354;  acquired  by 
Philip  Augustus,  358;  acquired  by 
Charles  of  Provence,  362;  Louis  IX. 's 
rights  in,  364;  acquires  Languedoc, 
407 

Anjou,  Charles  of.  See  Charles  of 
Anjou. 

Anjou,  Count  of,  178,  179,  216,  236,  344, 
345;  acknowledges  Hugh  Capet,  176. 

Anjou,  county  of,  217 

Anjou,  Duke  of,  417,  455;  conquers 
Montpelier,  410;  mounts  throne  of 
Naples,  444 

Anjou,  House  of,  447;  receives  crown  of 
Hungary,  491;  dispute  the  kingdom 
of  Naples  with  Alfonso  V.,  479 

Anjou,  Margaret  of.  See  Margaret  of 
Anjou. 

Anjou,  Ren^  of.    See  R^nS  of  Anjou. 

Annates,  creation  of,  510 

Antar,  Arabian  poet,  76 

Anthemius,  26 

Antilles,  the,  323 

Antioch,  44;  taken  by  Chosroes,  46 
surrender  of,  85;  an  apostolic  see,  no 
plague  in,  269;  second  siege  of,  269 
principality  of,  271;  Louis  VII.  ar^ 
rives  at,  274;  Prince  of,  274 

Antonines,  the,  51 

Apennines,  20,  48 

Appanages,  distinguished  from  fiefs,  43S 

Appeal,  right  of,  205 

Apulia,  256,  259;  duchy  of,  220;  under 
suzerainty  of  Leo  IX.,  236;  Count  of, 
236 

Aquileia,  34;  destruction  of,  25;  mon- 
astery of,  112 

Aquitaine,  35,  60,  172;  granted  to  thq 
Goths,  22;  partition  of,  32;    Duke  of. 


538 


INDEX. 


90, 217,  344,  345;  conquered  by  Pippin, 
120;  subjugation  of,  121;  Louis  king 
of,  128;  Louis  crowned  king,  133; 
erection  of  kingdom  of,  141;  taken 
from  Pippin,  and  given  to  Charles, 
143;  handed  over  to  Charles,  144;  in- 
dependence of,  149;  fickleness  of, 
149  ;  formation  of  kingdom,  155 ; 
asylum  for  Louis  IV.,  173;  given 
to  Duke  of  France.  173;  supports 
Hugh  Capet,  176;  division  of,  217; 
duchy  of,  345 ;  Henry  H.'s  claim 
on,  546;  acquired  by  Richard  L,  350; 
hostility  to  France,  363;  Duke  Rich- 
ard of,  360;  oppression  of,  408;  yielded 
to  England,  430 

Aquitanians,  the,  107,  iiS;  tendency 
towards  independence,  106;  alliance 
with  Neustrians,  106,  107;  expedition 
against, 119;  Charlemagne's  campaign 
against,  123;  subjugation  of,  130; 
boast  of  subjection  to  Franks,  140; 
at  battle  of  Fontenay,  145 

Arabesques,  102 

Arabia,  8,  53,  72,  73,  96;  unity  of,  80,  85 

Arabia  Deserta,  72 

Arabia  Felix,  72 

Arabian  empire,  weakness  of,  92;  fate 
of,  99 

Arabian  Gulf,  73 

Arabia  Petraea,  72 

Arabic  numbers,  loi 

Arabs,  129,  130;  menace  to  Rome,  lo; 
overthrow  Visigoths,  22;  attack  the 
Greek  Empire,  43:  characteristics  of, 
71;  attack  on  the  Empire  of  the  East, 
72;  power  of,  73 j  poetry  among,  76; 
religious  and  civil  institutions  of,  76; 
law  of,  83;  acquire  maritime  power, 
88 ;  dominate  northern  coast  of  Africa, 
88;  poetical  literature  of,  99;  foreign 
influence  on,  100;  skill  as  artisans,  103; 
divisions  among,  123;  action  against 
Charlemagne,  127;  influence  in  Italy, 
194;  harass  Italy,  220;  attack  Sicily, 
220;  menace  Roman  Empire,  221; 
science  among,  225;  success  of  Greeks 
against,  263;  expelled  from  France, 
29s;  invasion  of  Spain,  296;  fall  of 
empire  in  Spain,  298;  language  of, 
527.  528 

Aragon,  98, 220,  299,  369,  507;  false  coin- 
age in,  254;  Innocent  IV.  asks  asy- 
lum in,  258;  rule  of  House  of  Barce- 
lona, 292;  junction  with  Barcelona 
and  Navarre,  296;  given  to  Ramiro, 
298;  increase  of^  power  of,  302;  foun- 
dation of,  303;  rn  coalition  against 
France,  363;  cession  of  Catalonia  and 
Rousillon  to,  364;  Philip  IIL's  aspi- 
rations concerning,  368;  given  to 
France,  374;  represented  at  Congress 
of  Arras,  430;  Philip  III.  driven  from, 
447;  victories  of,  476;  disturbances 
in^  478;  institutions  of,  479,  480;  united 
with  Navarre,  479;  acquires  Sardinia, 
479;  remarkable  oath  in,  481;  cortes 
in,  481;  lack  of  unity  in,   481;   peo- 


ple released  from  oath  of  allegiance, 
507;  reign  of  Peter  the  Cruel,  530; 
influence  of  Provence  on,  530;  poetry 
of.  S3I 

Aragon,  House  of,  acquires  Naples,  447 

Aragon,  king  of,  447,  456;  cedes  Sicily 
to  Robert,  454 

Aral,  Lake,  498 

Aramea,  73 

Arbogast,  7 

Arbrissel,  Robert  d',  214 

Arc,  Jacques  d',  426 

Arc,  Jeanne  d\    See  Joan  of  Arc. 

Arcadia,  18 

Arcadius,  17,  iB,  22,  43 

Arch-chamberlain,  office  of,  472 

Arch-cupbearer,  office  of,  471 

Archery  in  England,  393 

Archipelago,  the,  221,  280,449;  commerce 
of,  320;  limit  of  Timur's  ravages,  499 

Architecture,  232,  233,  458;  Arabian, 
102;  Arabian,  103;  rise  of  Gothic,  339, 
340 

Arch-marshal,  office  of,  472 

Arch-steward,  office  of,  472 

Ardeche,  146 

Ardennes,  146,  150 

Arduin,  proclaimed  king  of  Italy,  197; 
overthrown,  197 

Aretino,  457 

Aretino,  Leonardo,  532 

Arezzo,  450 

Argonauts,  the,  334 

Argonne,  mountains  of,  146 

Argos,  captured  by  Turks,  497 

Arians,  30,  31;  persecution  of,  37;  op- 
position of  Clovis  to,  374 

Ariba,  the,  73 

Aribert,  198 

Aristotle,  100,  136,  228,  328 

Aries,  35,  116,  178,  198;  province  of, 
113;  icing  of,  154;  pillaged  by  Sara- 
cens, 167;  in  Holy  Roman  Empire, 
218;  separated  from  empire,  218; 
boundaries  of,  219;  municipal  institu- 
tions in,  307;  commerce  of,  320 

Armagnac,  Count  of,  421,  455 

Armagnacs,  the,  422-424 

Armenia,  46;  acquisitions  of  Theodosius 
II.  in,  44;  alliance  with  Heraclius,  52; 
conquered  by  Turks,  264;  crusaders 
unite  with  Cnristians  of,  268:  king  of, 
496;  Timur's  conquests  in,  498 

Armenian  soldiers,  3 

Armorial  bearings,  rise  of,  288 

Armorica,  independence  of,  29 

Armorican  cycle  of  epics,  230 

Armoricans,  31 

Army,  Roman,  7 

Arno  River,  458 

Arnold  of  Brescia,  248,  456;  burned,  249 

Arnold  of  Mclchthal,  467 

Arnolfo  di  Cambio,  458 

Arnulf,  60,  68,  155,  188:  attacks  Slavs, 
168;  favors  Charles  III.,  172;  alliance 
with  Swabians,  190 

Arpad,  168,  489;  male  line  extinct,  491 

Arquebus,  influence  of  the,  534 


INDEX. 


539 


Arras,  34^4;  congress  of,  430;  treaty  of ,430 

Arrifere-hefs,  217 

Arsaces,  44 

Arsacides,  successors  of,  86,  note. 

"  Ars  Magna,"  331 

Art,  under  Roman  Empire,  8 

Artevelde,  James  van,  395,  397 

Artevelde,  Philip  van,  418 

Arthur  of  England,  353,  354 

Arthur,  Xing',  41,  230 

Artois,  acquired  by  Philip  Augustus, 
358;  Count  of,  362;  Robert  III.,  of, 
394;  Edward  III.'s  campaign  in,  399; 
inherited  by  Philip  the  Bold,  418 

Arts,  Arab  influence  on,  gg 

Arundel,  Earl  of,  executed,  414 

Asab,  the,  495 

Ascalon,  battle  of,  271 

Aschmun,  canal  of,  284 

Asia,  49,  262;  under  Roman  empire,  i; 
proconsulate  of,  3;  vicarship  of,  3; 
menace  to  Rome,  10;  central,  16;  pro- 
tection to  Christians  in,  43;  under  the 
Tobbas,  74;  under  Abbassides,  93; 
fate  of  Arabian  empire  in,  99;  con- 
templated expeditions  against,  196; 
empire  of  the  Abbassides,  264;  in 
hands  of  Turks,  264;  Christian  in- 
vasion of,  264;  entered  by  the  cru- 
saders, 268;  feudalism  carried  into, 
271;  entered  by  Frederick  I.,  276; 
Castle  of,  built,  502 

Asia  Minor,  17,  52,  53,  221;  invaded  by 
Persians,  52;  crossed  by  IVIussulmans, 
88;  Arab  advances  towards,  88; 
boundary  of  Arab  invasion,  go;  con- 
quered by  Turks,  264;  entered  by 
crusaders,  268;  difficulties  of  Ger- 
man army  in,  276;  mostly  in  posses- 
sion of  Turks,  492;  appearance  of 
Osman  in,  493;  Bajazet's  expedi- 
tions into,  497;  Turkish  capture  of 
Greek  towns,  497;  falls  into  hands 
of  Tartars,  499 

Asiatics,  activity  of,  n 

Assassins,  the,  213,  285 

Assemblies  of  Estates,  191,  489 

Asseuretnent^  the,  358  and  note,  365 

Assizes,  under  Charlemagne,  135 

Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  271  and  note. 

Asti,  18 

Astorga,  taken  by  Almanzor,  297 

Astrology,  331 

Astronomy,  Arabian,  loi 

Asturians,  529;  advance  to  Leon,  297 

Asturias,  132, 296,  297,  300;  Suevian  king- 
dom in,  21;  Arab  advance  to,  8g; 
Christians  in,  g8;  Council  of,  298; 
literature  of,  530 

Atabeks,  capture  Edessa,  272 

Athalaric,  38,  48 

Athanagild,  48,  55 

Athaulf,  21 

Athens,  spared  by  Visigoths,  18;  Duke 
of,  281 

Atlantic  Ocean,  74,  323;  Akbah  ad- 
vances to,  88;  boundary  of  Arab  em- 
pire, 91 ;  Hungarian  advance  to,  488 


Atlas,  47 

Atreus,  tomb  of,  339 

Attalia,  crusaders  turn  back  at,  274 

Attains,  20 

Attendolo,  Sforza,  456 

Attica,  devastated  by  Visigoths,  18 

Attigny,  assembly  at,  142 

Attila,  12,  34,  44,  113,  128,  167,  4g8;  at- 
tack on  Western  Empire,  18;  invasion 
of,  23-25;  attempted  assassination  of, 
24;  boast  of,  24;  defeat  of,  24,  25;  es- 
cape of,  at  M^ry-sur-Seine,  25;  retreat 
and  death  of,  25;  havoc  wrought  by, 
28;  influence  on  Venice,  278 

Auberoche,  battle  of,  397 

Aue,  Hartmann  von  der,  338 

Augsburg,  battle  near,  189;  battle  of, 
193,  488;  Diet  of,  241;  presperity  in, 
315;  commerce  of,  320 

Augustine,  sent  to  England,  115 

Augustinians,  the,  289 

Aunis,  taken  by  Louis  VIIL,  360; 
ceded  to  Edward  IIL,  405;  battle 
of,  406 

Aurillac,  225 

Aurora,  Queen,  527 

Auruvi  coronariutn,  s 

Auscjilta  Jili,  bull,  376,  377  and  note 

Austrasia,  55,  57,  58,  106,  107;  kingdom 
taken  by  Theodoric,  33;  war  with 
Neustria,  56;  visited  by  Dagobert,  60; 
reign  of  Sigibert,  66;  persecution  of 
nobles  in,  68;  under  Karlmann,  118; 
Charlemagne  on  throne  of,  123 

Austrasian  federation,  189 

Austrasians,  32;  victories  of,  33;  stop 
Widukind,  125;  advocates  of  unity, 
140;  at  battle  of  Fontenay,  145 

Austria,  218,  466,  488,  490,  491;  organiza- 
tion of,  169;  foundation  of,  193;  mark- 
graf  of,  obtains  Bavaria,  247;  made  a 
duchy,  247;  passes  to  House  of  Haps- 
burg,  247  (note);  imprisonment  of 
Richard  L  in,  353;  war  with  Swiss, 
432;  seized  by  Ottocar  IL,  462;  House 
of,  470,  474;  fear  of  Turks  in,  497; 
struggles  with  Switzerland,  526 

Austria,  Duke  of ,  captures  Richard  I., 
277 

Austrians,  cause  of  loss  of  Switzerland 
to,  534 
Autodidactus,"  the,  loi 

Autun,  bishop  of,  67;  invades  southern 
France,  293 

Auvergne,  345,  438;  revolt  and  pillage 
of,  33;  sends  out  spoilers  of  churches, 
292;  acquisition  by  Philip  Augustus, 
35S;  rights  of  Louis  IX.  in,  364;  given 
to  Duke  of  Berry,  407;  privations  of 
Duke  of  Lancaster  in,  409;  rising  in, 
417 

Auvergne,  Count  of,  344,  362 

Auxerre,  145;  acquired  by  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, 430 

Auxerre,  Count  of,  invades  southern 
France,  293 

Avars,  the,  15, 129,130, 167, 488, 489;  allies 
of  Lombards,  38;  driven  beyond  Dan- 


540 


INDEX. 


ube,43;  in  Dacia,49;  repulsed  by  Justin, 
51 ;  ravages  of,  51 ;  defeat  in  attack  on 
Constantinople,  52;  alliance  with  the 
Persians,  52;  northern  invasion  of,  52; 
defeated  by  Sigibert,  55;  overthrown 
by  the  Wends,  60;  threaten  Charle- 
magne, 122;  weakened  condition  of, 
123;  action  againit  Charlemagne,  127; 
Charlemagne's  campaigns  against, 
127,  128;  internal  discords,  128;  Char- 
lemagne's campaign  against,  128;  re- 
bellion of,i42;  overthrown  by  Franks, 
490 

Averroes,  loi,  102 

Aversa,  principality  of,  220 

Avicenna,  100,  102 

Avignon,  406,  449,  453;  commerce  of, 
322;  taken  by  Louis  VIII.,  360;  ces- 
sion to  the  Pope,  368;  Clement  V. 
takes  up  residence  at,  380;  the  Popes 
in,  384,  509;  recognition  of  Clement 
VII.  at,  417;  Pope  supported  by 
France,  423;  hostility  to  Rome,  510; 
siege  of  Benedict  XIII.  in,  511 

Avitus,  26 

"  Avocat  Patelin,  1',"  521 

Avou^s,  207 

Avranches,  monastery  at,  227 

Ayala,  532;  Chronicle  of,  530 

Azerbiyan,  52 

Aznar,  House  of,  298 

Azores,  discovered,  482 

Bab-el-Mandeb,  72 

Babie9a,  529 

Babylon,  20 

Babylonia,  87,  92 

Babylonian  Captivity,  the,  380,  417,  453, 
509 

Bacon,  Roger,  326,  330,  331  and  note 

Badajoz,  independence  of,  99 

Badon  Hill,  battle  of,  41 

Baetica,  21,  48 

Bagdad,  94;  downfall  of  the  caliphate 
of,  95;  Fatimite  rule  over,  97;  an  in- 
tellectual center,  99;  astronomers  of, 
loi;  empire  of,  129;  Zimisces' expedi- 
tion against,  263;  overthrow  of  the 
Abbasides,  264;  Caliph  of,  265,  269; 
taken  by  Hulagu,  283;  entered  by 
Timur,  498;  burnt  by  Timur,  499;  ob- 
elisk of  human  heads  built  by  Timur, 

„499 

Bahrein,  73 

Baian,  51,  127 

Bajazet,  holds  Paleologus  in  subjection, 
497;  battle  with  Timur,  499;  death, 
4^9;  builds  Castle  of  Asia,  502 

Baiazet  Ilderim,  rule  of,  497-499 

Balaam's  Ass,  represented  in  the  Mys- 
teries, 520 

Baldwin,  267,  272;  takes  Edessa,  268; 
contends  with  Tancred  for  Tarsus, 
268 

Baldwin  II.,  272 

Baldwin  IV.,  leads  fourth  crusade,  278; 
made  Emperor  of  Romania,  281 

{ialearic  Islands,  91, 129;  seized  by  Gais- 


eric,  23;  taken  by  Belisarius,  47;  in 
possession  of  Saracens,  166;  taken  by 
the  Almoravides,  301 ;  subdued  by 
James  I.,  303 

Balkan  Mountains,  17,  496 

Ball,  John,  412  and  note,  413 

Ballads,  526 

Balliol,  Edward,  sent  against  David 
Bruce,  395 

Balliol,  John,  370,  389,  390 

Balthi,  the,  i8 

Baltic  Sea,  14,  17,  218,  221,  247,  290,  319- 
321,  370,  483,  485,  486;  explored  by 
Wulfstan,  165;  commerce  seized  by 
Hanseatic  League,  483 

Balzac,  519 

Bamborough,  220 

Ban,  the,  65 

Banal,  the  term,  204  (note) 

Bandits,  in  Aragon,  98 

Banks,  459 

Bannockburn,  battle  of,  390 

Baptism,  411;  compulsory,  119;  disputes 
over,  262 

Barabbas,  in  the  Mysteries,  520 

Barbarian  world  at  end  of  fourth  cen- 
tury, 1-15 

Barbarossa,  Frederick,  rule  of,  249-253; 
contrasted  with  Barbarossa,  255;  hu- 
miliated by  Adrian  IV.,  506 

Barcah,  93 

Barcelona,  98,  131,  220;  death  of  Ath- 
aulf,  21;  capture  of,  128;  wali  of,  128; 
Count  of,  142,  296,  298;  county  of, 
217;  Frankish  acquirements  at,  296; 
junction  with  Aragon  and  Navarre, 
296;  taken  by  Almanzor,  297;  com- 
merce of,  320;  marches  of,  479;  pros- 
perity of,  481 

Barcelona,  House  of,  292,  302;  becomes 
extinct,  479 

Bards,  Welsh,  389 

Barein,  adhesion  to  Mohammed,  80 

Bari,  expulsion  of  Saracens  from,  150; 
taken  by  Saracens,  166;  archbishop 
of,  elected  Pope,  510 

Barmecides,  the,  loi 

Barnlock,  the,  484 

Baronies,  217 

Barradi,  River,  275 

Barthelemy,  Peter,  269 

Bartolus,  458 

Basel,  467;  treaty  of,  198;  commerce  of, 
320;  Council  of,  473,  515 

Basil  II.,  263 

Basileus,  title  of,  132 

Basilicas,  rebuilding  of,  224 

Basques,  invasion  of  Spain  by,  406 

Basse  justice,  court  of,  205 

Bassora,  entered  by  Timur,  498 

Batalha,  convent  of,  481 

Batu,  conquers  Russia,  283 

Baudricourt,  427 

Bavaria,  144,  150,  189,  320,  461  (note), 
466;  delivered  from  Bulgarians,  60; 
St.  Rupert's  mission  to,  115;  St.  Bo- 
niface in,  117;  division  into  counties, 
127;  erection  of  kingdom,  141;  attacked 


INDEX. 


541 


by  Hungarians,  168;  transferred  to 
Henry,  192;  boundaries  of,  218;  under 
Henry  III.,  235;  given  to  the  mark- 
graf  of  Austria,  247;  taken  from  Henry 
the  Lion,  252;  prosperity  in,  315 

Bavaria,  Duke  of,  241;  resists  Otto,  192 

Bavaria,  House  of,  opposes  Lothar,  246 

Bavaria,  Isabel  of,  424 

Bavaria,  Lewis  of,  451,  468,  469 

Bavaria,  Rupert  of,  473 

Bavarians,  107,  118;  movements  of,  11; 
pay  tribute  to  Theodoric,  35;  amend- 
ment of  laws  of  ,61;  law  of,  62;  Charles 
Martel's  campaigns  against,  107;  ex- 
peditions against,  119;  threaten  Char- 
lemagne, 122;  subdued  by  Charle- 
magne, 127;  subjugation  of,  127; 
preserve  their  laws,  139;  boast  of  sub- 
jection to  Franks,  140 

Bayeux,  Saxon  occupation,  29;  monas- 
tery at,  227 

Bayonne,  in  English  possession,  410 

Beaucaire,  360,  361;  commerce  of,  320; 
fairs  in,  322 

Beauclerc,  343 

Beaumanoir,  208,  209,  310,  316 

Beatrice  of  Provence,  362 

Beauvais,  29;  bishop-count  of,  217; 
commune  of,  308;  Vincent  of,  330; 
abolition  of  commune,  366;  Bishop 
of,  42^ 

Beauvaisis,  216 

Bee,  abbey  of,  227,  228 

Becket,  Gilbert,  348 

Becket,  Matilda,  348 

Becket,  Rohesia,  348 

Becket,  Thomas  S,,  347,  348,  371  (note), 

374 

Bede,  Ecclesiastical  History,  162 

Bedford,  Duke  of,  regency  of,  425; 
appoints  Joan  of  Arc's  trial,  429; 
crowns  Henry  VI.  at  Paris,  430 

Bedouins,  give  asylum  to  Abderrah- 
man,  93 

Bedr,  battle  of,  79 

Begtaschi,  the,  495 

Beirut,  capture  of,  272 

Belgium,  ravaged  by  Attila,  24;  Saxons 
transported  to,  125 

Belgrade,  51 

Belisarius,  26,  46;  expedition  to  Africa, 
47;  career  of,  47-51;  conquers  Sicily, 
48;  shut  up  in  Rome,  48;  expels  Bul- 
garians from  Constantinople,  49;  sub- 
dues rebellion  in  Constantinople,  50; 
downfall  of,  51 

Benedict  XL,  379,  384 

Benedict  XII.,  469;  a  tool  of  the  French 
king,  509 

Benedict  XIIL,  511;  deposed,  512;  re- 
moved   by    Council    of    Constance, 

514 

Benedictine  Order,  creation  of,  288;  ex- 
act a  peculiar  fine,  211;  occupations 
of,  288;  influence  on  letters,  289 

Benefices,  63;  heredity  of,  152;  right  of 
disposition  of,  373,  508 

Benefit  of  clergy,  347,  373 


Beneventins,  capture  Louis  II.,  150 
Benevento,  2^8,  444;  Dukes  of,  220;  at- 
tacked by  Greeks,  236 
Beneventum,  39, 130,  142,  218;  duchy  of, 

146 
Beneventum,   Duke    of,   124,   127,   194; 

struggle  with  Lothaire,  149 
Benjamin  of  Tudela,  318 
Berbers,  in  Arab  armies,|93;   bandits, 

98 
Berengar  I.,  188,  194 
Berengar  II.,  194,  195 
Berengar  of  Tours,  227,  228 
Bergamo,  448 
Berghem,  branch  office  of   Hanseatic 

League  at,  321 
Bermudo,  acquires  Leon,  298 
Bern,  467 

Bernard,  143;  favorite  of  Judith,  142 
Bernard  VII.,  forms  alliance,  421 
Bernard  de  Ribeiro,  531 
Bernhard,  133, 141 
Berry,  invaded  by  the  Black  Prince,  399; 

proclamation  of  Charles  VII.  in,  425 
Berry,  Duke  of,  417,  419;  acquires  Au- 

vergne,   407;    alliance  with  Bernard 

VII.,  421 
Bertha,  177 
Bertold,  338 
Bertrade,  179 
Bertran  de  Born,  333,  351 
Bertrand  de   Goth   proclaimed    Pope, 

380.    See  also  Clement  V. 
Berytus,  schools  of,  49 
Bessario,  532 

Betau,  seized  by  Norsemen,  157 
Bethlehem,  265;  restored  to  Christians, 

282 
Bethune,  371;  purchased  by  Duke  of 

Burgundy,  426 
Beziers,  360;  massacre  of,  294;  Viscount 

of,  2p3 
Biarmia,  165 

Bible,  translation  by  Ulfilas,  10;  trans- 
lation of,  519;  Wycliife's  translation 

of,  412,  524 
Bible  of  forty-two  lines,  533 
Bigorre,  ceded  to  Edward  III.,  405 
Bills  of  exchange,  326 
Birger,  484 
Biscay,  297 
Biscay,  Bay  of,  129 
Bishops,  arrogance  of,  153 
Biterolf,  338 
Biturices,  the,  307 
Bivar,  Rodrigo  de,  300 
Black  art,  the,  394 
Black  Death,  the,  398 
Black  Forest,  the,  462 
Blackheath,   Wat  Tyler's    assemblage 

on,  412 
Black  Prince,  411,  477,  s3o;  campaign 

in    France,  395;   court   at   Bordeaux, 

407;  lands  at  Calais,  408;  death  of,  408 
Blacks,  the,  450 
Black  Sea,  the,  14,  16,  51,  221,  262,  280, 

319,458,  488,  491;  boundary  of  Arab 

empire,  91;  commerce  of,  320 


542 


INDEX. 


Blanchard,  Alain,  424 

Blanche  of  Bourbon,  477 

Blanche  of  Castile,  284,  285,  357,  360 

Blanco,  Cape,  rounded,  4.82 

Bleda,  24 

Blois,  county  of,  sold  to  France,  361; 
possessions  of,  406 

Blois,  Charles  of,  396-398 

Blois,  Count  of,  178,  216,  267,  281 

"  Bloody  Nuptials,"  the,  527 

Boccaccio,  453,  457,  517,  524,  531,  532 

Boccanegra,  captures  English  fleet,  409 

Bodilo,  67 

BcevipeviscTy  the,  527 

Boethius,  37,  136,  524;  "Consolations  of 
Philosophy,"  162 

Bohemia,  129,  168,  192,  193,  218,  221; 
461  (note),  466,  468,  472,  474,  475; 
Frankish  power  extended  to,  33; 
ravaged,  130;  taken  from  the  Poles, 
1Q7;  Duke  of,  pays  tribute  to  Henry 
III.,  235;  commerce  of,  321;  left  to 
Wenzel,  465;  rebellion  in,  473;  sup- 
ports Urban  VI.,  510 

Bohemia,  John  of,  469 

Bohemia,  king  of,  451,  462,  465,  470,  471; 
invades  Flanders,  3^3 

Bohemians,  14;  incursions  of,  126;  Otto's 
policy  with,  193 

Bohemond,  267,  268,  269 

Boii,  189 

Boileau,  Stephen,  367 

Bojador,  Cape,  482 

Bokhara,  civilization  at,  88 

Bokhara,  Lesser,  conquered  by  Timur, 
498 

Boleslav  I.,  193,  486 

Boleslav  III.,  486 

Bolingbroke,  Henry  of,  banished,  414; 
conspiracy  at  Paris,  414;  invades  Eng- 
land, 414,  415 

Bologna,  peculiar  fine  in,  211;  confirma- 
tion of^  Frederick  I.  at,  251;  law 
studies  in,  316,  317;  university  of,  327 
(note);  buys  right  of  self-government, 
46s 

Bolognese,  capture  Enzio,  258 

Bona,  siege  of,  23 

Boner,  338 

Bonhommes,  307 

Boniface,  22,  23 

Boniface  II.,  Count  of  Montferrat, 
leads  fourth  crusade,  278 

Boniface  VIII.,  Pope,  no,  384,  469,  506; 
mediates  between  England  and 
France,  370;  opposition  between 
church  and  empire,  372;  claim  as  to 
benefices,  373;  conception  of  power 
of  church,  374;  quarrel  with  Philip 
the  Fair,  375;  calls  synod  at  Rome, 
378;  excommunicates  Philip  the  Fair, 
378;  seizure  of,  378;  death,  379;  trans- 
fers Hungary  to  House  of  Anjou,  491; 
decretals  of,  507;  issues  bull  "  Unam 
Sanctam,"  507;  claims  right  of  dis- 
tribution of  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
508;  jubilee  of,  509 

Boniface  IX.,  Pope,  511 


Boniface   of    Montferrat,  defeated   in 

election  by  Baldwin  IV.,  281 
Boni  ho7nines,  307 
Bonn,  prosperity  of,  315 
Bonneuil,  Stephen,  builds  cathedral  at 

Upsal,  484 
Bordeaux,  captured  by  Abderrahman, 

108:  pillaged  by  Norsemen,  157;  wine 

trade  of,  322,  370;  archbishop  of,  380; 

Prince  of  Wales's  court  at,  407;  pri- 
vations of  Duke  of  Lancaster  in,  409; 

rivalry  with  Rochelle,  409;  in  English 

possession,  410 
Bordelais,  345 
Bormida,  River,  251 
Born,  Bertran  de,  333,  351 
Borneil,  Guiraut  de,  333 
Boroughs,  434 
Borysthenes,  River,  14,  262 
Bosna,  River,  129 
Bosnia,  conquered  by  Louis  the  Great, 

491;  war  with  Amurath,  496 
Bosnians,  the,  14 
Boso,  154,  188 
Bosphorus,  2,  221,  264,  493,  502;  coasts 

seized  by  Venice,  281;  fortifications 

on,  502 
Bossuet,  513 

Bostra,  77;  Arab  capture  of,  85 
Bouchard  of  Montmorency,  342 
Bouillon,  Godfrey  of.    See  Godfrey  of 

Bouillon 
Boulogne,  Count  of,  180;  joins  coalition 

against  Philip  Augustus,  355 
Boulogne,  county  of,  355 
Boulogne,  Eustace  of,  267 
Bourbon,  Duke  of,  417;  alliance  with 

Bernard  VII.,  421 
Bourbon,  House  of,  368 
Bourbon  dynasty  at  Naples,  236 
Bozirgeoisies^  311  and  note. 
Bourges,  municipal  institutions  in,  307; 

bishopric  of,  345;  Pragmatic  Sanction 

of,  440,  515 
Bouvines,  battle  of,  212,  255,  355  and 

note,  356 
Brabanfons,  421;  invasion  of  Spain  by, 

406 
Brabant,  394 
Brabanters,  settle  in  North  Germany, 

464 
Braccio  de  Mentone,  -^56 
Bracciolini,  Poggio,  discoveries  of,  457, 

532 
Braga.  taken  by  Almanzor,  297 
Brancaleone,  444 
Brand,  Sebastian,  525 
Brandenburg,  470-472,  475;  foundation 

of  bishopric  of,  193;  made  a  fief  of  the 

empire,  247;  elector  of,  473 
Brazos,  481 

Breakspear,  Nicholas,  584 
Bremen,  foundation  of   bishopric,  126; 

merchants  found  hospital  in  the  Holy 

Land.  200;  prosperity  of,  315 
Brennevilie,  battle  of,  212,  343 
Brescia,  rebels  against  Frederick  I.,  251 
Breslau,  suffragan  bishop  of,  485 


INDEX. 


543 


Bresle,  the,  216 

Brest,  in  English  possession,  409,  410 

Bretigny,  treaty  of,  405,  408,  422 

Bretons,  131,  145;  ravages  of,  60;  Char- 
lemagne's campaigns  against,  123; 
invade  Neustria,  142;  expedition 
against,  143;  independence  of,  149; 
invasion  of  Spain  by,  406 •,  opposition 
to  English,  409 

Breze,  Jean  de,  431 

Brie,  joined  to  French  crown,  394 

Brienne,  John  of,  256 

Brigandage,  213,  225 

Brindisi,  446;  taken  by  Saracens,  166 

Brissarthe,  cattle  at,  158 

Britain,  109;  vice-prefect  of,  3,  4 

British  Channel,  pirates  of,  41 

Britons,  tendency  towards  indepen- 
dence, 106 

Brittany,  217,  420;  old  name  of,  29; 
ravaged,  130;  independence  of,  149; 
formation  of  kingdom,  155 ;  inde- 
pendence of  Hugh  Capet,  176;  wrecks 
in,  325;  Henry  II. 's  claim  to,  346; 
acquired  by  Geoffrey,  350;  becomes 
fief  of  Philip  Augustus,  354 ;  re- 
vival of  hostilities  in,  396;  succession 
in,  396,  397 ;  exasperated  against 
Charles  of  Blois,  397;  war  in,  406; 
alliance  with  England,  410;  confis- 
cated by  Charles  v.,  410;  represented 
at  Congress  of  Arras,  430 

Brittany,  Duke  of,  202  (note),  344,  360; 
alliance  of  Philip  the  Fair  with,  370; 
alliance  with  Edward  III.,  409;  alli- 
ance with  Bernard  VII.,  421 

Brothers  of  the  Banquet,  323 

Brothers  of  the  Sword,  the,  290,  291 

Broussa,  captured  by  Osman,  493 

Bruanburh,  battle  of,  162 

Bruce,  David,  Edward  Balliol  sent 
against,  395;  taken  prisoner,  398 

Bruce,  Robert,  389,  390 

Bructeri,  11 

Bruges,  3^4,  395;  election  of  bishops  at, 
109;  military  strength  of,  308;  branch 
offices  of  Hanseatic  League  at,  321; 
commerce  of,  321,  322;  battle  near, 
418 

Bruiser,  Louis  the,  342 

Brunelleschi,  458 

Brunetto  Latini,  333 

Brunhilda,  55-60,  69,  115 

Bruno,  192,  457 

Brunswick,  252;  college  of  the  Hanse- 
atic League,  321 

Bruttii,  20,  37,  -y) 

Buccelin,  expedition  into  Italy,  33 

Buch,  Captal  de,  405,  406 

Buckholz,  battle  of,  125 

Buckingham,  Earl  of,  lands  at  Calais, 
410 

Budic,  31 

Bulgaria,  500;  attacks  Empire  of  the 
East,  262;  king  of,  won  to  Constanti- 
nople church,  262;  conquered  by 
Louis  the  Great,    491;    ravaged    by 


Soliman,  494  ;  crusaders'  march 
through,  501 

Bulgarians,  the,  15,  167,  4S8;  driven  be- 
yond Danube,  43;  war  with  Justinian, 
45;  attack  Constantinople,  49;  de- 
feated in  Bavaria,  60;  besiege  Con- 
stantinople, 263  ;  struggles  of  Greeks 
with,  263;  exhaustion  of,  263;  pos- 
sess right  bank  of  Danube,  492 

Bulls,  Papal,  375  (note) 

Buono  siato,  452 

Burchard,  bishop  of  Wirzburg,  120 

Bureau,  brothers,  431 

Burgh,  Hubert  de,  386 

Burgos,  297;  assembly  at,  299;  cortes  of, 
480 

Burgundians,  the,  11,  12  (note),  158, 169; 
conversion  of,  10;  southern  march  of, 
19;  downfall  of,  22;  allied  with  Ro- 
mans against  Attila,  25;  rule  in 
Gaul,  29;  hatred  of,  30:  alliance  with 
Franks  against  Visigoths,  30  (note); 
threatened  by  ambition  of  Clovis,  31; 
expeditions  of  Franks  against, 32;  con- 
quest of,  32;  Theodoric's  hostilities 
with,  35;  law  of,  62;  boast  of  subjec- 
tion to  Franks,  140;  at  battle  of  Fon- 
tenay,  145;  slaughter  the  Armagnacs, 
423;  alliance  with  English,  424;  rec- 
onciliation with  Charles  VII.,  430 

Burgundy,  54,  55,  57,  58,  219,  424,  467; 
foundation  of  kingdom  of,  22;  impov- 
erished, 30;  expeditions  against,  33; 
visited  by  Dagobert,  60;  reign  of 
Clovis  II.,  66;  under  King  Charles, 
143;  incursions  of  Hungarians,  i6S; 
given  to  Duke  of  France,  173;  customs 
in,  177;  Duke  of  Swabia's  attempts 
on,  198;  duchy  of,  217;  Henry  of,  301; 
extinction  of  ducal  house,  405;  in- 
herited by  Philip  the  Bold,  418  and 
note;  severs  relations  with  (jermany, 
462;  arch-chancellor  of,  471;  Charles 
VII.  driven  from,  426;  House  of,  be- 
comes extinct,  4S1 

Burgundy,  Duchy  of,  439 

Burgundy,  Duke  of,  178,  217,  417,  418, 
420-422,  425,  430,  497;  invades  South- 
ern France,  293;  favors  Jane's  claim 
to  crown,  383;  retires  before  the 
Black  Prince,  408;  quarrel  with  Duke 
of  Gloucester,  425;  attacks  Compi- 
fegne,  428;  makes  treaty  with  Charles 
VIL.  430 

Burning  Phrygia,  268 

Bury. ,  author,  16  (note) 

Busento,  River,  burial  of  Alaric  be- 
neath, 21 

Bussorah,  colonized  by  Mussulmans,  86 

Butler,  office  of,  231 

Bythinia,  493 

Byzantine  architecture,  102,  232 

Byzantium,  dynasties  on  throne  of,  263 

Caballeros,  480 

Caboche,  422 

Cabochian  Ordinance,  the,  422,  440 


544 


INDEX. 


Cabochines,  the,  511 

Caen,  monastery  at,  227 

Caerleon,  prince  of,  41 

Caesar,  13 

Caesariani,  2 

Caesars,  canal  projects  of,  87 

Caffa,  458 

Cahors,  326 

Cairo,  building  of,  97;  an  intellectual 
center,  99;  Caliphs  of,  265,  266,  270; 
the  key  to  Jerusalem,  2S0;  Melik-el- 
Kamel  reigns  at,  282;  guard  of  sul- 
tans of,  285 

Caithness,  165 

Calabria,  39;  defeat  of  Otto  II.,  196; 
duchy  of,  220 

Calais,  taken  by  England,  398;  landing 
of  English  at,  404,  408-410;  ceded  to 
Edward  III.,  405;  in  English  posses- 
sion, 410;  killing  of  Duke  of  Glouces- 
ter at,  414;  Henry  V.'s  advance  on, 
423;  sole  possession  of  England  in 
France,  432 

Calatanazor,  battle  of,  297 

Calatrava.  military  order  of,  302 

Calderons,  the,  530 

Caledonians,  the,  40 

Calendar,  changing,  330 

Caliph,  disappearance  of  the  title,  99 

Caliphate  of  the  West,  93,  98 

Calistus  II.,  243 

Callet,  William,  403 

Callinicum,  battle  of,  46 

Calmar,  Union  of,  485 

Calycadnus,  River,  253,  276 

Cambio,  Arnolfo  di,  458 

Cambray,  29,  31,  396;  commune  of,  308, 
310 

Cambrians,  the,  40;  war  with  Saxons, 
41 ;  quarrels  with  Loegrians,  41 

Cambridge,  school  founded  at,  162; 
university  of,  327 

Camoens,  478,  531 

Campagna,  220,  448 

Camphor,  use  of,  102 

Campo  Santo,  458 

Canaries,  the,  482 

Canche,  the,  216 

Candia,  449,  500;  owned  by  Venice,  458 

Cane  Grande,  448 

Canon  law,  507,  508 

Canossa,  castle  of,  194;  humiliation  of 
Henry  IV.  at,  241,  242 

Cantabric  Pyrenees,  the,  296 

Cantacuzenus,  John,  reign  of,  493 

Canterbury,  313;  Henghist's  capital,  41; 
preaching  of  St.  Augustine  at,  115; 
Norman  change  in  see  of,  183;  Lan- 
franc  made  archbishop,  227;  St.  An- 
selm  archbishop,  228;  introduction  of 
Gothic  architecture,  340;  Thomas  h. 
Becket  at,  348;  monks  expelled  from, 
by  John,  354 

Canterbury,  archbishop  of,  386;   killed 
by.  Wat  Tyler,  412;  banished,  414 
"Canterbury  Tales,"  524 

Cantiie,  Norse  occupation  of,  165 


Cantons,  12,  64 

Caorsini,  the,  326 

Cape  St.  Vincent,  481 

Capet,  Hugh,  367 

Capetian  dynasty,  158,  355,  360,  374 

Capitation,  5 

Capitularies,  the,  133,  134,  153,  206,  222, 

229 
Capitulary  of  Kiersy-sur-Oise,  153 
Cappadocia,  91 
Captal  de  Buch,  405,  406 
Capua,  33;  principality  of,  220;  duke  of, 

194 

Capucins,  the,  289 

Carcassonne,  294,  302,  360,  361 

Cardiff,  confinement  of  Robert  of  Nor- 
mandy in,  343 

Carinthia,  218;  ravages  of  Hungarians, 
i68;  under  Henry  III.,  235;  seized  by 
Ottocar  II.,  462;  granted  to  Count  of 
Tyrol,  466 

Carlisle,  220 

Carmagnola,  456 

Carmelites,  the,  289 

Carmona,  independence  of,  99 

Carniola,  466;  seized  by  Ottocar  II.,  462 

Carolingian  cycle  of  epics,  229 

Carolingian  dynasty,  107,  360 

Carolingian  Empire,  greatness  of,  132; 
dismemberment  of,  139,  146,  148;  fall 
of,  169,  170 

Carolingians,  the,  118;  alliance  with 
pontiffs,  130;  oppose  the  Lombards, 
374 

Carpathian  Mountains,  14,  129,  168,  500 

Carpin,  John  du  Plan,  318 

Carpini,  318 

Carroccio,  the,  251,  257 

Carthage,  52,  88,  166;  under  Roman 
Empire,  i,  conquests  of,  23,  88;  naval 
preparations  at,  26;  an  apostolic  see, 
110 

Cashel,  synod  at,  350 

Cashmir,  boundary  of  Arab  empire,  91 

Casimir  the  Great,  486;  death  of,  491 

Caspian  Sea,  16,  318,  498;  boundary  of 
Arab  empire,  91 

Cassano,  battle  of,  444 

Cassel,  battle  of,  393,  394 

Cassiodorus,  37,  112 

Castelnaudary,  battle  of,  294 

Castlgllone,  240 

Castile,  299;  king  treated  by  Arab 
physicians,  102;  makes  peace  with 
Portugal,  254;  union  with  Leon,  298; 
subjugation  of,  297;  transferred  to 
Ferdinand,  298;  union  with  Navarre, 
298;  Mussulman  operations  against, 
301;  military  orders  in,  302;  founda- 
tion of,  303;  Philip  III.'s  aspirations 
concerning,  368;  Peter  the  Cruel's 
claims  to,  406;  fortification  of,  407; 
re-eslablishment  of  French  party  in, 
407;  relations  of  Charles  V.  with,  407; 
conquers  Navarre,  410;  claims  of  John 
of  Gaunt  to,  413;  represented  at  Con- 
gress of  Arras,  430;  victories  of,  476; 


INDEX. 


545 


untractableness  of  the  aristocracy,  476 ; 
troubles  in,  477;  institutions  of,  479; 
warfare  with  Moors,  479;  charters  in, 
480;  language  in,  528;  reign  of  Peter 
the  Cruel,  530;  literature  of,  530 

Castile,  Blanche  of,  357,  360 

Castile,  Count  of,  296;  becomes  inde- 
pendent, 297;  marries  Sancho's  sister, 
298 

Castillon,  battle  of,  432 

Castles,  206 

Castriot,   George,    s°°-,   5oi-    See    also 

SCANDERBEG 

Castriot,  John,  recognizes  Amurath  II., 

500 
Castro,  House  of,  476 
Castro,  Inez  de,  tragic  end  of,  478 
Catalan  mercenaries,  hired  by  Andron- 

icus  II.,  492 
Catalonia,  220,   372;   additions  to,  302; 

ceded   to   Aragon,   364;    invaded    by 

Philip   III.,  368,  369;   cortes  of,  481; 

language  in,  528 
Catherine,   daughter   of   Charles  VI., 

422;  marries  Henry  V.,  425 
Catholics,  restrictions  on,  37;  immuni- 
ties under  Theodoric,  37 
Cattaro,  River,  491 
Caucasus,499 ;  Heraclius's  recruits  from, 

52;    boundary    of    Arab  empire,  91; 

Timur's  conquests  in,  498 
CauchoD,  Peter,  429 
Cavalry  of  France,  393 
Cave  of  the  Lion,  the,  465 
Cedron,  Brook,  270 
Celestin  V.,  372 

Celibacy  of  clergy,  239,  240,  263 
Celtic  language,  522,  527 
Celtic  race,  42,  389 
Celts,  conquest  of,  521 
Cenobites,  iii 
Censius,  imprisons  Gregory  VII.,  240; 

enemy  of  Gregory  VII.,  241 
Censive  tenures,  209 
Census,  in  Roman  Empire,  5 
Centena,  the,  134 
Centralization  of  power,  505 
Cephalonia,  Duke  of,  281 
Cerda,  Constable  of,  398 
Cerda,  Ferdinand  de  la,  477 
Cerdagne,  added  to  Catalonia,  302 
Cerdic,  41 
Cesarea,  an  apostolic  see,  no;  capture 

of,  272 
Cettina,  River,  129 
Ceuta,  89  and  note;  Julian  governor  of, 

89;  capture  of,  by  Portugal,  481 
Cevennes,  the,  146;  boundary  of  Arab 

empire,  91 
Chalcedon,  Persian  occupation  of,  52; 

(Ecumenical  council  of,  113 
Chalons,  419;  battle  of,  28;  election  of 

bishops  at,  109;  bishop-count  of,  217 
Chalus,  siege  of,  353 
Chamavi,  n 

Chamberlain,  the  great,  2 
Chamber  of  accounts,  382,  383 


Champagne,  192;  remnants  of  Roman 
power  in,  29;  county  of,  217;  the 
crusade  preached  in,  278;  fairs  in, 
322;  marshal  of,  337,  403;  count  of, 
178,  217,  279,  345;  Thibaut  de,  335,  360, 
361;  courts  for,  382  (note);  joined  to 
French  crown, 394;  pillage  of  peasants 
in,  403 

Champ  de  Mai,  64 

Champ  de  Mars,  64 

Champeaux,  William  of,  329 

"  Chanson  de  Roland,"  230,  287  (note) 

Chansons,  526 

Chansons  de  gestes,  229,  232,  334 

Charente,  363 

Charibert,  55,  60 

Charlemagne,  16,  note;  40,  91,  94,  107, 
121,  162,  163,  167,  195,  196,206,215,229, 
233,  236,  239,  250,  337,  341,  377,  489,  525, 
527;  amends  Salic  law,  6i;  southern 
advance  of,  98;  career  of,  122-142;  em- 
pire of,  129;  restores  peace  in  Ger- 
many, 156:  threatened  by  Norsemen 
157;  repels  Sarcens,  166;  heirs  of,  187 
188;  influence  on  civilization,  222 
girds  sword  on  Louis  the  Pious,  231 
method  of  subjugating  Saxons,  291 
assists  Spaniards  against  Arabs,  296 

Charleroi,  119 

Charles  I.  (of^England),  435 

Charles  II.  (the  Bald),  15,  142,  153,  158, 
223,  292,  307;  acquires  Aquitaine,  143; 
new  kingdom  for,  144;  resists  Lo- 
thaire,  145;  alliance  with  Louis  the 
German,  145;  at  battle  of  Fontenay, 
145;  territory  given  to,  146;  attempts 
seizure  of  Lotharingia,  150;  territory 
of,  150;  made  emperor,  150;  death,  150 

Charles  III.  (of  France),  158,  172,  173; 
capitularies  of,  206,  359 

Charles  III.,  Emperor,  150, 154, 172, 188, 
200 

Charles  IV.  (of  France,  the  Fair),  393, 
469;  ordinances  of,  310;  reign  of,  383, 
384;  death,  384 

Charles  IV.  (Emperor),  470-472;  pub- 
lishes Golden  Bull,  401 

Charles  V.  (of  France),  304,  399,  411, 
417,  431,  455,  532,  553;  seeks  aid  from 
Charles  IV.,  399;  distrusted  at  Paris, 
400;  reign  of,  405-410;  alliance  with 
Scotland,  407;  relations  with  Castile, 
407;  relations  with  Flanders,  407;  re- 
lations with  Navarre,  407;  breaks 
truce,  410;  conquers  Guienne,  410; 
death,  410;  aids  Transtamara,  477: 
history  of,  519 

Charles  VI.  (of  France).  422,  438.  439; 
accession  of,  411;  reception  in  Paris, 
419;  insanity  of,  420;  succession  to, 
424;  death,  425;  action  in  the  Schism 
of  the  West,  511,  520 

Charles  VII.  (of  France),  423.  424,  438, 
439,  468,  515,  519,  534;  banishment  of, 
424;  proclaimed  king  of  France,  425; 
poverty  of,  426;  driven  from  Nor- 
mandy and   Burgundy,  426;  encour- 


546 


INDEX. 


ages  Joan  of  Arc,  428;  consecration  at 
Rheims,  428;  centre  of  national  feel- 
ing, 430;  concludes  treaty  with  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  430;  enters  Paris,  431; 
resumes  attack  on  English,  432;  the 
Pragmatic  Sanction,  440 

Charles  VIII.  (of  France),  368,  441 

Charles  VIII.  (of  Sweden),  485 

Charles  Martel,  40,  90,  gi,  106,  107,  iig, 
292,  347;  defeat  of,  106;  defeats  Neus- 
trians  at  Vincy,  106;  defeats  the 
Saracens,  108;  invoked  by  mission- 
aries to  Germany,  118;  expels  Arabs 
from  France,  295 

Charles  (second  son  of  Philip  III.),  368 

Charles,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  opposes 
Hugh  Capet,  176 

Charles,  Duke  of  Orleans,  521;  alliance 
with  Bernard  VII.,  421;  taken  pris- 
oner at  Agincourt,  423 

Charles  of  Anjou,  285,  286;  action  in 
Italy,  364,  365;  revolt  of  Sicilians 
against,  369;  in  battle  of  Grandella, 
445;  tyranny  of,  445;  ambition  of,  446; 
defeat  of,  447;  death,  447,  492;  threat- 
ens Constantinople,  492;  kingdom  of 
Naples  given  to,  507 

Charles  of  Blois,  396,  397;  taken  pris- 
oner, 398;  killed,  406 

Charles  of  Durazzo,  455 

Charles  of  Lu,xemburg.    See  Charles 

IV.  (Emperor). 

Charles  of  Navarre,  398,  405,  410;  resists 
taxes,  399;  summoned  against  the 
Dauphin,  402;  summoned  to  Paris, 
404 

Charles  of  Normandy.     See  Charles 

V.  (of  France). 
Charles  of  Provence,  362 

Charles  of  Valois.    See  Charles  VII- 

(of  France). 
Charles  Robert,  455;  receives  crown  of 

Hungary,  491 
Charles    the    Bad.      See  Charles    of 

Navarre. 
Charles  the  Bald.     See  Charles  II. 
Charles  the   Fair.      See  Charles  IV. 

(of  France). 
Charles  the   Fat.      See   Charles  III. 

(Empf.ror). 
Charles  the  Good,  Count,  344 
Charles  the  Great.    See  Charlemagne. 
Charles  the  Lame,  447 
Charles  the  Simple.    See  Charles  III. 

(of  Francf.). 
Charters,   311,   312;    granted  by   King 

John,  314 
Chartier,  Alain,  519 
Chartier,  William  le,  182 
Chartres,   154;    Count  of,  216;  county 

of,  sold  to  France,  361  ;  Edward  III.'s 

plight  at,  405;  capture  of,  426 
Cliatillon,  James,  370 
Chatti,  II 

Chaucer,  Geoffrey,  416,  524 
Chaumont,  58 
Chelles,  forest  of,  67 
Cherbourg,  in  English  possession,  410 


Chester,  160 

Chevalier,  431 

Chichester,  41 

Chieri,  burning  of,  249 

Childebert  I.,kingof  Paris,32;  conquers 
Burgundians,  32  ;  murders  by,  32  ; 
successor  of,  33;  defeats  Amalaric,  33; 
defeated  by  Theudis,  33 ;  alliance 
with  Gunthram,  58;  amends  Sadie  law, 
61;  constitution  of,  115 

Childebert  II.,  56,  58 

Childeric,  107 

Childeric  I.,  28 

Childeric  II.,  67,  68 

Childeric  III.,  119,  120 

Children  of  the  Bays,  156 

Chilperic,  55,  56;  death  of,  57;  taxation 
by,  65,  69;  complains  of  power  of 
bishops,  no 

Chilperic  II.,  king  of  Neustrians,  106, 
107 

Chimay,  518 

China,  importation  of  sikworms  from, 
50;  Persians  seek  aid  from,  86;  con- 
quered by  Jenghiz-Khan,  283;  Marco 
Polo  in,  319;  knowledge  of  gunpow- 
der, 332;  Timur's  expedition  against. 

^499 

Chinese,  destroy  the  Avars,  49;  inven- 
tions of  the,  102;  probability  of  know- 
ledge of  compass,  322 

Chinese  Turkestan,  conquered  by 
Timur,  498 

Chinon.  427 

Chioggia,  battle  of,  450,  454 ;  use  of 
gunpowder  at,  534 

Chivalry,  230-232,  384,  518 

Chizey,  battle  of,  409 

Chlodobald,  32 

Chlodomer,  king  of  Orleans,  32;  death 
of,  32 

Chlodoweg,  29 

Chlothacher.    See  Lothaire. 

Chosroes  I.,  defeats  Abyssinians,  74 

Chosroes  II.,  51,  52;  contempt  for  Mo- 
hammed, 80 

Chosroes  Nushirvan,  46 

Christ,  image  of,  in  the  Kaaba,  75; 
prophet  of  God,  82  ;  Order  of,  481 ; 
represented  in  the  Mysteries,  520 

Christian  I.,  king  of  Denmark  and  Nor- 
way, 485 

Christian  of  Troyes,  334 

Christian  invasion  of  Asia,  264 

Christianity,  7,  9;  literature  under,  9; 
preached  by  Constantine's  envoy,  74; 
in  Hedjaz,  75;  preserved  by  Charles 
Martel,  108;  spread  of,  109,  115;   the 
stories    of,    in;    propagation    under 
Gregory    the     Great,     115;    Charle- 
magne's propagation  of,  12,'  influence 
of,  526,  527 
Christians  protected  in  Asia,  43-  free- 
dom of  worship  accorded  by  Omar, 
86;  in  Spain,  97;  defeats  in  Asturia, 
98 
Christine  de  Pisan,  519 
Christopher  the  Bavarian,  485 


INDEX. 


S47 


Chrysargyron,  the,  s,  6,  44 

Chrysoloras,  457,  532 

Chronicle  of  Froissart,  519 

Chronicles,  526 

Church,  struggle  with  Empire,  199, 443; 
temporal  power  of,  207;  influence  of, 
225  ;  influence  on  architecture,  232  ; 
increase  of  power,  237,  239;  union  of 
State  with,  239 ;  subjection  to  the 
State,  244;  position  according  to  Ger- 
son,  512 

Church  of  Ireland,  42 

Church  of  the  West,  237 

Cicero,  519,  532 

Cid,  the,  300,  301,  528,  531 

Cilicia,  Heraclius  lands  in,  52;  Arab 
conc}uest  of,  88 ;  Greek  expedition 
against,  263;  death  of  Frederic  I.  in 
276 

Cimabue,  340,  458 

Cimbric  peninsula,  193 

Cinque  Ports',  send  deputies  to  Parlia- 
ment, 314 

Cintra,  301 

Ciompi,  the,  453,  454 

Circumcision,  84 

Circus,  last  games  in,  19;  combats  for- 
bidden, 44 

Cisalpine  region,  conquest  of,  34 

Cisjurane  Burgundy,  154,  219 

Citeaux,  288,  note;  293 

Cities,  growth  of,  206;  college  of,  474 

City  of  the  Prophet,  79 

Civil  and  military  hierarchy,  2 

Civilization,  Mussulman,  90;  progress 
of,  213 

Civita-Vecchia,  burned  by  Saracens, 
i66 

Civitella,  battle  of,  238 

Clairvaux,  reform  by,  288 

Clarence,  Duke  of,  415 

Clarendon,  constitutions  of,  348,  349 

Clarissimi^  6 

Classics,  study  of  the,  531 

Claudian,  8 

Clement  II.,  237 

Clement  III.,  242 

Clement  IV.,  claims  as  to  benefices, 
373;  excommunicates  Manfred,  444; 
claims  right  of  distribution  of  ecclesi- 
astical benelices,  508 

Clement  V.,  454;  claim  as  to  benefices, 
373;  alleged  interview  with  Philip  the 
Fair,  380;  proclamation  of,  380;  ex- 
communicates Henry  VII.,  451,  468; 
decretals  of,  507;  claims  right  of  dis- 
tribution of  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
508;  established  at  Avignon,  509 

Clement  VI.,  470 

Clement  VII.,  417,  510,  511 

Clergy,  under  feudalism,  207;  celibacy 
of,  262;  benefit  of,  347,  373;  vices  of, 
348;  taxed  by  Philip  the  Fair,  371; 
wealth  of,  373,  508;  intellectual  life 
confined  to,  505,  506;  exempt  from 
civil  jurisdiction,  508;  attempted  re- 
forms for,  514 

Clericii  laicos,  bull,  375 


"Clerk  at  Caen,"  334 

Clermont,  Council  of,  179,  266;  county 
of,  216;  crusade  preached  at,  287; 
bishop  of,  344 

Clichy,  61 

Clisson,  408,  420 

Clisson,  Oliver  of,  397 

Clito,  William,  343,  344 

Clock,  the  first  pendulum,  225 

Clodion  the  Hairy,  28 

Cloth  trade  of  Flanders,  395 

Clotilda,  29,  30,  33 

Clovis,  35,  54,  55,  106, 176,  521;  succeeds 
Childeric  I.,  29;  defeats  Syagrius,  29; 
alliance  with  Alaric  II.,  29;  married 
to  Clotilda,  29;  conquers  AUemanni, 
30;  conquers  Thuringians,  30;  be- 
comes a  Christian,  30;  attacks  Bur- 
gundy, 30;  war  with  the  Visigoths, 
31;  cruelties  of,  31;  death,  32;  amends 
the  Salic  law,  61;  support  of  the 
church,  374 

Clovis  II.,  66,  67 

Cluny,  237  and  note,  288  (note) 

Cnut  VI.,  483 

Cnut  the  Great,  163,  164,  180,  197,  483 

Cnutson,  Charles,  485 

Coblentz,  Widukind's  advance  to,  125; 
Diet  at,  247,  396;  prosperity  of,  315 

Cocherel,  battle  of,  406 

Code  of  Justinian,  49 

Cceur,  Jacques,  431 

Cceur  de  Lion.    See  Richard  I. 

Coimbra,  297;  taken  by  Almanzor,  297; 
taken  by  Ferdinand  I.,  299;  univer- 
sity of,  327 

Coinage,  472  (note);  right  of,  206;  diver- 
sity of,  212  (note);  regulated  by  St. 
Louis,  325;  changes  in  French,  403 

Colchis,  45,  46 

Collectors,  4 

College  of  cities,  474 

College  of  electors,  474 

College  of  princes,  474 

Colmar,  143 

Cologne,  29,  412,  475;  bishop  of,  60; 
archbishopric  of,  192;  prosperity  in, 
315;  college  of  the  Hanseatic  League, 
321;  introduction  of  Gothic  architec- 
ture, 340;  archbishop  of,  461,  463,  472; 
University  of,  532  (note);  elector  of, 
571 

Coloni,  17 

Colonna,  Sciarra,  378,  469;  seizes  Boni- 
face VIII.,  379;  excommunicated,  380 

Colonnas,  the,  372,  448 

Colonus,  63 

Columella,  532 

Combat,  the  judicial,  64 

Comedy,  development  of,  520,  531 

Cotnes  domesticorunt  eguitum,  3 

Comes  domesticorufn  peditutn,  3 

Comes  rei priz'atcB,  2 

Comes  sacrarutn  largitiorum,  2 

Comes  sacricubiculi,  2 

Comitatenses,  8 

Comitatus,  the,  11,  134,  202 

Commentiolus,  51 


548 


INDEX. 


Commerce,    463;    decay   of,    212;    hin- 
drances to,  325 
Commines,  500,  519 
Commoners,  434 
Common  Pleas,  Court  of,  386 
Commons,  House  of,  391 
Commune,  form  of   government,  307- 

313 
Comneni,  dynasty  of,  263;  possessions 

of,  281 
Comnenus,   Alexius,   263;    appeals  for 

aid  against  Turks,  265 
Comnenus,   Isaac,  taken   prisoner    by 

Richard  I.,  276,  277 
Como,  448 

Compass,  discovery  of,  322 
Compifegne,  estates   removed   to,  403; 

capture  of  Joan  of  Arc  at,  428:  Louis 

the  Pious  confined  at,  143 
Compositio,  65,  4S9 
Compostella,  297 
Concilia  mixta,  iii  (note) 
Concordat  of  1516,  440 
"Conde  Lucanor,  El,"  530 
Condottieri,  the,  455,  456 
Confession,    411;    Huss's    attacks    on 

auricular,  513 
Confiscation,  right  of,  203 
Confrerie  de  la  Passion,  520 
Conjurators,  64 

"  Conquest  of  Constantinople,"  337 
Conquistador,  the,  303 
Conrad,  177;  repulses  Tartars,  283 
Conrad  I.,  190 
Conrad  II.,  164,  197-199,  219 
Conrad  III.,  247;  reign  of,  247;  organ- 
izes crusade,  273;  escapes  Turks,  274; 

heads  crusade,  274;  returns  to  Europe, 

27s 

Conrad  IV.,  444 

Conradin,  444,  445 

Conrad  the  Salic,  235 

"Consolations"  of  Boethius,  524 

"Consolations  of  Philosophy,  The,"  37 

Consolato  del  Mare,  the,  322 

Constable,  office  of,  231 

Constance,  married  to  Henry  VI.,  253 

Constance  (daughter  of  Count  of  Tou- 
louse), 177 

Constance,  peace  of,  246;  treaty  of,  252; 
commerce  of,  320;  Council  of,  473,  513, 
514,  525 

Constance,  Lake  of,  11 

Constans  II.,  53 

Constantine  IV.,  53 

Constantine  V.,  120 

Constantine  Monomachus,  236 

Constantine  P;'leologus,  defence  of 
Constantinople,  502;  death,  503 

Constantine  the  Great,  i,  8,  250;  estab- 
lishes periods  of  indiction,  5,  21; 
sends  envoy  to  preach  Christianity, 
74;  defence  of  Constantinople,  502; 
death  of,  503 

Constantine,  usurper,  40  (note) 

Constantinople,  23,  27,  34,  52,  57,  74, 100, 
129,  167,  229,  370,  446,  449,  458;  govern- 
ment at,  2;  officers  of  the  court,  3; 


diocese  of,  4;  decoration,  8;  capital 
of  the  Roman  Empire,  17;  impreg- 
nability, 24;  attack  of  Ostrogoths 
diverted,  34;  fortitications,  44;  mis- 
fortunes, 44;  vices,  4s;  departure  of 
Belisarius  from,  47;  schools  of,  49;  at- 
tacked by  Bulgarians,  49,  263;  devas- 
tated, 50;  Avar  attack  on,  52;  between 
two  attacks,  72;  Arab  attacks  on,  88; 
an  apostolic  see,  no;  council  at,  113; 
Gregory  the  Great's  legation  to,  116; 
menaced  byAvars,  127;  empire  of,  129; 
influence  in  Italy,  194;  court  of,  sup- 
ports Cresentius,  196;  Russian  attacks 
on,  221,  262;  the  fourth  crusade,  254; 
Photius,  patriarch  of,  262;  threatened 
by  Turks,  265,  492,  495;  rendezvous 
of  crusaders  at,  267  ;  Conrad  III.'s 
reception  in,  274;  passage  through, 
of  Frederick  I.,  276;  captured  by  the 
fourth  crusade,  280;  the  key  to  Jeru- 
salem, 280;  sack  of,  281;  a  French- 
man on  the  throne  of,  286;  visited  by 
Norse  pirates,  487;  coveted  by  Os- 
manlis,  493;  dread  of  Turks  in,  497; 
respite  of,  500;  Mohammed  II. 's  reso- 
lution to  take,  502;  siege  of,  by  Mo- 
hammed II.,  502;  assault  on,  502,  503; 
fall  of  the  cross,  and  rise  of  the  cres- 
cent, 503;  influence  on  literature,  532 

Constantius,  22 

Constitution,  foundation  of  the  Eng- 
lish, 391 

"Constitutional  History  of  England," 
185,  note 

Constitutions  of  Clarendon,  348,  349 

Consulars,  4 

Consuls,  307 

Copronymus,  120 

Copts,  hatred  towards  Greeks,  86,  87 

Corbeil,  216;  pillage  by  lord  of,  342 

Cordeliers,  the,  289 

Cordova,  97,  132;  caliphate  of,  93,  97;  an 
intellectual  centre,  99 ;  mosque  at, 
103;  population  of,  103;  reputation 
for  manufactures,  103;  revolt  against 
caliphate  of,  128,  207;  empire  of,  129; 
disappearance  of  tne  Ommiades,  264; 
Sancho  at  the  walls  of,  298;  taken  by 
Castile,  303;  commerce  of,  322 

Corinth,  Lord  of,  281 

Corneille,  529 

Cornwal,  John,  523 

Cornwall,  434 

Cornwall,  Richard  of,  461 

Corogne,  the,  297 

Corporations,  323 

Cor/ius juris  canonici,  372 

Corpus  juris  civilis,  372 

Correctors,  4 

Corsica,  219,  450  ;  conquered  by  Gai- 
seric,  23  ;  the  Aglabites  in,  96;  taken 
by  Franks,  129  ;  pillaged  by  Saracens, 
142,  166  ;  Frederick  f.'s  claim  on,  249 

Cortcnuova,  battle  of,  257 

Cortes  of  Castile,  480 

Corvces,  209,  210 

Cossai,  75 


INDEX. 


549 


Coster,  claim  of  invention  of  printing, 

533  and  note 
Cotton,  323  and  note 
Coucy,  Lord  of,  342,  360 
Couesnon,  the,  216 
Council  in  Trullo,  117 
Council  of  Orleans,  32 
Council  of  Paris,  59 
Council  of  Soissons,  119 
Council  of  the  Ten,  449 
Council  of  Toledo,  62,  6^,  89  (note) 
Counties,  64,  217,  219;  division  of  Eng- 
land into,  161 
Count  of  the  domestic  cavalry,  3 
Count  of  the  domestic  infantry,  3 
Count  of  the  private  estate,  2 
Count  of  the  sacred  chamber,  2 
Count  of  the  sacred  largesses,  a 
Count  Palatine,  461  and  note,  471,  472 
Counts  of  the  Frontiers,  130 
Courland,    under    rule    of    Teutonic 

Knights,  291 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  386 
Court  of  Love,  334  (note) 
Courtray,  106  ;  battle  of,  370,  393 
Cousinot,  431 
Coutances,  236 

Cows,  wealth  of  Hungary,  489 
Cozenza,  death  of  Alaric  at,  20 
Cracow,  suffragan  bishop  of,  485 
Craon,  lord  of,  420 
Cre5y,  497 ;  battle  of,  398,  416,  420,  423, 

470  ;  use  of  cannon  at,  534 
Credenza,  the,  248 
Cremona,  471;  bishop  of,    198;  rebels 

against  Frederick  L,  251 
Cresentius,  rebellion  of,  196,  197 
Crespy,  309,  32^ 
Crete,  seized    by    Venice,  281 ;    vmes 

from,  transplanted  to  Madeira,  482 
Creux,  Cape,  296 

Crdvant-sur-Yonne,  battle  of,  426,  427 
Crida,  42 

Crimea,  167,  283,  458 
Croatia,  221,  490 
Croatia,  Duke  of,  made  king  of   Dal- 

matia,  240;    Hungarian  claim  to,  490 
Croats,  the,  14;  achieve  independence, 

142  ;    invade   Liburnia,  490 ;    invade 

Pannonia,  490 
Croia,   recognizes    Amurath    H.,   5c>o ; 

ordered  to  be  delivered  to  Scander- 

beg,  501;    Amurath  IL's  attempts  to 

take,  502 
Cross,  ordeal  of  the,  64 
Crusades,  179,  229,  384;   the  first,   179, 

245,  263;  the  third,  353;  the  fourth,  254, 

356;  beginning  of  the,  266;  influence 

of,  286-288;  Scandinavians  in  the,  483 
Crusaders,  disasters  to,  47 
Ctesiphon,  52,  86 
Cuenga,  reputation  for  manufactures, 

103 
Cumans,  488,  490 
Cumberland,  220 
Cunibert,  60 
Cunimund,  38 
Cup-bearer,  office  of,  331 


Curators,  4 

Curia,  the,  4 

Curials,  i,  4,  5,  6,  7 

Curia  regis,  382  (note) 

Curiosi,  2 

Currency,  437 

Cyprus,  271  (note);  Arab  occupation  of, 
91;  emperor  of,  277;  given  to  Guy 
de  Lusignan,  277;  seventh  crusade 
winters  at,  284  ;  represented  at  Con- 
gress of  Arras,  430;  vines  from,  trans- 
planted to  Madeira,  482  ;  king  of, 
devastates  Alexandria,  496 

Cyrenaica,  invaded  by  Persians,  52 

Cyrill,i89 

Cyzicus,  scene  of  Soliman's  vision,  493 

Czechs,  the,  14 

Dacia,  10;  vice-prefect  of,  3;  settlement 
of  Bulgarians  in,  49  ;  fortresses  in,  50; 
seized  by  Avars,  127 

Dacians,  488 

Dagmar,  Queen,  527 

Dagobert,  69,  202  ;  rule  of,  60,  61 ;  tax- 
ation by,  65 

Dagobert  I.,  amends  Salic  law,  61 

Dagobert  H.,  68 

Dalmatia,  219,  449  ;  iron  mines  of,  37 ; 
Duke  of  Croatia  made  king,  240; 
passage  of  crusaders  through,  267  ; 
Richard  L,  wrecked  on  coast  of,  277  ; 
Venetian  capture  of  ports  of,  279 ; 
considered  part  of  Hungary,  490; 
wars  in,  500 

Dalmatians,  the,  14 

Damascus,  92,  93,  272  ;  Arab  siege  of, 
85  ;  capital  of  Mussulman  Empire,  87 ; 
royal  legion  of,  93 ;  an  intellectual 
centre,  99  ;  Louis  VH.'s  attack  on, 
275 ;  commerce  of  Novgorod  with, 
320  ;  industries  of,  323  ;  burned  by 
Timur,  499 

Damaskeening,  323 

Damasus  IL,  237 

Damiani,  Peter,  238 

Damietta,  capture  of,  282  ;  abandoned 
by  Christians,  282  ;  captured  by  cru- 
saders, 284 ;  restored  to  Saracens, 
285 

Dammartin,  216 

Dandolo,  doge  of  Venice,  279  ;  defeated 
in  election  by  Baldwin  IV.,  281 

Danes,  the,  ii,  191 ;  threaten  Charle- 
magne, 122  ;  settlements  in  Ireland, 
42  ;  give  asylum  to  Saxons,  126;  give 
refuge  to  Widukind,  126;  incursions 
of,  127;  invasions  of  England,  152, 159; 
at  Bruanburh,  162  ;  renewed  attacks 
on,  163;  proclaim  Harold  king  of  Eng- 
land, 180  ;  Otto's  policy  with,  193  ;  in- 
fluence on  English  language,  521 

Daniel,  Arnaut,  333 

Danish  Isles,  221 

Dante,  226,  326,  333,  338,  4^0  (note),  453, 
457.  517  ;  on  the  state  of  Italy,  448,  451 

Dantzig,  college  of  the  Hanseatic 
League,  321 ;  wrested  from  the  Poles, 


550 


INDEX. 


Danube,  River,  8,  ii,  14,  17,  125,  38, 
43.  49t  52,  127,  129,  167-169,  221,  320. 
420,  455,  465,  497,  500  ;  crossed  by  At- 
tila,  24  ;  crossed  by  Bulgarians,  49 ; 
fortresses  on,  50  ;  projected  canal  to 
the  Rhine,  137  ;  Russian  attempt  on, 
262  ;  crossed  by  the  Tartars,  283; 
a  highway  of  invasion,  488  ;  Hungari- 
ans possess  left  bank  of,  492  ;  Servi- 
ans and  Bulgarians  possess  the  right 
bank,  492  ;  eagerness  of  the  Turks 
for,  493  ;  Christians  in  valley  of,  496 

Daphne,  Garden  of,  269 

Dara,  46 

Dauphin,  origin  of  title,  398 

Dauphin^,  167,  219 

David,  j.  L.,  51  (note) 

David,  Charlemagne's  school  name,  136 

David,  King  of  Scotland,  346 

David,  brother  of  Llewellyn,  389 

Day  of  the  Herrings,  426 

Death,  defiance  of,  by  Germans,  13  ; 
battalion  of,  252  ;  Rabby's  creation 
of,  530 

Debtors,  punishment  of,  under  Justin- 
ian II.,  53 

"  Decameron,  the,"  453,  457 

Decemvirs,  4,  307 

Default  of  justice,  205 

Defensors,  4 

"  De  Imitalione  Christi,"  521 

Delhi,  conquest  of,  96  ;  massacre  by 
Timur  at,  498  ;  pyramids  of  human 
heads  built  by  Timur,  498;  sacked  by 
Timur,  498 

Delia  Scala,  family,  448 

Delia  Torre,  the,  448 

Delta,  the,  284 

"  De  Nativitate  Domini,"  525 

Denmark,  11,  180,  218,  482;  Cnut's  visit 
10,164;  Otto's  expedition  to,  i93(note); 
acquires  Schleswig,  197;  political 
geography  of,  221  ;  Gregory  VII. 's 
claim  of  suzerainty  over,  240 ;  ac- 
knowledges sovereignty  of  Frederick 
I.,  252  ;  represented  at  Conjjress  of 
Arras,  430;  severs  relations  with  Ger- 
many, 462  ;  loses  Estlionia,  483  ;  unit- 
ed with  Sweden  and  Norway,  483  ; 
converted  to  Christianity,  483  ;  choos- 
es Christian  I.,  485  ;  traditions  of,  527; 
history  of,  527 ;  establishment  of 
Christianity  in,  527 

Derbcnt,  pass  of,  498 

Descartes,  228,  330 

Desiderius,  57,  123,  124 

Despencers,  the,  391 

"  Destruction  of  the  Philosophers,"  loi 

Delmold,  battle  of,  126 

"  Deutsche  Kaiserzeit,"  489  (note) 

"  Development  and  Character  of  (jothic 
Architecture,"  340  (note) 

Dcvcntcr,  massacre  at,  125 

De  Villis,  Capitulary,  134 

Diana,  fanatic  action  towards  statue  qf, 
112 

"  Dictionary  of  National  Biography," 
41  (note) 


Dietines,  the,  487 

Diet  of  Worms.    See  Worms,  Diet  of 

Dietrich,  338 

Digest  of  Justinian,  49 

Dijon,  30,  424 

Dioceses,  under  Roman  Empire,  3; 
division  into,  no 

Diocletian,  i,  3,  474 

Diogenes,  Romanus.  263 

Discipline,  abhorred  by  Germans,  ii 

Discoveries,  Arab  influence  on,  99 

Dispensations,  373,  508 

Distillation,  discovery  of  process,  102 

"  Diversions  of  a  Man  Desirous  of 
Becoming  Thoroughly  Acquainted 
with  the  World,"  102 

"  Divine  Comedy,  the,"  450,  457 

Djafar,  courage  of,  80 

Djafna,  princes  of,  74 

Djebel-Tarik,  89 

Djidda,  73 

Dnieper,  River,  17,  167,  486,  487 

Domesday  Book,  185 

Dominicans,  expelled  from  Sicily,  257; 
establishment  of  order,  289 

Dom  Pedro,  revenges  Inez  de  Castro, 
478 

Domrdmy,  426-428 

Don,  River,  127,  167,  488;  crossed  by 
the  Huns,  16 

Donar,  12 

Donskoi,  488 

Doria,  Lucia,  454 

Dormtflles,  battle  of,  58 

Dorylteum,  battle  of,  268 

Douai,  371 

Douro,  River,  98,  297,  298,  300 

Dover,  160 ;  sends  deputies  to  Parlia- 
ment, 314 

Drave,  River,  218,  490 

Dreux,  Peter  of,  360 

Drina,  River,  496 

Drinus,  River,  17 

Drogo,  236 

Droit  d'azibaine^  212  (note) 

Droit  de  prise,  399  and  note,  402 

Druses,  the,  97 

Dubois,  Peter,  378 

Ducas,  Michael,  489 (note) 

Dvccnarii,  6 

Duels,  205 

Du  Guesclin,  career  of,  406,  407,  409, 
410;  taken  prisoner  at  Najara,  477; 
aids  in  killing  I'eter  the  Cruel,  477 

Dunbar,  battle  of,  390 

Dunois,  Count,  431  ;  reconquers  Nor- 
mandy, 432 

Durance,  the,  Burgundian  boundary, 
29 

Durandal,  the  sword,  230 

Dutch,  settle  in  North  Germany,  464 

Dwina,  River,  165 

Dyle,  River,  expulsion  of  Norse  pirates 
from,  188 

RAOfiAK,   183 

Eadgyfa,  162 
Eadmund  II.,  163 


INDEX. 


551 


itadward  the  Confessor,  180,  i8i 

fiadward  the  Elder,  162 

Ealdorman,  office  of,  161 

Eannes,  Gil,  explorations  of,  483 

Eardvvulf,  132 

East  Anglia,  kingdom  of,  42;  occupied 
by  Danes,  159;  conquered  by  Ead- 
ward  the  Elder,  162 

East,  vice-prefect  of  the,  3:  prefect  of 
the,  3  ;  fabled  wealth  of,  318  ;  Em- 
pire of,  the,  17,  43  (note)  88,  156,  221, 
262 

Eastern  Empire.  See  Empire  of  the 
East. 

Eastern  Goths,  17 

East  Mark,  218,  490;  passes  to  House 
of  Hapsburg,  247  (note) 

Eastphalians,  the,  124 

Ebro,  River,  98,  128,  129,  229,297 

Ebroin,  67,  69,  70,  105,  106 

Ecbatana,  victory  of,  86 

Eccelino  da  Romano,  256,  259 

Eccelino  of  Padua,  444 

Ecclesiastes,  47 

Ecclesiastical  benefices,  right  of  dispo- 
sition of,  373,  508 

Ecclesiastical  courts,  508 

Ecclesiastical  government,  iog-121 

Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  347  and  note, 
373.  508 

Ecclesiastical  reforms,  119 

Eclesiastical  revenues,  right  of  dispo- 
sition of,  373,  508 

Ecgberht  the  Great,  132,  159;  stone  of, 
i6o 

Echevins,  309  and  note,  312 

Echiquier,  held  at  Rouen,  382 

"  Eclogues"  of  Virgil,  223 

Eddas,  the,  526 

Edecon,  24 

Edessa,  siege  of,  46;  entered  by  Bald- 
win, 268;  principality  of,  271  ;  cap- 
tured by  Atabeks,  272 

Edict  of  1037,  198,  219,  246 

Edict  of  Union,  Zeno's,  44 

Ediles,  4,  307 

Edith,  162 

Edith  of  the  Swan's  Neck,  182 

Edmund,  son  of  St.  Louis,  offered 
crown  of  Sicily,  387 

Edrisi,  102 

Edrissiles,  the,  97 

Education,  326  ;  under  Roman  Empire, 
8  ;  Charlemagne's  efforts  for,  222  ; 
steps  to  further,  223 

Edward  I.,  314,  416 (note),  466,  524;  cedes 
Quercy,  369;  war  with  France,  369, 
370;  warwith  Scotland,  370;  crowned, 
388 ;  taken  prisoner  by  Simon  de 
Montfort,  388;  escape  of,  388 

Edward  11.,  deposition  of,  384  ;  reign 
of,  390.  391 

Edward  III.,  186,  411,415,  423,  469,  470; 
does  homage  for  Guienne  and  Pon- 
thieu,  384  ;  commencement  of  reign, 
391  ;  claims  in  France,  394 ;  does 
homage  for  Guienne,  394  ;  claims  to 
crown  of  France,  395,  396 ;  iavades 


France,  396,  404;  negotiates  with 
John,  404  ;  constitutional  rights  es- 
tablished, 433  ;  members  of  Parlia- 
ment in  time  of,  435  ;  death,  409  ;  es- 
tablishes the  English  language,  524  ; 
use  of  cannon  by,  534 

Edwina,  162 

Eginhard,  128,  132,  137,  227 

Egregii,  6 

Egypt.  52,  53,  72,221,  280;  under  Ro- 
man Empire,  i  ;  vice-prefect  of,  3; 
invaded  by  Persians,  52 ;  Arabian 
subjugation  of,  86  ;  the  Fatimites  in, 
97;  monasticism  in,  in;  sultan  of, 
treaty  with  Frederick  II.,  256;  expedi- 
tion of  Malek-Shah  to,  264  ;  remnants 
of  the  Fatimites  in,  264  ;  captured  by 
Saladin,  275  ;  conquered  by  John  of 
Brienne,  282  ;  Tartar  hordes  reach, 
283  ;  attacked  by  seventh  crusade, 
2S4 ;  sultan  obtains  Jerusalem,  284; 
conquered  by  Timur,  499 

Egyptians,  in  Arab  armies,  93  ;  influ- 
ence on  Arabs,  100;  defeated  at  As- 
calon,  271 

Eibek, 285 

Eider,  River,  n,  127,  129,  218 

Eike  von  Repkow,  338 

Elamites,  fear  of  Charlemagne,  132 

Elbe,  River,  n,  14,  38,  40,  47,  124-126, 
129,  142,  175,  193,  198,  220,  247  (note), 
483 

Eleanor,  345;  foments  revolt,  350 

Eleanor  of  Provence,  married  to  Henry 
III.,  386 

Election  bv  tribe,  192 

Electors,  College  of,  474 

El-Haddj,  pilgrimage  of,  81 

Eligius,  60 

Ella,  41 

El  Mandeb,  Strait  of,  72 

El  Saffah,  93 

Elvas,  301 

Ely,  island  of,  184 

Emerton, ,  author,  16  (note);  au- 
thor of  "  Middle  Ages,"  65  (note); 
"  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages," 
200  (note) 

Emirel-Moumenin,  93 

Emma,  163,  180 

Emperors,  quarrel  with  Popes,  131 

Empire,  struggle  with  Church,  199,  371 
(note),  443  ;  declaration  of  independ- 
ence of  Papacy,  396 

Empire  of  the  East,  17,  43  (note),  262; 
acquires  new  lease  of  life,  88;  inva- 
sion of,  156;  political  geography  of, 
in  the  eleventh  century,  221 

Empire  of  the  West,  16-18,  43  (note); 
attack  of  Radagaisus  on,  18;  Alaric's 
attack  on,  18;  invasion  of,  156 

Ems,  River,  n 

Enameling,  323,  332 

"  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,"  533  (note) 

Engern,  the,  124 

England,  iSo  ;  the  assembly  in,  64  ;  pa- 
ganism in,  115;  Norse  invasion  of, 
157,  483  ;  beset  by  pirates,  159  ;  loses 


552 


INDEX. 


independence,  159  ;  division  into 
counties  and  hundreds,  160,  161  Nor- 
man invasion  of,  180  ;  feudal  system 
of,  185  and  note,  220,  302  ;  survey  of, 
185  ;  political  geography  in  eleventh 
century,  220 ;  Innocent  III.'s  power 
in,  254  ;  Innocent  IV.  asks  asylum  in, 
25^  ;  wars  of,  278  ;  interdicted,  282  ; 
offensive  doctrines  in,  292  ;  elevation 
of  people  of,  313;  commerce  of,  321, 
322  ;  prosperity  of  fisheries,  322  ;  wine 
trade  with  Bordeaux,  322 ;  French 
language  in,  333  ;  epic  poetry  in,  334; 
Henry  II. 's  claim  on,  346  ;  in  coali- 
tion against  France,  363  ;  possessions 
of  clergy  in,  373  ;  foundations  of  the 
Constitution,  391  ;  preliminaries  of 
the  Hundred  Years'  War,  392  ;  allies 
of,  395  ;  fostering  the  woolen  trade 
of,  395  ;  treaty  with  Brittany,  410  ;  in- 
ternal disturbances,  411  ;  demands  on 
France,  440  ;  truce  with  France,  431 ; 
constitutional  rights  estabJished,  433; 
progress  of  power  of  Parliament,  433; 
national  spirit  of,  436 ;  rise  of  the 
Constitution,  436;  conflict  between 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  jurisdictions, 
508,  509;  invasion  of,  by  Italian  priests, 
508  ;  supports  Urban  VI.,  510  ;  revo- 
lutionary forces  in,  511  ;  literature  of, 
527  ;  classical  learning  in,  532 
English,  Philip  the  Fair's  decrees 
against,  375  (note);  invasion  of  Spain 
by,  406  ;  hatred  of,  in  Paris,  422  ;  al- 
liance with  Burgundians,  424  ;  vote 
in  Council  of  Constance,  514 
English  Channel,  180,  186,  220,  340 
English  language,  the,  521  ;  formation 
of ,  523 ;  established  by  Edward  III., 

524 
Engraving,  323.  533 
Enguerrand,  360 
Enguerrand  de  Marigny,  383 
Ennodius,  37 
Enquesteurs,  366 
Enus,  River,  193 
Enzio,  259  ;  made  king  of  Sardinia,  257; 

capture  and  death  of,  258  ;   repulses 

Tartars,  283 
Ephthalites,  the,  i6 
Epic  poetry,  229,  230,  333,  334 
Epirus,  fortresses  in,  5c  ;  principality 

of,  281  ;  invaded  by  Amurath  II.,  501 
Episcopal  counties,  217 
Episcopi,  109 
Equality,  442 
Equites,  6 
Erchinoald,  67 
Eresburg,  captured  by  Charlemagne, 

125  ;  battle  of,  190 
Erfurt,  Diet  of,  192  ;  University  of,  532 
Eric,  becomes  king  of  Sweden,  484 
Eric  the  Pomeranian,  485 
Eric  the  Saint,  484 
Erigcna,  John  Scotus,  223,  227 
B"n>  349.  350 
Escheat,  right  of,  203 
Eschenbach,  Wolfram  von,  337,  338 


Essex,  kingdom  of,  42 ;  Wat  Tyler's 
insurrection  in,  412 

Estates,  assemblage  of,  404 

Este,  house  of,  241,  448 

Esthonia,  subdued  by  Brothers  of  the 
Sword,  291 ;  subject  to  Waldemar, 
483  ;  lost  to  Denmark,  483  ;  bought 
by  Teutonic  Knights,  486 

Esthonians,  the,  14 

"  Etablissements  des  Metiers  de  Pa- 
ris," 367 

"  Etablissements  de  St.  Louis,"  333 

"  Etablissements  selon  I'Usage  de  Paris 
et  d'Orleans,"  367 

Etampes,  battle  of,  58  ;  county  of,  216 

Ethandune,  battle  of,  160 

Ethiopia,  boundary  of  Arab  empire,  91 

Eton,  school  at,  532 

Eu,  Constable  of,  398 

Eucharist,  discussions  on,  227,  228 ; 
transubstantiation,  411 

Euclid,  commentary  on,  loi 

Eudes  of  Aquitaine,  107,  108 

Eudes  of  Champagne,  178,  217 

Eudes  of  France,  154,  155,  172,  188,  227 

Eudoxia,  26 

Eugenius,  249 

Eugenius  IV.,  papacy  of ,  515 

Euphemia,  queen  of  Norway,  527 

Euphrates,  River,  8,  43,  52,  72,  73,  86 
(note),  109,  268,  275  ;  fortification  of, 
50;  Arab  expeditions  towards,  85 ; 
Arab  successes  on  the,  86  ;  crossed  by 
John  Ximisces,  263 

Euric,  62 

Europe,  fate  of  Arabian  empire  in,  99 ; 
in  eleventh  century,  207  ;  quarrel  be- 
tween State  and  Church  for  suprem- 
acy in,  245  ;  under  Gospel  influence, 
261  ;  effect  of  the  first  crusade  on, 
273  ;  Tartar  invasion  of,  282,  283  ;  ter- 
rorized by  Tartars,  283 ;  castle  of, 
built,  502  ;  division  of,  on  the  Schism 
of  the  West,  510 

Eustace,  Count  of  Boulogne,  180 

Eustace  of  St.  Pierre,  398,  424 

Eustace  of  Boulogne,  267 

Eutyches,  44 

Euxine  Sea,  13,  44 

Evesham,  battle  of,  388 

Evora,  301  ;  military  order  of,  302 

Evreux,  conquered  by  Du  Guesclin, 
410 

Evreux,  Jane  of,  acquisitions  of,  394 

Evreux,  Philip,  Count  of,  394  (note) 

Evroin,  68 

Exarchate,  the,  219,  465 

Exchange,  bureaus  of,  382 

Excommunication,  the  weapon  of  the 
Church,  207,  237 

Exeter,  captured  by  William  the  Con- 
queror, 183 

Eyvicd-Skaldaspiller,  527 

Faiu.iaux,  the,  335,  519 
Faenza,  Gothic  victory  at,  48 
Fair  Rosamond,  350 
Falkirk,  battle  of,  390 


INDEX. 


553 


Falkoeping,  battle  of,  485 

Falstaff,  416 

Family  relations,  214 

Famine,  213,  224 

Faroe  Islands,  165,  221 

Fasting,  disputes  over,  262  ;  Huss's  at- 
tacks on,  513 

Fatima,  79,  85,  97 

Fatimites,  the,  85,  91  ;  power  in  Africa, 
97  ;  empire  of,  264  ;  lose  Eg'ypt,  275 

Faubourg,  origin  of  the  name,  315 

Faussement  de  jugement,  366  and  note 

Faustus,  condemned  as  unjust  judge, 
36 

Fecamp,  monastery  at,  227 

Fehde,  205 

Felix  of  Urgel,  136 

Felix  v.,  515 

Ferdinand  I.,  of  Castile  and  Leon,  re- 
ceives Castile,  298;  encroaches  on 
Arab  territory,  299;  king  of  Leon,  529 

Ferdinand  IV.,  of  Castile,  477 

Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  478,  479 

Ferdinand  the  Just,  479 

Ferrand,  355 

Ferrara,  448  ;  Council  of,  515 

Ferriferes,  schools  in,  137 

Feudalism,  384  ;  tendencies  to,  137 ; 
tendency  towards,  151  (note),  152  ; 
in  Normandy,  159  ;  rise  and  growth 
of,  200  et  seq.  ;  attempts  to  foster  in 
Italy,  253 ;  carried  into  Asia,  271  ; 
power  of,  305,  306  ;  struggles  of,  307, 
308 ;  change  in  France,  361  ;  of 
France  and  England  compared,  392  ; 
death  of,  438 

Fez,  97 ;  an  intellectual  centre,  99 ; 
capture  of,  301 

Fiefs,  204 ;  distinguished  from  appa- 
nages, 438 

Field  of  Lies,  144 

Field  of  May,  191 

Field  of  the  Blackbirds,  battle  of,  496 

Fieschi,  Sinibald,  258 

Fiesole,  fate  of  barbarians  at,  19 

FileUo,  532 

Filioque,  dispute  over  the  word,  262 

Fines,  211 

Finiguerna,  inventor  of  reproduction 
by  engraving,  533 

Finland,  221;  introduction  of  Christi- 
anity, 484 

Finland,  Gulf  of,  486 ;  extent  of  Arab 
commerce,  319 

Finnic  race,  95  (note) 

Finns,  the,  14,  95  (note) 

Fiorentino,  death  of  Frederick  II.  at, 

259 

Fire,  ordeal  by,  64,  299 

Firuz,  betrays  Antioch,  269 

Flaccus,  136 

Flanders,  179,  344,  368;  sustains  Hugh 
Capet,  176 :  county  of,  216 ;  com- 
merce of,  321,  322  ;  defeat  of  John's 
coalition  in,  356  ;  invaded  by  Philip 
the  Fair,  370,  371;  wealth  of,  370; 
restored  by  Philip  the  Fair,  371  ; 
strength  of  democracy  in,  371 ;  inva- 


sion of,  by  Philip  VI.,  393  ;  weak 
hold  of  feudalism  in,  393  ;  ally  of 
England,  395  ;  exportation  of  English 
wools  to,  forbidden,  395;  relations 
with  Charles  V..  407  ;  revolts  in,  417  ; 
inherited  by  Philip  the  Bold,  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  418  ;  under  Philip  van  Ar. 
tevelde,  418;  revolutionary  forces  in, 
5" 

Flanders,  Count  of,  217,  267,  278,  281, 
3447  3525  3701  420;  joins  coalition 
against  Philip  Augustus,  355 ;  alli- 
ance of  Edward  I.  with,  369 

Flax,  323 

Flemings,  469  ;  Pippin's  wars  against, 
106  ;  Philip  the  Fair's  decrees  against 
375  note  ;  defeated  by  Genoese  gal- 
leys, 383  ;  swear  allegiance  to  Philip 
the  Bold,  418 ;  settle  in  North  Ger- 
many, 464 

Flevo,  Lake,  11 

Florence,  19,  447,  450,  457,  45S,  468,  532  ; 
Italian  republican  consuls  at,  248 ; 
commerce  of,  320,  459  ;  Renaissance 
in,  340 ;  power  of,  449  ;  banishment 
of  Dante  from,  451  ;  popular  move- 
ment in,  453,  454  ;  overthrow  of  popu- 
lar government  in,  455  ;  destroys  Pisa, 
456  ;  revolution  in,  456  ;  improved  po- 
sition of,  456;  architecture  in,  45S ; 
banks  in,  459  ;  industry  of,  459  ;  buys 
right  of  self-government,  465  ;  Coun- 
cil of,  515  ;  birthplace  of  art  of  repro 
duction  by  engraving,  533 

Florentine  plague,  the,  398 

Florus,  146 

Flotte,  Peter,  371,  377 

Flowers,  palace  of,  103 

Foix,  Count  de,  295,  368 

Foix,  house  of,  Navarre  passes  to,  479 

Folkungar,  484 

PolkTzsor,  527 

Follis  senatorijts,  5 

Fontenay,  battle  of,  145,  146 

Fontenelle,  monastery  of,  120 ;  schools 
in,  137  ;  abbey  of,  226 

Fontevrault,  abbey  of,  214 

Food  donations,  6 

Foolish  Virgins,  represented  in  the 
Mysteries,  520 

Forcalquier,  added  to  Catalonia,  302 

Forest  Charter,  the,  386  and  note 

Forismarita^iu}>i,  209 

Formariage,  209 

Formigny,  battle  of,  432 

Forth,  River,  390 

Fortieths,  levy  of,  508,  509 

Forum,  the,  206 

Forum  Jiidiciun,  62 

France,  131  and  note.  368  ;  assembly  in, 
64  ;  first  marking  off  from  Germany, 
146  ;  loses  natural  limits,  146  ;  forma- 
tion of  kingdom,  154;  union  with 
Germany  and  Italy,  154  ;  separation 
from  Germany,  155 ;  pillaged  by 
Norsemen,  157,  159,  166  ;  pillaged  by 
Saracens,  167;  invaded  by  Norsemen, 
483;  House  of,  174;  customs  in,  177; 


554 


INDEX. 


effects  of  Norman  conquest  of  Eng- 
land on,  i86;  claim  to  the  imperial 
crown,  187;  Duke  of,  192,  216;  expe- 
dition against,  by  Otto  II.,  196;  eccle- 
siastical power  in,  207  ;  disturbances 
in,  213  ;  monasteries  in,  224  ;  tirst  cru- 
sade, 245  ;  fired  by  Peter  the  Hermit, 
266 ;  army  in  the  crusades,  267 ; 
preaching  the  crusade  in,  273  ;  wars 
of,  278  ;  a  leader  in  expeditions  against 
Asia,  286  ;  struggle  with  Albigenses, 
289 ;  divisions  in,  292  ;  bounds  in 
early  part  of  thirteenth  century,  294 
(note) ;  expulsion  of  Arabs  from, 
295 ;  Roman  municipal  institutions 
in,  306  and  note,  307  ;  cornmerce  of, 
321;  fairs  in,  322;  cultivation  of  mul- 
berries in,  323 ;  literature  of,  332, 
517-52'.  527  ;  language  of,  333  ;  poetry 
in,  333  ;  Marie  of,  335  ;  rise  of  Gothic 
architecture  in,  340  (note);  Henry 
II. 's  possessions  in,  346  ;  defeated  by 
Henry  II.,  350  ;  rousing  of  national 
spirit,  355  ;  steps  towards  unity  in, 
360  ;  hostility  of  Aquitaine  to,  363  ; 
development  of  law  in,  365-367  ;  im- 
provement of  the  coinage,  366  ;  pre- 
ponderance of  power  in  Europe,  367  ; 
possessions  of  clergy  in,  373 ;  ac- 
quires Sicily  and  Aragon,  374  ;  strikes 
blow  at  papal  power,  374  ;  expulsion 
of  foreigners  from,  375  ;  provincial 
parliaments  in,  382  (note);  rule  of  suc- 
cession in,  383;  feudalism  in,  392; 
preliminaries  of  the  Hundred  Years' 
War,  392;  Edward  III.'s  claims  to 
crown  of,  396  ;  invaded  by  Edward 
III.,  396  ;  outflanked,  397  ;  total  de- 
feat of,  398 ;  reform  demanded  in, 
401  ;  taxation  in,  402,  437  ;  renuncia- 
tion of  claim  to  crown  by  Edward 
III.,  405;  internal  disturbances,  411, 
417 ;  opposition  to  Rome,  42^ ;  des- 
perate plight  of,  426 ;  English  de- 
mands on,  430;  truce  with  England, 
431  ;  currency  in,  437  ;  the  royal 
power  in,  437;  commerce  of  Genoa 
with,  458  ;  supports  Clement  VII., 
510;  revolutionary  forces  in,  511; 
English  wars  in,  518 ;  chivalry  of, 
527;  improvements  in  artillery,  534 

Franche-Comte,  22,  219 ;  annexed  by 
Conrad  II.,  198 

Franc  homage,  202  (note) 

Francis  I.,  424,  441 ;  establishes  Con- 
cordat of  1516,  440 

Franciscans,  expelled  from  Sicily,  257  ; 
establishment  of  order,  289  ;  persecu- 
tions of,  383 

Franconia,  189,  218,  247,  466 ;  elects 
Conrad  I.,  190  ;  boundaries  of,  218  ; 
Hohenstaufen  possessions  in,  247  ; 
prosperity  in,  315  ;  commerce  of,  320 

Franconia,  Duke  of,  resists  Otto,  192 

Franconia,  House  of,  463;  enmity  to, 
241  ;  extinction,  244 

Frankfort,  prosperity  of,  315,472;  Prag- 
matic Sanction  of,  470,  507 


Frankish  Empire,  decline  of,  180 
Franks,  54,  57,  62,  118,  158,  i6g;  confed- 
eration of,  II ;  expel  GothsJ  from 
Spain,  22;  allied  with  Romans  against 
Attila,  25;  Salian,  28;  union  with 
Saxons,  28,  29;  dominion  in  Gaul,  29; 
conversion  of,  30;  alliance  with  Bur- 
gundians  against  Visigoths,  30  (note); 
expeditions  of,  32;  history  of,  32;  in 
possession  of  most  of  Gaul,  32;  split 
in,  32;  driven  out  of  Italy,  33;  unity 
of,  33,  34;  defeated  by  Theodoric,  35; 
attack  Lombards, 39;  neutrality  of,  48; 
preponderance  of,  in  Western  Eu- 
rope, 60;  taxation  of,  65  (note);  new 
era  in  history,  107;  reorganized  king- 
dom of,  121;  extent  of  dominion, 
129 
Fraxinet,  Saracens  at,  167 
Fredegonda,  56-58 

Frederick  I.  (Barbarossa),  rule  of,  249- 
253;  embarks  on  the  third  crusade,  276; 
break-up  of  his  army,  276;  interview 
with  Alexander  III.  at  Venice,  279; 
revenues  of,  461 
Frederick  II.,  355  (note),  444,  460,  462, 
464;  death  of,  246,  443;  reign  of,  255- 
259;    invokes  aid   of     Saracens,   259; 
leads  sixth  crusade,  282;   truce   with 
Melik-el-Kamel,  282;  crowned  king  of 
Jerusalem,  282;  opposes  Tartars,  283; 
exalts   the     Teutonic    Knights,    291; 
detains  French  prelates, 362;  deposed, 
507;  favors  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction, 
508 
Frederick  III.  (the  Fair),  468,  470,  474 
Frederick,  King  of  Sicily,  454 
Frederick  of  Austria,  taken   prisoner, 

445 

Fredzim,  the,  65 

Freeman,  E.  A.,  article  by,  22  (note); 
"  Norman  Conquest,"  184  (note) 

Freemen,  63;  under  Roman  Empire,  6; 
disappearance  of,  208  and  note 

Freiburg,  467 

Freising,  Otto  of,  202 

French,  invasion  of  Spain  by,  406;  vote 
in  Council  of  Constance,  514 

French  Flanders,  371 

French  language,  in  composition  of 
English  language,  522;  earliest 
monument  of,  145;  the  court  lan- 
guage in  England, 186 and  note;  prev- 
alence of,  523 

Freya,  12 

Friars  Minor,  289 

Friedensgeld,  the,  65 

Friesland,  189,218,219  (note);  mission  to, 
116;  death  of  St.  Boniface  in,  117; 
commerce  of,  321;  coveted  by  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  425 

Frisians,  the,  11;  alliance  with  Neustri- 
ans,  106;  tendency  towards  independ- 
ence, 106;  Charles  Martel's  cam- 
paigns against,  107;  settle  in  North 
Germany,  464;  settlers  in  Transylva- 
nia, 490 

Frisingen,  diocese  established,  117 


INDEX. 


555 


Friuli,   ravages   of   Hungarians,    i68; 

Duke  of,  124,  188,  194 
Froissart,  419,   496,   518,  519,    534;    on 

Church  troubles,  515 
Front  du  Bceuf,  182 
Fuero  Juzgo,  62 
Fulda,  schools,    136;    abbot  of,    fight 

with  bishop  of  Hildesheim,  238 
Fulk,  preaches  the  crusade,  278 
Fulk  Rechin,  179 
Fulk  Nerra,  178 
Fulrad,  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  120 
Furst,  Walter,  467 
Furst,  467,  533;   invention  of  printing, 

533 

Gabelle,  the,  407 

Gabriel,  82;  Mohammed's  pretended 
revelation  from,  78 

Gabrini,  Nicolas,  452 

Gaels,  at  Bruanburh,  162 

Gaeta,  39,  129,  194;  threatened  by  Sara- 
cens, 166 

Gaileswintha,  56 

Gaiseric,  28,  166;  attack  on  Western 
Empire,  18;  invades  Africa,  22,  23; 
conquests  of,  23;  opposed  by  Theodo- 
sius  II.,  24;  attacks  Rome,  26;  rule 
and  death  of,  26 

Galata,  502 

Galatia,  47 

Galeazzo,  Gian,  begins  Milan  cathe- 
dral, 458 

Galen,  102 

Galicia,  296,  297 

Gal'.aecia,  Suevian  kingdom  in,  21 

Gallican  Church,  doctrines  of,  513;  es- 
tablishment of  liberty  of,  515 

Gallipolis,  seized  by  Catalan  mercenar- 
ies, 492:  occupied  by  the  Turks,  493; 
captured  by  Soliman,  494;  recap- 
tured by  crusaders,  496 

Gallo-Romans,  demand  independence, 
139;  language  of,  139 

Gama,  Vasco  de,  319 

Gambling,  among  the  Germans,  13 

Ganerbschaften,  the,  462 

Ganges,  River,  96,  261;  Tamerlain's 
descent  upon,  498 

Garcias,  inherits  Navarre,  298 

Garden  of  Roses,  338 

Garigliano,  River,  129,  166 

Garonne  River,  217 

Gascoigne,  William,  416 

Gascons,  68,  145;  submit  to  Dagobert, 
60;  tendency  towards  independence, 
106;  fight  Charlemagne,  128:  revolt  of, 
1.J2;  found  kingdom  of  Navarre,  296; 
give  allegiance  to  France, 410;  English 
sy    pathies  of,  432 

Gascony,  131,  345,  duchy  of,  217;  oppres- 
sion of,  408 

Gascaldus,  39  (note) 

Gate  of  Tears,  72 

Gatinais,  the,  ceded  to  Philip  I.,  179; 
customs  in,  312 

Gaul,  54;  under  Roman  Empire,  i;  pre- 
fect 01,3;  vice-prefect  of  ,3, 4;  attack  of 


barbarians  on,  19;  usurpers  in,  21;  ex- 
pulsion of  Goths  from,  by  Franks,  22; 
spread  of  the  Goths  over,  22;  Attila's 
ravages  in,  24;  partition  of,  29;  under 
Barbarian  rule,  29;  Franks  in  posses- 
sion of,  32;  Gothic  occupation  of,  35; 
diocese  of,  36;  taking  of,  by  Constan- 
tine,  40  (note);  under  Dagobert,  60; 
Burgundian  occupation  of,  62;  Visi- 
goth occupation  of,  62;  Visigoth  su- 
premacy in,  89  (note);  Arab  invasion 
of,  89,  90;  remnants  of  paganism  in, 
lis;  anarchy  in,  151 

Gauls,  boast  of  subjection  to  Franks, 
140;  adventurous  spirit  of,  180 

Gaunt,  John  of,  claims  crown  of  Castile, 

Gaveston,  Piers,  390,  391 

Gaza,  battle  of,  284 

Gazali,  100 

Gazna,  96 

Gaznevides,  dynasty  of,  96 

Gefolge,  the,  11 

Geisa,  489  (note),  490 

Gelimer,  assassinates  Hilderic,  47 

Gemistius  Pletho,  532 

Geneva,  ceded  to  Godigisel,  30 

Geneva,  cardinal  of,  elected  Pope,  510 

Geneva,  Count  of,  invades  southern 
France,  293 

Genin,  edition  of  "  Chanson  de  Ro- 
land," 287  (note) 

Genoa,  194,  219,  258,  450,  468;  under  the 
Emperor  of  the  East,  114;  Italian  re- 
publican consuls  at,  248 ;  roused 
against  Frederick  II.,  257;  fleet  at- 
tacked by  Pisan  ships,  257;  fleet  sup- 
plies crusaders,  269;  embarkation  of 
Philip  Augustus  at,  276  ;  freedom  in, 
306 ;  war  with  Venice,  319;  commerce 
of,  320,458,  459;  lends  fleet  to  Philip  the 
Fair,  383;  power  of,  449;  quarrel  with 
Venice,  453;  banks  at,  459;  buys  right 
of  self-government,  465;  wars  with 
Aragon,  479 ;  crusaders  hire  vessels 
from,  501 

Genoese,  put  compass  to  use,  322,  323; 
in  defence  of  Constantinople,  502 

Gens  petestatis,  208 

Geoffrey,  son  of  Henry  II.,  350 

Geoffrey  of  Anjou,  178,  345 

Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  334,  524 

Geography,  Arian  influence  on,  102 ; 
influence  of,  304 

George  of  Trebizond,  532 

Georgia,  tribute  levied  on,  96 ;  Timur's 
descent  upon,  499 

Gepida;,  the,  17,  23;  overwhelmed  by 
Theodoric,  34;  kingdom  destroyed,  38 

Gerbert,  175  (note),  225 

Germanic  ideas  of  law,  65  (note) 

Germanic  invasion,  i,  70 

Germanic  race,  union  of,  129 

German  influence  in  Italy,  194 

German  race,  union  of,  139 

Germans,  menace  to  Rome,  10, 11 ;  traits 
of,  11;  social  status  of,  64;  attack  on 
the  Empire  of  the  West,  71 ;  language 


556 


INDEX. 


of  1  i39i  524 ;  support  Louis  the  Pious, 
143;  the  "  arm  of  Christianity,"  196; 
massacred  in  the  Taurus,  274;  invade 
southern  France,  293;  vote  in  Council 
of  Constance,  514 

German  States,  threatened  by  Arabs, 
90 

Germany,  Tacitus's  book  on,  11 ;  bards 
of,  13;  land  cultivation  in,  13;  rise  of , 
132  ;  rebellion  against  Louis  the 
Pious,  144 ;  first  marking  oil  from 
France,  146;  military  organization 
of,  149;  formation  of  kingdom,  154; 
united  with  Italy,  154 ;  fortresses  in, 
169 ;  claim  to  the  imperial  crown, 
187 ;  Slav  invasions  of,  188  ;  separa- 
tion from  France,  155  ;  Arnulf 's  power 
in,  t88  ;  divisions  of,  189  ;  claims  on 
Italy,  194 ;  insurrection  in,  196  ;  east- 
ern policy  of,  197 ;  ecclesiastical  jjower 
in,  207 ;  boundaries  of,  218 ;  in  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  218 ;  language  in, 
226;  Henry  IV.,  master  of,  242;  strug- 
gle with  Italy,  245,  248  ;  feudalism  in, 
246;  Frederick  II.'s  consent  to  divi- 
sion of,  259 ;  passage  of  crusaders 
through,  266,  267 ;  preaching  of  cru- 
sades in,  273;  Richard  I.'s  imprison- 
ment in,  *77  and  note  ;  wars  of,  278  ; 
offensive  doctrines  in,  292  ;  commerce 
of,  321 ;  literature  of,  332,  526,  527 ; 
epic  poetry  in,  334;  war  with  Louis  the 
Fat,  344  ;  possessions  of  clergy  in,  373  ; 
the  great  interregnum,  460,  461,  464  ; 
private  warfare  in,  462,  472 ;  settlers  in 
North,  463,  464 ;  Rudolf's  policy  to- 
ward, 466;  arch-chancellor  of,  471; 
diversity  of  constitutions  in,  475  ;  Sig- 
ismund  elected  emperor,  491 ;  sup- 
ports Urban  VI.,  510 ;  classical  study 

_in,  532 

Gerontius,  21 

Gerson,  511-513 

Gessler,  467 

Ghassan,  kingdom  of,  73,  74 

Ghent,  395,  418,  422;  military  strength 
of,  308;  wealth  of,  370;  motto  of,  321 

Ghibellines,  the,  247,  446,  450,  451,  468; 
deride  Alexandria,  251;  quarrel  with 
the  Guelfs,  254  ;  banishment  of,  372 

Giaffar,  94 

Giano  della  Bella,  450 

Gibraltar,  origin  of  name,  89 

Gibraltar,  Straits  of,  21;  crossed  by 
Almohades,  60,  302 

Gijon,  296,  300 

Giotto,  340,  458 

Girona,  capture  of,  368 

Gironde,  409 

Gisborne,  Guy  of,  522,  523 

Gisela,  120 

Gisors,  battle  of,  353 

Giussano,  Albert,  252 

Glaber,  Rodulfus,  177,  232 

Glaris,  467 

Glass,  323 

Glendower,  Owen,  415 

Gloucester,  Duke  of,  opposes  Richard 


II.,  413,  414;  killed  by  Richard  II., 
414  ;  quarrel  with  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
425  ;  contributions  to  Oxford  Univer- 
sity library,  533 

Gloucester,  Earl  of,  388 

Glycerius,  26 

Gnesen,  archbishop  of,  485 

God,  truce  of,  212,  225,  235,  266 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  267,  268,  269;  kills 
Rudolf,  242 ;  enters  Jerusalem,  270 ; 
chosen  king  of  Jerusalem,  270;  com- 
piles Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  271  and 
note 

Godfrey  of  Harcourt,  398,  399 

Godfrey  of  Villehardouin,  279,  337 

Godfried,  127 

Godigisel,  killed  by  Gundobad,  30 

Godwine,  180,  181 

Gold  dust,  imported  from  Africa,  482 

Golden  Book,  the,  449 

Golden  Bull,  the,  40T,  471,  472,  491 

Golden  Horde,  Timur's  attack  on,  498 

Golden  Horn,  the,  502 

Goldsmithing,  323 

Golgotha,  265 

Gollheim,  466 

Gonzagas,  the,  448 

Good  Hope,  Cape  of,  303,  482 

Gospel,  spread  of,  109 ;  influence  of, 
261 

Gospels,  revision  by  Charlemagne,  136 

Gota,  484 

Goth,  Bertrand  de,  380 

Gothic  architecture,  38,  233,  339 

Gothic  Empire,  the,  17 

Gothic  ritual  used  in  Spain,  299;  tri- 
umph in  the  ordeals,  299 

Gothland,  branch  office  of  Hanseatic 
League  at,  321 

Goths,  7,  10,  II,  17,  44,  158, 169,  488  ;  ad- 
mission to  the  Empire,  17;  in  Rome, 
20  ;  check  the  Suevi  in  Spain,  21 ;  lack 
of  seamanship  among,  21 ;  expulsion 
from  Gaul,  22 ;  Theodoric's  return 
for  aid,  35  ;  land  taxes  among,  36  ;  re- 
lations with  Romans  under  Theo- 
doric,  36 ;  move  against  Belisarius, 
48 ;  of  Septimania,  145  ;  rivalry  with 
Swedes,  484 

Gotland,  221 ;  surrendered  to  Denmark, 
484 

Gotteschalk,  266 

Gottfried  von  Strassburg,  338 

Goitschalk,  223 

Gozlin,  154 

Grafen,  59,  64 

Granada,  reputation  for  silks,  103 

Grandella,  battle  of,  444,  445 

Grands  Jours,  held  at  Troves,  382 

Great  Britain,  elements  of  population, 
40;  invasions  of,  40 ;  St.  Augustine 
appointed  primate,  115 

Great  Flag,  battalion  of  the,  252 

Great  Land,  the,  i66 

Great  Ordinance  of  Reform,  the,  402 

Grecules,  267 

Greece,  447 ;  pillage  of,  13 ;  under 
Roman    Empire,    x ;    Gregory    the 


INDEX. 


557 


Great's  interest  in,  ii6  ;  ravaged  by 
Otto,  195  ;  menaced  by  Normans,  221 ; 
peace  with  Russia,  262,  263  ;  passage 
of  crusaders  through,  367 ;  feudal 
relics  in,  281  ;  withdrawal  of  Mace- 
donian dominion  from,  448;  Venetian 
possessions  in,  458 

Greek,  study  of,  in  Paris,  532 

Greek  architecture,  232 

Greek  civilization,  261 

Greek  Empire,  43,  482 

Greek  fire,  88,  262 

Greek  influence  in  Italy,  194 

Greek  pirates,  capture  Otto  II.,  196 ; 
capture  Louis  VII.,  275 

Greeks,  struggles  in  Italy,  33  ;  dominion 
in  Italy,  38  ;  attack  Lombards,  39  ; 
war  w^ith  Mohammed,  80  ;  Arab  con- 
quests from,  85 ;  expulsion  from  Spain 
by  Visigoths,  89  (note);  influence  on 
Arabs,  100 ;  skill  in  medicine,  T02 ; 
Charlemagne's  campaigns  against, 
123;  attack  Benevento,  236;  struggles 
with  Bulgarians,  263  ;  success  against 
Arabs,  263  ;  lose  Asia  Minor,  264;  re- 
vival of  navy,  263;  take  the  Archi- 
pelago and  the  Morea,  263;  deceive 
Conrad  III.,  274;  rivals  of  Venetians, 
278;  opposition  of  Carolingians  to, 
374 

Green,  J.  R.,  works  of,  40  (note);  "  His- 
tory of  England,"  160  (note) 

Greenland,  165  ;  invaded  by  Norsemen, 
483 

Gregentius,  74 

Gregorian  chant,  the,  116 

Gregorian  Code,  44 

Gregory  of  Tours,  28,  31 

Gregory  the  Great,  59  ;  career  of,  114- 
116;  dialogues  of,  162 

Gregory  II.,  117,  118 

Gregory  III.,  ii8'  institutes  policy  of 
independence  of  the  Holy  See,  40 

Gregory  IV.,  143 

Gregory  V.,  196 

Gregory  VII.,  108,  117,  215,  239,  252,  253, 
299,  371  (note),  372,  490,  506;  quarrel 
with  Henry  IV.,  179  ;  career  of,  239- 
243  ;  contemplates  crusade,  265 

Gregory  IX.,  256,  372  ;  convokes  coun- 
cil at  the  Lateran,  257  •  deposes  Fred- 
erick II.,  257  ;  decLtb  01, 25S  ;  decretals 
of,  507 

Gregory  X.,  446,  464. 

Gregory  XL,  510 

Gregory  XIL,  511 ;  deposed,  512  ;  ab- 
dication of,  514 

Gregory  XIII.,  330 

Grenada,  103  ;  independence  of,  99  ; 
an  intellectual  centre,  99  ;  e.xpedition 
against,  406 ;  the  last  refuge  of  the 
Mussulmans,  476 

Grimoald,  39,  66 

Gripho,  118 

Guad-al-Lete,  River,  89 

Guadalquivir,  River,  89,  103 

Gudrun,  338 

Gueldres,  Duke  of,  420 


Guelfs,  the,  247, 254,  277  (note),  446,  450, 
45I1  453.  468;  quarrel  with  the  Ghibel- 
lines,  254 

Guerande,  treaty  of,  406 

Guesclin,  Du,  530.   See  also  Du  Guksc- 

LIN. 

Guibert  of  Nogent,  213,  266,  287,  309 

Guido,  Duke  of  Spoleto,  188 

Guienne,  360,  361  ;  left  in  John's  hands, 
355;  ceded  to  England,  364;  attempted 
seizure  by  Philip  the  Fair,  369  ;  at- 
tached to  England,  370;  held  by 
Philip  the  Fair,  370 ;  Edward  III., 
does  homage  for,  384,  394  ;  English 
possession  of,  392,  397;  Black  Prince's 
campaign  in,  399;  conquered  by 
Charles  V.,  410;  reconquered  by 
France,  432 

Guilds,  323  and  note,  463 

Guines,  ceded  to  Edward  III.,  405 

Guiot  de  Provins,  322 

Guiraut  de  Borneil,  333 

Guiscard,  Robert,  236 ;  rescues  Greg- 
ory VII.,  242 

Gundicar,  cessions  to,  22,  28 

Gundobad,  32 ;  murders  his  brothers, 
29;  kills  Godigisel,  30;  defeated  by 
Clovis,  30 ;  publishes  law  of  Bur- 
gundians,  62 

Gundovald,  57 

Gunpowder,  102  ;  discovery  of,  330;  in- 
fluence of,  505,  534 

Gunther  of  Schwartzburg,  470 

Gunthramn,  55,  56,  69 ;  alliance  with 
Childebert,  58  ;  death,  58 

Gunthramn-Bozo,  57 

Gutenberg,  invention  of  printing,  533 

Guthrum,  invasions  of  England,  159, 
160  ;  defeat  of,  160 

Guy,  Count  of  Flanders,  370 

Guy  de  Lusignan,  besieges  Ptolemais, 
276  ;  taken  prisoner  by  Saladin,  276 ; 
obtains  Cyprus,  277 

Guy  of  Gysborne,  522,  523 

Habeas  Corpus,  385  and  note 

Hafa,  73 

Hadji-Begtasch,  names  the  Janizaries, 
494,  495 

Hadramaut,  73 ;  adhesion  to  Moham- 
med, 80 

Hadrian  I.,  124 

Hadrian  IV.,  215;  calls  Frederick  I.,  to 
Rome,  249 ;  quarrels  with  Frederick 
I.,  249;  death  of,  251;  action  towards 
emancipation  of  serfs,  316 

Hainault,  coveted  by  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, 425  ;  Jacqueline  of,  425 

Hakim,  97,  265 

Hakon,  527  ;  becomes  king  of  Norway, 
484 

Hakon  IV.,  484 

Hakon  VI.,  485 

Halberstadt,  foundation  of  bishopric, 
126 

Hales,  Ale.xander  of,  330 

Hall  of  Columns,  192 

Ham,  73 


558 


INDEX. 


Hamburg,  rebuilt,  198;   prosperity  of, 

315  ;  subject  to  Waldemar,  483 
"  Hamlet,"  527 
Hammad,  memory  of,  100 

Hanbar,  taken  by  Khalid,  86 

Hannibal,  20 

Hansa,  the,  321 

Hanseatic  League,  320,  321,  463;  seizes 
commerce  of  the  Baltic,  483 

Hapsburg-,  Albert  of,  466 

Hapsburg,  House  of,  468;  acquires  Aus- 
tria, 247  (note) ;  acquires  Hungary,  491 

Hapsburg,  Rudolf  of,  446;  election  of, 
464 

Harcourt,  Godfrey  of,  398,  399 

Harfleur,  English  capture  of,  423 

Harlem,  so-called  birth-place  of  print- 
ing, 533 

*'  Harmonies  of  the  Gospels,  The,"  525 

Haro,  house  of,  476 

Harold,  proclaimed  king  of  England, 
180;  ascends  English  throne,  181;  war 
with  Tostig,  181;  death  of,  182 

Haroun-al-Rashid,  94,95;  relations  with 
Charlemagne,  132 

Harthacnut,  180 

Hartmann  von  der  Aue,  338 

Hasbain,  battle  of,  421 

Haschim,  great-grandfather  of  Moham- 
nied,  77 

Hashimites,  movement  against,  87 

Hassan,  conquers  Carthage,  88 

Hastings,  154,  157  and  note;  driven 
from  England,  162 

Hastings,  battle  of,  181,  182,  230;  sends 
deputies  to  Parliament,  314 

Haute  justice,  court  of,  205 

Haute-Marne,  58 

Havelborg,bishopric  of,  193 

Hawkweed,  John,  455 

Hebrides,  Norse  occupation  of,  165 

Hedjaz,  73,  75;  rivalry  with  Yemen,  74; 
dialect  in,  99 

Hedwig,  486 

Heerban,  the,  191 

Heidelberg,  University  of,  532,  note; 
bequest  to  library,  533 

Helena,  Empress,  265 

Hellespont,  493,  501;  crossed  by  Mus- 
sulmans, 88 

Helmichis,  assassinates  Alboin,  58 

Helvetia,  St.  Columban's  mission  to, 
115;  transportation  of  Saxons  to,  125 

Henghist,  41 

Henoticon,  the,  44 

Henry,  Count  of  Anjou,  345 

Henry,  Count  of  Troycs,  311 

Henry,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  178 

Henry,  Duke  of  Viscu,  481 

Henry,  king  of  the  Romans,  revolt  of, 
257 

Henry,  son  of  Henry  H.,  350 

Henry  I.,  of  England,  385;  grants 
charter  to  London,  313;  rule  of,  343; 
arranges  succession,  345;  death,  345 

Henry  I.,  of  F'rance,  179 

Henry  L,  of  Germany,  190,  191 

Henry  II.,  of   England,  251,  293,  371 


(note);  municipal  government  of,  313, 
314;  reign  of,  346-351;  does  penance, 
350;  enters  Ireland,  350 

Henry  II.,  ol  Germany,  196,  197,  466 
(note). 

Henry  III.,  of  Castile,  478,  480 

Henry  III.,  of  England,  476;  accession 
of,  357;  invades  France,  363;  over- 
thrown by  barons,  364;  treaty  with 
Louis  IX.,  364;  reign  of,  386-388;  in- 
vasion of  England  by  Italian  priests 
in  time  of,  508 

Henry  III.,  of  Germany,  199;  career 
of,  235-238;  assists  Leo  IX.,  236; 
checked  in  Sicily,  236;  restores  Peter 
the  German  to  theHungarian  throne, 
490 

Henry  IV.,  of  Castile,  478 

Henry  IV.,  of  England,  416  (note);  as- 
sumes crown,  415;  reign  of,  415,  416; 
refusal  of  recognition  by  Duke  of 
Orleans,  422;  growth  of  public  lib- 
erty, 435 

Henry  IV.,  of  Germany, 228, 243;  quarrel 
with  Gregory  VII.,  179;  struggle  with 
the  Church,  240;  traffic  in  ecclesiasti- 
cal dignities,  240;  declared  deposed, 
241 ;  insubordination  to  the  Pope,  241; 
humiliation  of,  241,  242;  contrasted 
with  Frederick  II.,  255;  check  to 
literature,  525 

Henry  v.,  of  England,  accession  of,  416 
and  note;  necessity  of  war  for,  422; 
mission  in  France,  423;  recognized  as 
heir  of  Charles  VI.,  424;  recognized 
by  States  General,  424;  marries  Cath- 
erine, 425;  death,  425;  dependence  on 
Parliament,  435,  436 

Henry  V.,  of  Germany,  344,  345;  settles 
quarrel  over  investitures,  243;  deat^i, 
244;  grants  privileges  to  artisans,  315 

Henry  VI., of  England,  proclaimed  king 
of  France,  425;  Aquitaine  and  Nor- 
mandy yielded  to,  430;  crowned  king- 
of  France  at  Paris,  430 

Henry  VI., of  Germany,  holds  Richard 
I.  for  ransom,  277 

Henry  VI.,  of  Italy,  rule  of,  253 

Henry  VII.,  of  England  416  (note),  451, 
468,  469 

Henry  of  Anjou,  350 

Henry  of  Bolingbroke,  banished,  414 

Henry  of  Burgundy,  seizes  Portucale, 
300;  patronizes  troubadours,  531 

Henry  of  Monmouth,  425 

Henry  of  Transtamare,  406,  407,  477 

Henry  of  Windsor,  425 

Henry  the  Fowler.  See  Henry  I.,  of 
Ge^kmanv. 

Henry  the  Lion,  247,  254,  277  (note).  461 ; 
refuses  alliance  with  Frederick  I., 
251 ;  downfall  of,  252 

Henry  the  Proud,  rule  of,  246,  247;  do- 
minion of.  247 

Her,  seized  by  Norsemen,  157 

Heraclius,  43,  263;  career  of,  51-53;  alli- 
ance with  Khazars,  52;  attack  on  the 
Persians,  52;  pursued  by  the  Avars, 


INDEX, 


559 


52;  attacks  Asia  Minor,  52;  recovers 

the  True  Cross,  53;  ambassage  from 

Dagobert,  61:  relations  with  Sloham- 

med,  80;  defeated    by  Arabs,   85;  on 

the  Ponius,  94;  saves  Constantinople 

from  the  Avars,  127;  crown  of,  489; 

an  apostolic  see,  no 
Heraldry,  288 
Hercules,  Strait  of,  89 
Heredity,  of  benefices,  152;  of  offices, 

152;  right  of,  246 
Heresy,  225,  227 

Heretics,  treatment  by  Honorius,  22 
Here  ward,  184 
Heribert,  198 
Heristal,  Pippin  of,  68 
Herlembald,  expelled  from  Milan,  240 
Herinandades,  480 
Hermann,  124 
Hermanrich,  16,  296 
Hermanstadt,  capital  of  Transylvania, 

490,  491 ;  battle  near,  500 
Hermath,  River,  129 
Hermeric,  28 
Hermits,  in 
Hermogenian  Code,  44 
Hermunduri,  11 
Herring  fishery,  321,  322 
Herrings,  Day  of  the,  426 
Hertha,  12 
Heruli,  the,  11,  26,  27,  34;  cessions  to, 

35;  occupation  of  Italy,  62 
Herulians,  in  Narses'  army,  48 
Hersog,  the,  12 
Hescham,  93,  98,  99,  297 
Hessels,  J.  H.,  article  on  printing,  533, 

note 
Hialmar  the  Vanquished,  527 
Hida,  abbot  of  182 
Hidalgos,  480 

Hierarchy,  civil  and  military,  2 
High  justice,  court  of,  205 
High  treason,  434 
Hildebrand,  181,  237  and  note;  influence 

of,  238  ;  becomes  Pope,  239  ;  song  of, 

525 
Hilderic,  47,  48 
Hildesheim,    foundation    of  bishopric, 

126;  bishop  fights  with  abbot  of  Ful- 

da,  238 
Himalayas,  the,  103 
Himyarite  dialect,  99 
Hincmar,  153,  223 
Hindostan,  introduction  of  the  Koran 

to,  96  ;  reached  by  Benjamin  of  Tu- 

dela,  318  ;  ravaged  by  Timur,  498 
Hiong-Nu,  14 
Hippo,  siege  of,  23 
Hira,   kingdom   of,   73,    74 ;   taken   by 

Khalid,86 
"  Histoire  Littdraire  de  la  France,"  336 

(note) 
"  History    of    England,"    Green's,  40 

(note) 
"  History  of  England,"  Stubbs's,  313 

(note) 
"History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire," 

x6  (note) 


Hodgkin, ,  author,  i6  (note) 

Hohenstaufen,  House  of,  254,  337,  460, 
461 

Hohenstaufen  lands,  247;  union  of,  247 

Hohenzollern,  house  of,  acquires  Bran- 
denburg, 247,  note 

Hojiaj,  victories  of,  88 

Holda,  12 

Holland,  mission  to,  116  ;  commerce  of, 
321  ;  prospects  of,  321;  prosperity  of 
fisheries,  322 ;  coveted  by  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  425;  supports  tJrban  VI., 
51C 

Holland,  William  of,  460 

Holstein,  rebellion  of,  485;  brought  back 
under  dominion  of  Denmark,  485 

Holy  Grail,  334 

Holy  Land,  Frederick  II. 's  vow  to  go 
to,  255 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  218,  475 

Holy  Roman  Republic,  452 

Holy  See,  policy  of  independence  of, 
40 

Holy  Sepulchre,  keys  given  to  Charle- 
magne, 132;  expedition  to  deliver, 
180  ;  Defender  and  Baron  of,  271 ;  the 
Christian's  love  for,  265 

Homage,  201 

Homer,  136,  5i9,.532  ;  Angilbert's  school 
name,  136 

Homerite  dialect,  99 

Homerites,  the,  74 

Homme  de  poeste,  208 

Homo  relation,  202 

Honey,  323 

Honorius,  4,  17,  18,  21  ;  alliance  with 
Sarus.  20  ;  kills  Stilicho,  20  •  grant  to 
the  Goths,  21  ;  cessions  to  Gundicar, 
22  ;  death  of,  22  ;  recalls  troops  from 
Britain,  40 

Honorius  II.,  239 

Honorius  III.,  255  ;  claim  as  to  bene- 
fices, 373  ;  decretals  of,  507;  claims 
right  of  disposing  of  ecclesiastical 
benefices,  508 

Hood,  Robin.     See  Robin  Hood. 

Horsa,  41 

Horses,  ancestry  of  English,  322 

Hospitalers  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem, 
272 

House  of  Commons,  391,  434,  436 

"  House  of  F"ame,"  524 

House  of  Lords,  391,  434,  435 

Hubert  de  Burgh,  386 

Hugdietrich,  338  . 

Hugh,  Count  of  "Provence,  194 

Hugh  Capet,  173-177,  188,  190,  206,  292, 
367  ;  protects  Louis  V.,  174  ;  sanctions 
for,  175 

Hugh  of  Lusignan,  360 

Hugh  the  Great,  172;  quarrel  with 
Louis  IV.,  173;  supports  Louis  IV., 
173 

Hulagu,  captures  Bagdad,  283 

Humber,  River,  42,414;  Osbeorn's  land- 
ing at,  183 

Humbert  II.,  cedes  Viennois  to  Philip 
VI.,  398 


56o 


INDEX. 


Humphrey,  236 

Hundreds,  161  and  note  ;  in  Germany, 
12  ;  division  into,  64 

Hundred  Years'  War,  437,  438,  523;  jsre- 
liminaries  of  the,  392  ;  end  of  first 
period  of,  410 ;  beginning  of  new 
period  in,  422  ;  end  of,  432  ;  effect  of, 
433 

Hungarians,  the,  15,  95  (note),  191,  200, 
482,  488,  489  ;  ravages  of,  149  ;  inva- 
sion of,  167  ;  defeats  of,  168,  192,  193  ; 
invade  Germany,  189 ;  possess  left 
bank  of  Danube,  492  ;  take  action 
against  Turks,  500 ;  destruction  of 
army,  501 

Hungary,  218,  221,  235,  455,  473,  474  ; 
Gregory  VII. 's  claim  of  suzerainty 
over,  240 ;  passage  of  crusaders 
through,  266,  267;  Frederick  I.  passes 
through,  276  ;  loses  Zara,  279  ;  Tartar 
invasion  of,  283;  severs  relations  with 
Germany,  462 ;  conquered  by  Mon- 
gols, 488  ;  value  of  cows  in,  489  ;  the 
St.  Louis  of,  490  ;  claim   to  Croatia, 

490  ;  acquired  by  House  of  Hapsburg, 

491  ;  transferred  to  House  of  Anjcu, 
491  ;  supports  Urban  VI.,  510 

Hungary,  Andrew  of,  445 

Hungary,  king  of,  455  ;  Innocent  III.'s 
power  over,  254  ;  menial  to  Boniface 
VIII.,  372  ;  papal  threats  towards,  506 

Hunold,  io8,  119,  123,  124 

Huns,  the,  14,  17,  19,  34,  127,  167,  488  ; 
westward  advance  of,  16  ;  attack  on 
Western  Empire,  18  ;  summoned  by 
Gaiseric,  23  ;  internal  dissensions,  25, 
26;  in  Narses'  army,  48  ;  invade  Dacia, 
49  (note);  of  Kharesm,  conquered  by 
jenghiz-Khan,  283 

Hunyadi,  John,  492  ;  exploits  of,  500- 
502  ;  crushing.deieat  at  Kassovia,  501 ; 
endeavors  to  keep  peace,  501  ;  made 
regent  of  Hungary,  501  ;  victory  over 
Turks,  501 

Huss,  John,  473  ;  doctrines  of,  513, 514 ; 
sent  to  the  stake,  514 

Hussite  War,  473 

Hyferes,  monastery  near,  112 

Hythe,  sends  deputies  to  Parliament, 

Iberian  language,  527 

Ibn-Badja,  loi 

Ibn-Hafson,  98  ;  revolt  of,  297 

Ibn-Tofail,  loi 

Iceland,  165;  invaded  by  Norsemen,  483 

Iconium,  kingdom  founded,  264  ;  over- 
throw of  last  sultan  of,  493 

Iconoclasts,  the,  117,  237  ;  quarrel  of, 
262 

Idda,  42 

Idiom,  formation  of  the,  521 

Idolatry  in  Hedjaz,  75 

Ignorance,  212 

Iliad,  a  Spanish,  529 

Uiad, Homer's,  compared  with  the  SoDg 
of  the  Nicbclungen,  526 


Iliad,  the  German,  338 

Illyria,  recognizes  supremacy  of  Vei> 

ice,  278 
Illyricum,  prefect  of,  3  ;  Alaric  in,  18  t 

becomes    subject    to    Theodoric,  35 ; 

Charlemagne's  empire  in,  129 
Ilmen,  Lake,  165,  487 
Images,  Huss's  attacks  on  worship  of, 

513 

"  Imitation  of  Christ,"  51X 

Impeachment,  right  of,  433,  436 

Imperial  Vicar,  the,  446 

India,  commerce  of  Novgorod  with, 
320  ;  fabled  wealth  of,  318  ;  sea  route 
to,  discovered,  482  ;  under  the  Tob- 
bas,  74 

Indian  Ocean,  73,  318 ;  boundary  of 
Arab  empire,  91 

Indians,  fear  of  Charlemagne,  133 

Indiction,  the,  5 

Indies,  482  ;  Tamerlane's  dream  of  con- 
quest, 498 

Indus,  the,  86  (note),  96,104;  Mussulman 
conquest  of  shores  of,  88  ;  boundary 
of  Arab  invasion,  90,  91 ;  Tamerlane's 
descent  upon,  498 

Industry,  Arab,  99  ;  decline  of,  212 

Ine,  162 

Infantry,  rise  of,  441  ;  growing  impor- 
tance of,  534 

Infanzones^  the,  480 

"  Inferno,  The,"  450  (note) 

Ingeborg,  254,  359 

Ingelheim,  Council  of,  173 

Ingolstadt,  University  of,  532 

Innocent  II.,  humbles  Lothar,  24!  ;  op- 
position to,  248  ;  dispute  with  Louis 
VII.,  345 

Innocent  III.,  108,  244  (note),  253,  279, 
372,  507  ;  supports  Otto  of  Brunswick, 
254;  favors  the  Ghibelline  family,  255; 
preaches  the  crusade,  278  ;  attacks 
heresy,  293  ;  remorse  of,  295  ;  calls  aid 
to  Spain,  302  •  mediates  between 
Richard  I.  and  Philip  Augustus,  353; 
authorizes  invasion  of  England,  355  ; 
annuls  Magna  Cliarta,  356  ;  espouses 
cause  of  Ingeborg,  359  ;  levies  income 
tax  on  clergy,  373  ;  doctrine  of  pon- 
tifical power,  506  ;  decretals  of,  507  ; 
levies  on  revenues  of  clergy,  508 

Innocent  IV.,  258,  372,  444 ;  incites 
Lombardy  and  Sicily  to  revolt,  258  ; 
implacable  towards  Frederick  11., 
259  ;  mission  to  Tartars,  318  ;  sets  up 
William  of  Holland,  460 

Innocent  VI.,  511 

Innsbruck,  commerce  of,  320 

Inijuisition,  the,  293,  361  ;  establishment 
of,  289 ;  growth  of,  293  (note) 

"  Institutes  of  General  History,"  so* 
(note) 

Institutes  of  Justinian,  49 

Insurance,  early,  321 

Intcrwalden,  revolt  in,  466 

"  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages,"  x6 
(note),  20O 


INDEX. 


561 


Investiture,  202 

Irak,  Arab  settlement  in,  92  ;  revolt  of 
Abassides,  92 

Irak-Arabi,  87 

Ireland,  42  ;  converted,  115  ;  Norse  in- 
vasion of,  157 ;  asylum  for  Saxons, 
183  ;  in  eleventh  century,  221 ;  con- 
quest of,  34g,  350  ;  Duke  of,  413  ;  re- 
bellion in,  415 

Irenarchs,  4 

Irene,  262  ;  conquest  of,'94 

Irmensaiile,  125 

Irnerius,  317 

Iron  crown,  195 

Ironsides,  Edmund,  163 

Irrigation,  Arab,  74 

Isaac,'king  of  Byzantium,  263 

Isabel,  wife  of  Edward  II.,  391 

Isabel  of  Bavaria,  424 

Isabella,  Queen,  478 

Isabella  o?  Castile,  479 

Isaurian  dynasty,  263 

Isaurian  gTjards,  revolt  of,  44 

Isaurians,  the,  95  ;  expelled  from  Con- 
stantinople, 44 

Ishmael,  73 

Ishmaelites,  73 

Isidore,  525 

Islam,  78  ;  empire  of,  dismembered,  139 

Islamism,  downfall  of,  271;  the  Puri- 
tans of,  87  ;  language  of,  99  ;  sects 
in,  loi 

Isle  of  France,  knights  of,  294 

Isle  of  Man,  414 

Isle  of  the  Saints,  349 

Ispahan,  conquest  of,  86;  entered  by 
Timur,  398 

Ispan,  office  of,  489 

Issus,  Heraclius's  victory  at,  52 

Istria,  146;  recognizes  supremacy  of 
Venice,  278 

Italian  language,  226;  development  of, 

5'7 

Italians,  language  of,  139;  at  battle 
of  Fontenay,  145;  vote  in  Council  of 
Constance,  514 

Italy,  44,  49,  52,  54,  61,  114,  123,  129,  144, 
371.  447.  4SI,  469.  473.  475,  488;  prefect 
and  vice-prefect  of,  3;  pillage  of,  13; 
Alaric  in,  18;  invasion  of,  by,  Suevi, 
19;  death  of  Alaric  in,  20;  invaded  by 
Attila,  25;  terrorized  by  Attila,  25; 
attacked  by  Theudibert,33;  expulsion 
of  Franks  from,  33;  descent  of  Ostro- 
goths on,  34;  Gothic  occupation  of, 
35;  submission  to  Ostrogoths,  35;  dio- 
cese of  northern,  36;  restoration  of 
prosperity  to,  37;  settlement  of  Lom- 
bards in,  38;  feudalism  in,  40;  rescued 
from  Ostrogoths,  43;  Belisarius  sent 
to,  48;  conquered  by  Lombards,  51; 
barbarian  occupation  of,  62;  the  Agla- 
bites  attack,  97;  Charlemagne  con- 
c^uers  upper  part  of,  124;  loss  of  na- 
tionality, 131;  Bernhard  becomes 
king,  133;  Pippin  crowned  king, 
133;  transferred  to  Lothaire,  146; 
ravaged  by  Saracens,  149,  167;  under 


Louis  II.,  150;  formation  of  kingdom, 
154;  united  with  Germany,  154;  de- 
cline of  imperial  power  in,  155;  at- 
tacked by  Norsemen,  157:  Saracens 
in,  166;  ravages  of  Hungarians  in, 168; 
conquest  of  southern  Italy,  179;  Nor- 
man conquests  in,  180;  fall  of,  187; 
disorder  in,  194;  Germany's  claims  on, 
194;  German  power  established  in, 
195;  Otto  II.  in,  195,  196;  internal 
dissensions,  197,  254;  under  German 
rule,  107;  Conrad  II. 's  rule  in,  198; 
feudalism  in,  198, 199  (note);  subject  to 
Otto  the  Great,  218;  in  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  218;  prevention  of  feudal- 
ism in,  219;  language  in,  226,  457; 
conflict  with  Henry  III.,  236;  Hilde- 
brand's  scheme  for  freedom  of,  238; 
weakness  of  Gregory  VII.  in,  240; 
Henry  IV. 's  success  in,  242;  struggle 
with  Germany,  245,  248;  struggle  for 
independence  in,  246;  Henry  the 
Proud's  succession  in,  247;  party 
feuds  in,  247;  division  of,  248;  repub- 
lics in,  248,  249;  attacked  by  Frederick 
I.,  249;  rebellion  against  Frederick 
I.,  249;  Frederick  I. 's  second  invasion 
of,  250;  attempts  at  union,  251;  Fred- 
erick I. 's  tyranny  over,  251;  reinva- 
sion  by  Frederick  I.,  251;  attempts  to 
foster  feudalism  in,  253;  quarrel  of  the 
Guelfs  and  Ghibellines  in,  254;  under 
dominion  of  Frederick  II.,  257;  fall  of 
German  power  in,  259;  Normans  join 
crusade,  267;  the  Inquisition  in,  289; 
offensive  doctrines  in,  292;  disputes 
of  Pope  and  Emperor  over,  305;  Ro- 
man municipal  institutions  in,  306  and 
note;  discord  in,  314;  commerce  of, 
321,  370;  cultivation  of  mulberries  in, 
323;  French  language  in,  333;  epic 
poetry  in,  334:  French  influence  in, 
364;  downfall  of  German  dominion 
in,  443;  intestine  warfare,  443;  de- 
pendence on  house  of  Anjou,  447; 
open  to  Spanish  dominion,  447; 
imperial  vicar  of,  448;  Dante  on  the 
state  of,  448;  revolutions  in,  448; 
overcomes  Germans,  456;  the  condot- 
tieri  in,  456;  industry  of,  459;  relin- 
quished by  Rudolf  of  Hapsburg,  465, 
466;  arch-chancellor  of,  471;  support 
of  Urban  VI.  in,  510;  revolutionary 
forces  in,  511;  literature  of,  517,  532 

"  Italy  and  her  Invaders,"  16  (note) 

Ivan  III.,  releases  Russia  from  Tartar 
yoke,  48S 

Ivrea,  Marquis  of,  194,  197 

"  Iwein,"  338 

Jacobjns,  the,  289 
Jacqueline  of  Hainault,  425 
Jacquerie,  the,  336,  403  (note),  417,  419, 

5" 
Jacques  Bonhomme,  336,  403  and  note 
Jacques  d'Arc,  426 
Jagello,  486,  487 
Jalula,  victory  of,  86 


562 


INDEX. 


James  (son  of  Peter  III.),  447 

James  I.  (of  Aragon),  conquers  Balearic 
Isles,  303 

James  II.,  relinquishes  claims  on  Sicil- 
ian throne,  479 

Jane,  daughter  of  Louis  X.,  383 

Jane  I.,  455 

Jane  II.,  455 

Jane,  Queen  of  Naples,  479 

Jane  of  Blois,  possessions  of,  406 

Jane  of  Evreu.x,  acquisitions  of,  394 

Jane  of  Flanders,  397 

Jane  of  Montfort,  397 

Jane  of  Penthievre,  396,  397 

Janina,  recognizes  Amurath  II.,  500 

Janizaries,  organization  of,  494 

Jargeau,  capture  of,  428 

Jaroslaf,  179 

Jean  de  Breze,  431 

Jean  de  Meung,  335 

Jectan,  73 

Jectanides,  the,  73,  74 

Jenghiz  Khan,  497;  campaigns  of,  282, 
283;  death  of,  283 

Jerome  of  Prague,  473;  sent  to  the 
stake,  514 

Jerusalem,  53,  229,  253;  surrenders  to 
Omar,  86;  an  apostolic  see,  no;  con- 
templated expeditions  against,  196; 
ruin  of,  224;  Frederick  II. 's  expedi- 
tion to,  256;  invaded  by  Malek-Shah, 
264;  falls  into  savage  hands.  265; 
Silvester  II. 's  appeal  in  behalf  of,  265; 
the  Christian's  ideal  country,  265; 
arrival  of  the  first  crusade  before,  270; 
Godfrey  chosen  king,  270;  siege  and 
assault  of,  270;  organization  of  king- 
dom for  defence,  271;  Assizes  of,  271 
and  note;  feudal  subdivisions  of,  271, 
272  and  note;  Viscount  of,  272;  Louis 
VII.  hurries  towards,  274;  taken  by 
Saladin,  276  ;  Venetian  interests  in 
kingdom  of,  273;  offer  of  cession  to 
Christians,  282;  restored  to  Chris- 
tians, 282;  lost  to  Christians,  283; 
taken  by  Turcomans,  284;  effect  of 
Christian  disasters  in,  on  Spain,  299; 
results  of  the  crusades,  303,  304; 
French  language  in,  333 

Jesuits,  creation  of,  288  (note) 

"Jeux  partis,"  333  and  note 

"  Jewel,"  the,  338 

Jews,  the,  75,  325,  326,  472  (note);  pro- 
tected by  Theodoric,  37:  resist  Mo- 
hammed, 80;  subdued  by  Mohammed, 
80;  in  favor  in  Spain,  97;  bandits,  98; 
massacre  of,  266,292;  persecutions  of, 
352,367,  383,  387;  pillaged  by  Philip 
the  Fair,  371 

Joan  of  Arc,  432;  career  of,  426-430 

J(jculators,  229 

John,  of  England  (Lackland),  254,  277, 
278,  314,  342,  350-  353.  355,  385,  386, 391, 
411,  438,  506 

John  I.,  war  with  Portugal,  478 
ohn  I.  (of  Portugal),  reign  of,  481 
John  II.,  of  Castile,  478,  479 
John  II.,  of  France,  398-405,  411,  439 


John  III.,  of  Brittany,  396 

John  IV.,  420 

John  XIII.,  19s 

John  XXII.,  469,  507,  510 

John  XXIII.,  convokes  council,  513; 
removed  by  Council  of  Constance,5i4 

John,  Duke  of  Brittany,  410 

John  du  Plan  Carpin,  318 

John  of  Bohemia,  469 

John  of  Brienne,  256,  281,  282 

John  of  Gaunt,  claims  crown  of  Cas- 
tile, 413 

John  of  Luxemburg,  451,  468 

John  of  Montfort,  396,  397,  406;  deposi- 
tion of,  409  ;  recall  of,  410 

John  of  Pecquigny,  400 

John  of  Procida,  446 

John  of  Ravenna,  457 

John  of  Swabia,  466,  467 

John  of  Troyes,  422 

John  of  Vicenza,  256 

John  Scotus,  329 

John  the  Blind,  470 

John  the  Fearless,  reign  of,  421-434 ; 
leader  in  crusade,  497 

Joinville,  285,  333,  518,  531 

Joinville,  Sire  de,  337 

Jongleurs,  229 

Jornandes,  25 

Jourdain  de  I'Isle,  383 

Jouvenel,'43i 

Jovinus,  21 

Judaism,  in  Hedjaz,  75 

Judea,  trade  of,  coveted  by  Venice,  280 

Judex,  39  (note) 

Judicael,  60 

Judicial  combat,  2«y,  299 

Judith,  142,  143 

Julian,  Count,  89  and  note 

Juliers,  margrave  of,  211 

Julius  Nepos,  26 

Jumitges,  abbey  of,  227;  monastery  of, 
127 

Jura  Mountains,  22,  144 

JurSsy  309  and  note 

Jury,  under  Charlemagne,  135";  trial 
by,  385,  436 

Jury  system,  161  and  note 

Jussuf,  leader  of  the  Almoravides,  300, 
301 

Justice,  a  barbarian  idea  of,  36,  37  ;  un- 
der Charlemagne,  135  ;  administration 
of,  in  England  under  Alfred,  i6i,  162; 
under  feudal  system,  204 

Justin  I.,  37,  45,  74 

Justin  II.,  51 

Justinian,  43,  45.  48,  51  (note),  262  ;  in- 
vites Lombards,  38  ;  attacks  the  Van- 
dals, 47  ;  avenges  Amalasuntha,  48  ; 
legislation  of,  49,  50,  372  ;  fortifies  the 
empire,  50;   death  of,  51;  works  of, 

317 

Justinian  II.,  53,  117 

Justiniani,  in  defence  of  Constantino- 
ple, 502 

Justiza^  the,  481 

Jutes,  the,  ji ;  summoned  against  Picts, 
4» 


INDEX. 


563 


Jutland,  193,  331 ;  Code  of,  483;  Duke 

of,  483 
Juvenal,  532 

Kaaba,  the,  73-75;  poems  in,  76;  in- 
sults to  Mohammed  in,  78 

Kadesiah,  battle  of,  86 

Kadonians,  the,  87 

Kahina,  leads  insurrection  of  Moors,  88 

Kahtan,  73 

Kaim,  96 

Kairowan,  founded,  88,  96, 97;  an  intel- 
lectual centre,  99,  166 

Kalisck,  duchy  of,  united  with  Posen, 
486 

Karl,  Austrasian  chief,  106 

Karlmann,  108.  121,  123,  150,  154,  188  ; 
rules  Austrasia,  118;  succeeds  Charles 
Martel,  118;  attempted  reforms,  119; 
retires  to  monastery,  iig ;  invades 
Italy,  150;  crowned  king,  150 ;  death 
of,  154 

Kars,  taken  by  Tamerlain,  498 

Kashgar,  conquered  by  Tamerlain,  498 

Kassovia,  battle  of,  496,  501 

Kempis,  Thomas  ^,  521 

Ken,  River,  184 

Kent,  41,  159 ;  devastated  by  Castilian 
fleet,  410  ;  Wat  Tyler's  insurrection 
in,  412 

Kepler,  330 

Keptchak,  Timur's  passage  through, 
498 

Kerboga,  besieges  Antioch,  269 

Kerman,  becomes  distinct  sultanate, 
'264 

Khadijah,  wife  of  Mohammed,  77; 
death  of,  79 

Khalbar,  Mohammed  subdues  Jews  of, 
80 

Khair-ed-deen-Barbarossa,  167 

Khalid,  victory  of,  85 ;  takes  Hanbar 
and  Hira,  86 

Kharegiles,  the,  87 

Kharesm,  conquered  by  Jenghiz-Khan, 
283;  Tartar  invasion  of,  283;  con- 
quered by  Timur,  49S 

Khazars,  the,  15,  52,  167,  168,  488 

Khodovendikar,  497 

Khorassan,  Arabian  conquest  of,  86; 
revolt  of  Abbassides,  92  ;  subjugation 
of,  96;  conquered  by  Jenghiz-Khan, 
283  ;  massacre  by  Timur,  408 

Kieff,  166,488;  Grand  Duchy  of,  283, 
487,  488 ;  taken  by  Norse  pirates,  487 

Kiersy-sur-Oise,  Capitulary  of,  153 

Kilij-Arslan,  264  ;  defeat  of,  268 

King  of  the  Isles,  221 

King  Rother,  3^8 

Kingsley,  Charles,  184,  note 

Kief,  succeeds  Alboin,  38;  death  of,  39 

Knighthood,  231,  232 

Knights  of  Christ,  291 

Knights  of  St.  John,  290,  291 ;  join 
seventh  crusade,  284 

Knights  of  the  German  Order,  486 

Knights  of  the  shire,  434,  435 

BlUlfhts  Templar,  291 ;  join  the  seventh 


1      crusade,  284 ;  overthrow  of  the  Order,, 

380-382 

Knoll,  Robert,  409 

Knytlinga  Saga,  164 

Kobad,  46 

Kobilovich,  Milosch,  kills  Amurath,, 
496 

Koenigsburg,  fortress  of,  291 

Kolberg,  suiTragan  bishop  of,  485 

Kolka,  battle  of,  283 

Koran,  75,  78,  81-84,139;  carried  to  Hin- 
dostan,  96 ;  influence  of,  99,  261  ; 
quoted  by  Timur,  498 

Koreisch  dialect,  99 

Koreishites,  the,  75  ;  opposition  to  Mo- 
hammed, 76,  78,  79  ;  truce  with  Mo- 
hammed, 80;  reaction  against  Hashi- 
mites,  87 

Kovvarism,  subjugation  of,  96 

Kufah,  colonized  by  Mussulmans,  86  ; 
under  Ali,  87 

Kulm,  Teutonic  Knights  settle  at,  291 

'Labor,  under  Roman  Empire,  6;  rise 
of,  323,  324 

Labrador,  discovery  of,  165 

La  Brie,  ravaged  by  Norsemen,  157 

Lactantius,  9 

Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples,  455 

Ladislaus  the  Posthumous,  474,  491,  492 

Ladislaw,  king  of  Poland,  heads  a  cru- 
sade, 500;  killed,  501 

Ladislaw  L,  rule  of,  490 

Ladulas,  Magnus,  4S4 

Lagi,  conversion  of,  46  ;  rebellion  of,  46 

Lagos,  African  company  formed  at,  483 

La  Hire,  428 

Lahore,  conquest  of,  96 

Laity,  intellectual  life  among,  506 

Lallier,  Michel,  431 

Lain  the  Bald,  529 

La  Marche,  345  ;  entered  by  Louis  IX., 
363 

La  Marche,  Count  of,  360,  363 

Lamego,  taken  by  Almanzor,  297;  taken 
by  Ferdinand  I.,  299 

Lancaster,  Duke  of,  524 ;  invades  Nor- 
mandy, 399  ;  lands  at  Calais,  409 ;  ap- 
peased by  Richard  II.,  414;  death, 
414 

Lancaster,  House  of,  435 

Land,  cultivation  in  Germany,  13;  dis- 
puted right  of  inheritance  in,  68; 

Landen,  Pippin  of,  68 

Land-grants  of  Merovingian  kings,  62, 
63 

Lando,  Michael,  453,  454 

Land  taxes,  36 

Land  tenure,  201 

Landwehr,  the,  65 

Lanfranc,  183,  227 ,  opposes  Berengar, 
228 

Langland,  William,  524 

Langres,  Burgundian  boundary,  29; 
bishop-duke  of,  217 

Langton,  Stephen,  insurrection  of,  356 

Language,  changes  in,  332  ;  formation. 
9f  the  English,  523 


564 


INDEX. 


Langruedoc,  219,  ^17,  438,  439';  adoption 
of  Roman  law  m,  317;  commerce  of, 
322  ;  fairs  in,  322  ;  war  in,  333  ;  Louis 
VIII. 's  acquisitions  in,  360;  aban- 
doned to  France,  361 ;  revolt  of,  361 ; 
rights  of  Louis  IX.  in,  364  ;  given  to 
Duke  of  Anjou,  407 

Langue  d'oc,  226,  294  (note),  332 

Langue  d'oil,  226,  294  (note) 

Laodicea,  Louis  VII. 's  disaster  in,  274 

Laon,  58,  68,  207  ;  siege  of,  173 ;  bishop 
of,  176,  400,  401 ;  bishop-duke  of,  217  ; 
commune  of,  308,  309 

Lara,  house  of,  476 

Lascaris,  532 

Las  Navas  de  Tolosa,  battle  of,  302 

Lateran,  Council  of,  257,  294 

Latin,  laws  written  in,  61  ;  universal 
language,  327 

Latin  Empire,  break-up  of,  281 ;  down- 
fall of,  449  ;  at  Constantinople,  492 

Latini,  Brunetto,  333 

Latin  language,  the,  225,  527  ;  dethrone- 
ment of,  517 

Latins,  hated  by  Greeks,  274 

Latinum,  220 

Latin  versification,  532 

Latium,  Senate  of,  146 

Latofao,  battle  of,  58 

La  Tremouille,  426,  430 

Laura,  457 

Laurentius  Valla,  532 

Law,  change  of,  436 

Laws,  personal,  64 

League  of  the  barons,  387,  388 

League  of  the  Rhine,  463 

Learning,  encouraged  by  Charlemagne, 
135,  136  ;  decay  of,  223,  224 

Leavened  bread,  quarrel  over,  262 

Lebanon,  72,  269 

Leek,  River,  127,  157 

Le  Clerc,  336  (note) 

Legions,  Roman,  8  and  note 

Legnano,  battle  of,  252 

Leicester,  42,  391 ;  Earl  of,  388 ;  de- 
stroyed by  William  the  Conqueror, 
183  and  note 

Leidradus,  137 

Leinster,  350 

Leipzig,  University  of,  532 

Leitha,  the,  490 

Lekhs,  the   14 

Lemberg,  change  of  language  in,  522 

Lenk,  497 

Lentagio,  battle  of,  48 

Leo  I.,  44 

Leo,  III.,  Emperor,  117 

Leo  III.,  Pope,  crowns  Charlemagne, 
130 

Leo  IV.,  fortifies  the  Vatican,  97 

Leo  IX.,  236  and  note,  237 

Leo  X.,  458; 

Leo  XI.,  237 

Leo  the  Great,  25,  26,  113 

Leon,  220,  296,  299,  300 ;  kingdom  of, 
397);  made  Asturian  capital,  297;  taken 
by  Almanzor,  297;  acquired  by  Ber- 
mudo,  298;    king  of,  29S,    506,  529'; 


union  with  Castile,  298 ;  military  or« 
ders  in,  302;  wrecks  at,  325 ;  chartered, 

480 
Leonidas,  281 
Leontius  Pilatus,  532 
Leopold  I.,  captures  Richard  1.,  277 
Leopold  II.,  467 

Leovigild,  89  (note);  conquers  SueTi,  si 
Lepers,  persecution  of,  383 
Lerins,  monastery  of,  112 
Lesbos,  taken  by  Venetians,  278 
Lestines,  council  of,  119 
Leudes,  the,  54,  55,  63,  65 
Leutharis,  expedition  to  Italy,  33 
Lewes,  battle  of,  388 
Lewis  I.,  486 
Lewis  IV.,  451,  468-470;  alliance  with 

England,  396  ;  excommunication  of, 

509 
Lex  Gombata,  or  Gundobada,  62 
Libanius,  3,  8 
Liberty,  442 
Libraries,  533 

Liburnia,  invaded  by  Croats,  490 
Liege,  bishop  of,  227;  death  of  Henry 

IV.  at,  243;  slaughter  of  citizens  of,  421 
Liege  homage,  202  (note) 
Liguria,  Greek  government  of,  38 
Lille,  371;  taken  by  Philip  Augustus,  355 
Limburg,  chronicles  of,  526 
Limoges,  taken  by  Louis  VIII.,  360; 

sack  of,  408 
Limousin,  345,  353;  ceded  to  England, 

364;  ceded  to  Edward  III.,  405;  rising 

in,  417 
Limousin  River,  399 
Lincoln,  42;  sends  deputies  to  Parlia- 
ment, 314 
Linen,  323  and  note 
Lingua  Cortigiana,  257 
Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence,  415,  524 
Lions,  court  of  the,  103 
Lippe  River,  125 
Literature    under    Roman    Empire,   8; 

encouragement  of,  by  Theodoric,  37; 

Arab  influence  on,  gg;  influence  of  the 

Church  upon,  517;  Spanish,  527 
Lithuania,   291;    Grand   Duke  of,  486; 

union  with  Poland,  487 
Lithuanians,  the,  14,  221 
Litus,  63 
Livonia,  subdued  by  Brothers  of  the 

Sword,  2g;  bishop  of,  291 
Livonians,  the,  14 
Livy,  452,  532 
Llewellyn,  38g 
Lodi,  250,  4^8;  bishop  of,  532 
Lodos,  battle  of,  296 
Loegrians,  the,  40;  quarrels  with  Cam- 
brians, 41 
Loire,  River,  22,  28,  29,  8g  (note),  121, 

i57i  ^sS,  173,  176,  216,  217,  294  (note), 

333.  340,  421.  424-427 
Lois  d'OIeron,  322 
"  T-oiterers,"  the,  17 
Loketek,  486 
Lollard,  origin  of  the  wordi  41a  and 

note 


INDEX. 


5^5 


Lombard  architecture,  232 

Lombard  league,  251;  the  second,  256; 
defeated  at  Cortenuova,  257 

Lombards,  the,  n,  115,  ii8, 120, 123,130, 
131,  326;  settlement  of,  in  Italy,  38; 
southern  progress  of,  38;  attacked  by 
Greeks  and  Franks,  39;  conversion  of, 
39;  first  written  laws,  39;  general 
assembly  of,  39;  in  Narses'  army,  48; 
conquered  by  Lombards,  51;  invade 
Provence,  57;  alliance  with  Dagobert, 
61;  Gregory  the  Great  in  struggles  of 
Rome  against,  114;  invasion  of,  114; 
Charlemagne's  campaigns  against, 
123:  under  Charlemagne,  124;  Charle- 
magne's action  against,  127;  preserve 
their  laws,  139;  opposition  of  Care- 
lingians  to,  374 

Lombardy,  168,  187,  194,  219,  444,  471; 
rise  of  name,  40;  occupied  by  Charle- 
magne, 124;  greets  Otto,  195;  bishops 
rebel  against  the  Pope,  239;  inde- 
pendence of,  249;  Frederick  II. 
marches  against,  257;  incited  to  re- 
volt, 258;  freedom  in,  306;  republics 
in,  307;  confederation  in,  311;  the 
tyrannies,  447;  subdued  by  Visconti, 
455;  Visconti's  supremacy  in,  456; 
commerce  of,  459;  irrigation  in,  459; 
Rudolf's  vicar  in,  465 

London,  41,  42,  183,  313,  321.  395;  cap- 
tured by  William  the  Conqueror,  182; 
first  charter  of,  313;  sends  deputies  to 
Parliament,  314;  office  of  the  Hanse- 
atic  League,  321;  entered  by  the 
barons'  army,  356;  Tower  of,  389; 
Wat  Tyler's  attack  on,  412,  413;  re- 
fuses money  to  Richard  II.,  414; 
entered  by  Bolingbroke,  415;  Chau- 
cer's birthplace,  524 

Longobards,  the.    See  Lombards. 

Longueville,  405 

Lope  de  Vegas,  530 

Lords,  House  of,  391 

Loria,  Roger  of,  447 

Loris,  customs  of,  312 

Lorraine,  150,  178, 189  (note);  formation 
of  kingdom,  154  ;  incursions  of  Hun- 
garians, 168 ;  opposes  Otto,  173 ; 
§ained  by  Charles,  174  ;  Upper,  ceded 
y  Lothaire,  174 ;  given  to  Conrad 
the  Red,  192 ;  recovered  from  the 
German  kingdom,  192 ;  resists  Otto, 
192  ;  boundaries  of,  218  ;  division  of, 
aig  (note) ;  struggle  with  Picardy, 
230;  partitioned  oy  Henry  III.,  235; 
army  in  the  crusades,  267  ;  Duke  of, 
267:  prosperity  in,  315  ;  surrenders  to 
Arthur,  353  ;  occupied  by  Philip  Au- 
gustus, 354  •  claims  of  Rene  of  Anjou 
on,  432  ;  supports  Clement  VII..  510 

Lorrainers,  421  ;  invade  southern 
France,  293;  invasion  of  Spain  by,  406 

Lorris,  William  de,  334,  335 

Lothaire  I.,  Emperor,  141-146,  149,  150, 
187 

Lothaire  II.,  Emperor,  reign  of,  244, 
846,  247, 


Lothaire  II.,  of  France,  58,  60;  war 
against  Brunhilda,  59;  death  of,  150; 

territory  of,  150 
Lothaire  III.,  67 

Lothaire,  King  of  France.  173,  174,  194, 
Lothaire  of  Soissons,  32,  33,  54,  55,  57, 

61. 
Lotharingia,  150 

Louis  I.,  Emperor,  128,  133,140-145, 148, 
150,  229,  525 ;  revulsion  of  feeling 
towards,  144;  reassumes  the  govern- 
ment, 144;  girt  with  sword  by  his 
father,  231;  performs  same  ceremony 
on  Charles  the  Bald,  231 

Louis  II.,  Emperor,  150 

Louis  II.,  of  France,  154,  172 

Louis  II.  (of  Anjou),  at  Naples,  420 

Louis  III.,  of  France,  154;  song  of,  525 

Louis  III.  (of  Anjou),  455 

Louis  IV.,  162,  173,  192 

Louis  VI.,  216,  309,  310,  342-345,  368 

Louis  VII.,  251,  351  ;  organizes  crusade, 
y3  ;  arrives  at  Antioch,  274  ;  met  by 
Greek  embassy,  274  ;  returns  to  Eu- 
rope, 275  ;  ordinances  of,  310  ;  muni- 
cipal measures  of,  312;  reign  of,  345- 
351  ;  defends  Toulouse,  347  ;  receives 
Thomas  h.  Becket,  349 

Louis  VIII.,  295  ;  ordinances  of,  310; 
opposes  John  in  Poitou,  355;  offered 
the  English  crown,  357;   reign  of,  360 

Louis  IX.,  215,  257,  258,  330,  337,  383, 
438,  533  ;  interposes  between  Freder- 
ick IL  and  Innocent  IV.,  258  ;  medi- 
ation sought  by  Frederick  II.,  259; 
expedition  to  deliver  Jerusalem,  284  ; 
rebuked  by  Earl  of  Salisbury,  284; 
embarks  on  eighth  crusade,  285;  nego- 
tiations with  Mongols  and  Assassins, 
285  ;  death  of,  2S6  ;  ordinances  of,  310 ; 
enfranchisements  of,  313  ;  authorizes 
Roman  law  in  Languedoc,  317 ;  at- 
tempts alliance  with  Mongols,  318  ; 
encourages  commerce,  322;  regulates 
corporations,  324  ;  regulates  coinage, 
325  ;  reign  of,  361-367  ;  goes  to  Holy 
Land,  363;  canonized,  376;  defeats 
Henry  III.,  386  ;  arbitration  of,  be- 
tween Henry  III.  and  barons,  387, 
3S8  ;  refuses  throne  of  Naples,  444  ; 
crusade  to  Tunis,  446 ;  favors  ecclesi- 
astical jurisdiction,  508 

Louis  X.,  394  (note);  ordinances  of,  310; 
reign  of,  383 ;  death  of,  384 

Louis  XI..  409,  432,  441,  465;  abolishes 
Pragmatic  Sanction,  440 

Louis  XIV.,  206,  223,  341,  367,  368 

Louis  de  Male,  418 

Louis  d'Outremer.    See  Louis  IV. 

Louis,  Duke  of  Orleans,  420 

Louis,  king  of  Aries,  188 

Louis  of  Bavaria,  revolts  against  Louis 
the  Pious,  143 

Louis  of  Nevers,  393-395 

Louis  of  Sa.xony,  defeats  Charles  IL, 
150 

Louis  the  Child,  189 

Louis  the  Fat.    See  Lotns  VL 


566 


INDEX. 


Louis  the  German,  144, 150, 154. 188;  alli- 
ance with  Charles  II.,  145;  at  battle 
of  Fontenay,  145;  resists  Lothaire, 
14s;  territory  given  to,  146;  career  of, 
149;  death  of,  150;  opposes  Charles, 
150;  called  to  the  throne,  153 

Louis  the  Great,  becomes  king  of  Po- 
land, 4gi;  plants  vineyards  of  Tokai, 
491;  rule  of,  491 

Louis  the  Young,  marriage  of,  345 

Louis,  son  of  Louis  the  Pious,  141 

Louvre,  the,  370;  beginning  of,  358 

Lower  Lorraine,  Duke  of,  242 

Lower  Palatinate,  the,  461  (note) 

Low  justice,  court  of,  205 

Lozano,  Count  of,  529 

Liibeck,  prosperity  of,  315;  college  of 
the  Hanseatic  League,  321;  subject 
to  Waldemar,  483;  merchants  found 
hospital  in  Holy  Land,  290 

Lucca,  450;  commerce  of,  459;  buys 
right  of  self-government,  465 

Lucera,  Saracens  of,  444,  446;  Saracens 
transported  to,  256 

Lucerne,  467,  526 

Lucius  IL,  248 

Lucretius,  532 

Lucullus,  27 

Liigenfeld,  144 

Luitprand,  40,  167;  besieges  Rome,  118; 
ambassador  to  Nicephorus,  195 

Lull,  Raymond,  331 

Luna,  pillaged  by  Norsemen,  157 

Luneburg,  252 

Lusatia,  468,  472 

Lusignan,  Hugh  of,  360 

Lusitania,  conquest  by  Suevi,  21 

Lustralis  collaiio,  5 

Luther,  Martin,  228,  514 

Luxemburg,  Charles  of,  470,  468 

Luxemburg,  house  of,  247  (note  ,  473 

Luxemburg,  John  of,  451,  468 

Luxeuil,  abbey  of,  59,  67 

Lyonnais,  219 

Lyons,  372;  retreat  of  Innocent  IV.  to, 
258;  council  at,  258;  Clement  V. 
crowned  at,  380;  commerce  of,  320, 
322 

Lyons,  Council  of,  367,  444,  492,  507 

Macedonia,  vice-prefect  of,  3;  ravages 
of  Visigoths  in,  18;  fortresses  in,  50; 
passage  of  crusaders  through,  267 

Macedonian  dynasty,  263 

Macon,  146;  acquired  by  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, 430 

Macrobius,  223 

Madeira,  cultivation  of  sugar  in,  323; 
discovered,  482 

Magdeburg,  foundation  of  archbish- 
opric of,  193;  prosperity  of,  315 

Magic,  332,  394 

Magister  egtiitum,  4 

Magister  officioruni,  2 

Magister peditutn,  4 

Magna  Charta,  342,  343  and  note,  38,s- 
387,  436;  steps  towards,  355  (note); 
signed,  356;  granting  of,  391 


Magnifying-glass,  discovery  of,  330 

Magnus  II.,  484 

Magnus  VI.,  royal  office  becomes  hered- 
itary under,  484 

Magnus  VII.,  485 

Magnus  Ladulas,  484 

Magreb,  90,  301,  303 

Magyars,  the,  15,  168,455, 482, 488;  incur- 
sions oif,  168;  anjessential  of  kingship, 
489 

Mahaut,  394 

Mahdi,  94 

Mahmud,  first  Sultan,  96 

Mahrah,  73;  adhesion  to  Mohammed,  80 

Maid  of  Norway,  389 

Maifeld,  the,  64 

Maillard,  404 

Main,  River,  8,  11 

Maine,  217,  350;  attacked  by  William 
the  Conqueror,  179;  revolt  in,  185; 
Henry  II. 's  claim  on,  346;  acquired 
by  Philip  Augustus,  358;  acquired 
by  Charles  of  Provence,  362;  Louis 
IX. 's  rights  in,  364 

Mainz,  120,  137, 145,  146,  475, "533;  church 
of,  117;  archbishop  of,  192,  461,  463; 
archbishopric  of,  192;  bishop  of,  223; 
Diet  of,  252;  prosperity  in,  315;  elector 
of,  471 

Maires,  309 

Major  arts,  449  and  note,  453 

Majorca,  king,  sells  Montpellier,  398; 
language  in,  528 

Major  domus,  56 

Majorian,  26 

"  Making  of  England,"  Green's,  40, 
note 

Makusi,  102 

Malek-Shah,  264,  265 

Mall,  the,  11 

Malta,  devastated  by  Saracens,  166;  in 
possession  of  Saracens,  166 

Mamelukes,  revolt  of,  285 

Mandeville,  Sir  John,  319,  524 

Manesse  of  Zurich,  337 

Manfred,  444  ;  king  of  Sicily,  387,  444  ; 
excommunicated,  444  ;  death  of,  445; 
kingdom  of  Naples  taken  from,  507 

Mani,  12 

Manichaeism,  292 

Manna,  use  of,  102 

Mannyng,  Robert,  524 

Mans,  31,  158;  revolt  in,  306;  first  com- 
mune established  at,  308 ;  forest  of, 
420  ;  capture  of,  426 

Mansurah,  battle  of,  285 

Mantes,  406;  Count  of,  216 

Mantua,  seized  by  the  Gonzagas,  448 

Manuel,  sends  embassy  to  Louis  VII., 
274;  son  of  John  Paleologus,  496;  in 
service  of  Bajazet,  497 ;  escapes,  and 
solicits  aid  in  Europe,  497 

Manufacturers,  duties  on, under  Roman 
Empire,  6 

Manufactures,  463;  influence  of  the 
crusades  on, 287 

Marathon,  a  Swiss,  467 

Marcel,  511 


INDEX. 


567 


Marcel,  Etienne,  400 ;  heads  citizens  of 
Paris,  403  ;  killed,  404 

Marcellinus,  532 

Marches,  220 

Marchfield,  battle  of,  465 

Marcian,  24,  44 

Marcomanni,  11,  23 

Marco  Polo,  318,  319 

Margaret  of  Anjou,  married  to  Henry 
VI.,  431 

Margaret  of  Denmark,  483,  485 

Margravates,  219 

Marguerite  of  Provence,  284 

Margus,  24 

Mane  of  France,  335 

Marienburg,  fortress  of,  291 

Marigney,  381 

Marigny,  Enguerrand  de,  383 

Mariner's  compass,  the,  102,  322 

Maritza  River,  battle  of  Christians  and 
Turks  on,  496 

Marken,  219 

Markgrafen,  130 

Marie,  Thomas  de,  342 

Marmora,  Sea  of,  493 

Marmontel,  51  (note) 

Marmoutiers,  monastery  of,  112 

Marne,  403 

Marozia,  194 

Marq,  River,  355 

Marriage,  411 ;  right  of,  204;  sanctity  of, 
215 

Marriage  alliances,  30,  31 

Marriage  of  the  Adriatic,  279 

Marseilles,  seized  by  Theodoric,  31 ;  be- 
comes subject  to  Theodoric,  35;  ad- 
heres to  Charles  Martel,  108;  monas- 
tery at,  112;  pillaged  by  Saracens, 
167 ;  embarkation  of  Richard  I.  at, 
276;  municipal  institutions  in,  307; 
commerce  of,  320,  322 

Marshal,  office  of,  231 

Martel,  Charles,  go,  91,  107,  347 

Martin,  68 

Martin  IV.,  446 

Martin  V.,  encourages  discovery,  482; 
appointed  Pope,  514;  measures  for 
reform,  514 

Mary,  daughter  of  Louis  the  Great,  491 

Masaccio,  458 

Massacres,  383 

Master  of  cavalry,  4 

Master  of  infantry,  4 

Master  of  Roman  soldiery,  28 

Master  of  the  offices,  2 

Masudj  96 

Masudi,  102 

Matilda,  394 

Matilda,  daughter  of  Henry  I.,  345 ; 
fights  Stephen,  346 

Matilda,  Countess,  241-243,  249,  250, 
252,  255;  Lothar  holds  lands  of,  246; 
death  of,  248 

Matteo  the  Great,  448,  451,  455 

Matthew  of  Westminster,  321 

Mauclerc,  Peter,  354 

Maud,  394 

Maundeville,  Sir  John,  319,  524 


Maurice,  51,  114 

Maurontus,  108 

Maurus,  Rabanus,  223 

Maximus,  21,  26 

Mayors  of  the  palace,  56,  66, 107, 174, 489 

Mazarin  Bible,  533 

Meander  River,  battle  on,  274 

Measures  and  weights,  383 

Meaux,  ravaged  by  Norsemen,  157; 
slaughter  at,  403 

Mecca,  73,  74;  founded,  76;  defended 
against  Abyssinians,  77;  Mohammed's 
retirement  to,  78 ;  Mohammed's  pil- 
grimage to,  80  ;  annual  pilgrimage  to, 
84 

Mecklenburg,  subject  to  Waldemar,  483 

Medea,  334 

Medes,  fear  of  Charlemagne.  132 

Medici,  Cosmo  de,  456 

Medici,  Silvestro  de,  453 

Medici  family,  influence  on  literature, 

532 

Medicine,  Arab  skill  in,  102 

Medina,  73  ;  siege  of,  80 

Medinat-en-Nebi,  79 

Mediterranean  Sea,  48,  219,  269,  292,  300, 
302,  319,  320,  323 ;  pillage  on,  13; 
ruled  by  Gaiseric,  23,  26  ;  Arab  occu- 
pation on,  91;  under  the  Aglabites, 
96;  Norsemen  on  the,  166;  piracy  on, 
166;  Saracenic  influence  over,  166; 
commerce  of,  278,  320 ;  French  influ- 
ence on,  362  ;  Aragon  dominion  over, 

479 

Mehun-sur-Yevres,  proclamation  of 
Charles  VII.  at,  425 

Meissen,  mark  of,  191;  foundation  of 
bishopric  of,  193 ;  battle  of,  466 

Meistersinger,  the,  338,  525 

Melchthal,  Arnold  of,  467 

Melik-el-Kamel,  282;  truce  with  Fred- 
erick II.,  282 

Meloria,  battle  of,  257,  450,  458 

Melun,  county  of,  216 

"  Members  of  Antichrist,  The,"  513 

"  Memoires"  of  Sire  de  Joinville,  337 

Memory,  Arab,  100 

Mena,  John  de,  532 

Mendicant  monks,  288 and  note,  289,  374 

Meran,  Agnes  of,  359 

Mercenaries,  employment  of,  383 

Mercia,  kingdom  of,  42 ;  occupied  by 
Danes,  159  ;  conquest  by  Edward  the 
Elder,  162 

Mercury,  use  of,  102 

Merinides,  incursions  of,  303;  Alfonso 
X.  seeks  help  from,  477  ;  invade  Cas- 
tile, 477 

Merovingian  dynasty,  foundation  of, 
28,  60 

Merovingians,  decadence  of,  61,  66 

Merovius,  28 

Merseburg,  191 ;  battle  at,  192  ;  founda- 
tion of  bishopric  of,  193 ;  battle  near, 
242 

Mersen,  edict  of,  151 

Merwan  II.,  92 

Mfery-sur-Seine,  battle  of,  25,  38 


568 


INDEX. 


Mesnadaires,  480 

Mesne  justice,  court  of,  205 

Mesopotamia,  46 

Messina,  256 ;  attack  on,  447 

Methodius,  189 

Metz,  150,  401 ;  destroyed  by  Attila,  24 ; 
under  Theodoric,  32  ;  bishop  of,  60, 
68 ;  municipal  institutions  in,  307 ; 
siege  of,  432 

Meulan,  406;  Count  of,  216 

Meung,  Jean  de,  335 

Meuse,  River,  144,  150,  157,  172,  175, 
216,  218,  226 

Michael,  Archangel,  427 

Michael  de  la  Pole,  413 

Michel  Angelo,  458 

"  Middle  Ages,"  Emerton's,  65  (note) 

Middle  Arts,  449  (note) 

Middle  classes,  elevation  of,  505 

Milan,  18,  19,  142,  219,  252,  447,  448;  re- 
duction of,  25 ;  Alboin  proclaimed 
king  in,  38;  monastery  of,  112;  Otto 
crowned  king  of  Italy  at,  195  ;  jeal- 
ousy of  Pavia,  197;  expulsion  of 
Herlembald,  240;  Italian  republican 
consuls  at,  248;  alliance  with  Tortona, 
Z49  ;  Frederick  I.'s  vengeance  on,  250; 
destruction  of,  251  ;  rebellion  against 
Frederick  I.,  251 ;  restoration  of,  251 ; 
prosperity  of,  306;  industries  of,  323, 
459 ;  introduction  of  Gothic  architec- 
ture, 340;  Valentine  of,  421;  repre- 
sented at  Congress  of  Arras,  430 ; 
duchy  of,  448  ;  under  Gian  Visconti, 
455  ;  under  Sforza,  456;  Duke  of,  456; 
cathedral  of,  458 

Milan,  archbishop  of,  194, 198,448  ;  con- 
firms Frederick  I.,  251 

Milanais,  the,  451 

Military  and  civil  hierarchy,  2 

Military  orders,  288,  302 

Military  service,  65,  135,  202,  203 

Miltiades,  281 

Mina,  valley  of,  75 

Mincio,  River,  448 

Minden,  foundation  of  bishopric,  126 

Mines,  472  (note);  duties  on,  under 
Roman  Empire,  6 ;  Empire,  6 

Minho  River,  297 

Ministere  public,  office  of,  382 

Minnesingers,  the,  338,  525 

Minor  arts,  453,  449  and  note 

Miracles,  representations  of,  520 

Miraval,  Raimon  de,  333 

"Mirror,  the  Saxon,"  338 

"  Mirror,  the  Swabian,    338 

Mirrors,  323 

Missals,  340 

Missi  dominici,  134,  13s,  tqi 

Moawijah,  87 

Mocha,  73 

Modena,  448 

Moesia,  17 

Mocz,  97 

Mohammed,  300;  expels  idols  from 
the  Kaaba,  75;  first  preaching  of,  76; 
birth  of,  77  ;  early  life  of,  77  ;  religious 
projects  of,  77,  78  ;  writes  the  Koran, 


78 ;  persecutions  of,  78,  79 ;  flight  to 

Yatrib,  79  ;  battles  of,  79,  80 ;  relations 

with  foreign  powers,  80;  death  of ,  81; 

dialect    used    by,   99;    chief    of    the 

Almohades,  302 
Mohammed  I.,  98,  499 
Mohammed  II.,  reign  of,  502 
Mohammedanism,  origin  of,  71 
Molay,  James  du,  burnt,  381,  382 
Moldavia,    conquered    by    Louis    the 

Great,  491 
Mommsen,    opinion    on    relations    of 

Goths  and  Romans,  36  (note) 
Monasteries,  foundation  of,  224;  centres 

of  learning,  226 
Monastery,  founding  of  the  first,  288, 

note 
Monasticism,  m,  112 
Monbrun,  211 
Mondar,  74 

Mongol  invasion  of  Russia,  488 
Mongol  race,  95  (note) 
Mongols,  the,  15 ;  invasion  of  Europe, 

282,   283 ;    St.    Louis's  attempted   al- 
liance with,  318  ;  battle  with  Turks  at 

Ancyra,  499 
Monks,  III  ;  mendicant,  508 
Monmouth,  Geoffrey  of,  334 
"  Monologium,"  328 
Monomachus,  Constantine,  236 
Mons-en-Puelle,  battle  of,  371,  393 
Mons-en-Vimeu,  battle  of,  425 
Montdidier,  commune  of,  309;  acquired 

by  Duke  of  Burgundy,  430 
Monte  Cassino,  monastery  of,  112,  119; 

abbey  burned  by  Saracens,  166 
Montereau,  bridge  of,  424,  430 
Montesquieu,  134,  175 
Montferrat,  Count  of,  278 
Montferrat,  Marquis  of,  249,  251 ;  made 

king  of  Thessalonica,  281 
Montferrat.  marquisate  of,  448 
Montfort,  Count  of,  216 
Montfort,  county  of,  homage  for,  202, 

note 
Montfort,  Jane  of,  397 
Montfort,  John  of,  396,  397;  deposition 

of,  409  ;  recalled,  410 
Montfort,  John  IV.  of,  406 
Montfort,   Simon   de,  war  against   the 

Albigenses,   290-294  ;  death,  295 ;  re- 
bellion of,  388 
Monti,  459 

Montiel,  battle  of,  407,  477 
Montils-les-Tours,  ordinance  of,  441 
Montlhery,  216;  pillage  by  lord  of,  342 
Montlouis,  treaty  of,  350 
Montmorency,  216;  Bouchard  of,  342; 

pillage  by  lord  of,  342 
Montone,  Braccio  de,  456 
Montpellier,  295 ;  added   to  Catalonia, 

302;  study  of  law  in,  317;  commerce 

of,   320;   study  of   medicine  at,   327; 

purchased  by  Philip  VI.,  398  ;  ceded 

to  king  of  Navarre,  406;  conquered 

by  Duke  of  Anjou,  410 
MoorSj   menace  to   Rome,   10;   defeat 

Boniface,  23 ;  revolt  of,  26,  88 ;  con- 


INDEX. 


569 


quer  Akbab,  88 ;  invoked  against 
Lothaire,  150;  in  Spain,  220;  league 
against,  254  ;  drive  out  the  Ommiades 
of  Cordova,  264 ;  struggle  of  Spain 
against,  290;  sufferings  under  Sancho 
the  Great,  298 ;  possess  Granada, 
303;  influence  on  Spanish  literature, 
528 

Moralities,  the,  520,  521 

Morality,  improvement  in,  213 

Moravia,  38,  129,  218,  221,  468;  Tartar 
spoliation  of.  283  ;  duke  of,  462  ;  de- 
tached from  Bohemia,  465  ;  conquered 
by  Mongols,  488 

Moravians,  the,  14 ;  invade  Germany, 
188 

Morea,  the,  entered  by  Turks,  497 ; 
conquered  by  Amurath  II.,  501 

Morocco,  355  ;  foundation  of,  301 

Mortain,  ceded  to  Jane  of  Evreu.x,  394 

Mortgarten,  battle  of,  467 

Mortmain,  209;  abolition  of  right  of,  by 
Louis  VII.,  312;  statute  of,  373,  508 

Morvan,  142 

Moscow,  95  ;  taken  by  Batu,  283;  cap- 
tured by  Mongols,  488  ;  the  Russian 
capital,  488;  Timur's  expedition  as 
far  as,  498 

Moseilama,  84 

Moselle  River,  crossed  by  Attila,  24 

Moses,  prophet  of  God,  82 

Mosul,  272 ;  commerce  of  Novgorod 
with,  320;  entered  by  Timur,  498 

Motassem,  95,  283 

Motawakkif,  95 

Motazelites,  the,  87,  loi 

Moundhir,  74 

Mounkir,  82 

Mountain  of  Tarik,  89 

Mount  ot  Olives.  265 

Mount  Ohud,  battle  of,  80 

Mount  St.  Michael,  monastery  of,  227 

Mourad-bey,  insurrection  of,  256 

Moustarriba,  the,  73;  rivalry  with  the 
Moutarriba,  74 

Moutarriba,  the,  73;  rivalry  with  the 
Moustarriba,  74 

Moyenne  justice,  court  of,  205 

Mozarabes,  the,  98 

Mozarabian  ritual,  used  ip  Spain,  299 

Miihldorf,  battle  of,  468 

Mulberry  tree,  323 

Mummolus,  57 

Mundzuk,  23 

Municipal  government,  43s 

Munster,  foundation  of  bishopric,  126 

Muntaner,  Ramon,  530 

Muntassir,  95 

Munuza,  90 

Murad.    See  Amurath. 

Murcia,  independence  of,  99;  taken  by 
Castile,  303 

Murder,  fines  for,  63,  64 

Muret,  battle  of,  294 

Murzuflus,  280 

Musaeus,  519 

Musket,  influence  of,  534 

Mussulman  power,  decline  of,  264 


Mussulmans,   fanaticism  of,  80;  rivals 

of  Venetians,  278 
Mustapha,  revolt  against  Amurath  II., 

500 
Musurus,  532 

Mysia,  becomes  subject  to  Orlchan,  493 
"  Mysteries,  the,"  519 

Nabateans,  the,  73 

Nafels,  467 

Najara,  battle  of,  407;  capture  of  Du 
Guesclin  at,  477 

Namur,  purchased  by  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, 425 

Nandor-Ispan,  office  of,  489 

Nantes,  pillaged  by  Norsemen,  157 

Naples,  39,  256,  447,  451,  455,  456,  468, 
491;  captured  by  Belisarius,  48;  under 
the  Emperor  of  the  East,  114;  threat- 
ened by  Saracens,  166;  Norman  dy- 
nasty at,  236;  Frederick  I.'s  claim  on, 
249;  kingdom  of,  249,  420;  university 
founded,  255;  Charles  VIII. 's  aspira- 
tions concerning,  368;  represented  at 
Congress  of  Aragon,  430;  transferred 
to  Duke  of  Anjou,  444;  acquired  by 
house  of  Aragon,  447;  king  of,  454;  in 
anarchy,  455;  struggles  in,  455;  under 
Durazzo's  control,  455;  Robert,  king 
of,  468;  conquered  by  Louis  the  Great, 
491;  kingdom  taken  from  Manfred, 507; 
kings  of,  influence  on  literature,  532 

Naples,  Duke  of,  struggle  with  Lo- 
thaire, 149 

Napoli  d'Argolide,  principality  of,  281 

Narbonne,  33,  128;  conquered  by  Mus- 
sulmans, 108;  municipal  institutions 
in,  307;  commerce  of,  320;  archbishop 
of,  376 

Narenia,  River,  129 

Narses,  38,  48;  defeats  Buccelin,  33 

National  development,  332 

National  feeling,  rise  of,  287,  517 

Nations,  war  of  the,  80 

Naumburg,  foundation  of  bishopric  of, 
193 

Naupactus,  Strait  of,  18 

Nautes,  corporation  of  the,  312 

Naval  academy,  founded  by  Henry  of 
Viseu,  481 

Navarette,  battle  of,  407 

Navarre,  130,  220,  299,  369;  formation  of 
kingdom,  154;  296;  junction  with  Bar- 
celona and  Aragon, 296;  forms  alliance 
with  Alfonso  III.,  297;  inherited  by 
Garcias,  298;  under  Sancho  the  Great, 
298;  union  with  Castile,  298;  in  coali- 
tion against  France,  363;  marriage  of 
heiress  of,  368;  ceded  to  Jane  of  Ev- 
reux,  394;  female  succession  in,  394, 
note;  friendship  of  Charles  V.  with, 
407;  conquered  by  king  of  Castile, 
410;  represented  at  Congress  of 
Arras,  430;  passes  to  houses  of  Foix 
and  Albret,  479;  united  with  Aragon, 
479;  language  in,  528;  resists  taxes, 
399;  summoned  against  the  Dauphin, 
402;  summoned  to  Pans,  404 


570 


INDEX, 


Navarre,  Theobald  of,  361 

Naxos,  Duke  of,  281 

Nazareth,  restored  to  Christians,  282 

Nebir,  82 

Nedjed,  73 

Negrepont,  449 

Negroes,  rise  of  trade  in,  482 

Negropont,  500 

Nehavend,  victory  of,  86 

Nerra,  Fulk,  178 

Nestorius,  44 

Netherlands,  368,   425,  469;   robbed    by 

Norsemen,  159;  joins  coalition  against 

Philip   Augustus,  355;  commerce  of, 

370;  Edwrard  III.  appointed  vicar  of 

Lewis  IV.,  396 
Neuilly-sur-Marne,  278 
Neustria,  55,  58,  105,  106,  176;  war  with 

Austrasia,  56;  reign  of  Clovis  II.,  66; 

persecution    of    the    nobles    in,    68; 

under  Pippin,  118;  invaded  by  Bret- 
ons, 142;  repeopled,  158 
Neustrians,  32;  alliance  with  Frisians, 

106;  defeat  at  Vincy,  106;  defeat  Aus- 

trasians,  106;  alliance  with  Aquitani- 

ans,  io6,  107;  at  battle  of  Fontenay, 

145 
Nevers,  inherited  by  Philip  the  Bold, 

418 
Nevers,   Count    of,  invades    Southern 

France,  293 
Neville's  Cross,  battle  of,  398 
"  New  Englander,"  224  (note) 
Niciea,   battle    of,   267;    siege  of.  268; 

principality  of,  281 
Nice,  commerce  of,  320 
Nicea,  492;  execution  of  Mustapha  at, 

500 
Nicene  Council,  109;  the  second,  113 
Nicene  Creed,  dispute  over,  262 
Nicephorus,  94,  195 
Nicephorus  Phocas,  263 
Nicetas,  292 
Nicholas  I.,  262 
Nicholas  11.,  236  (note),  240 
Nicholas  III.,  446 
Nicholas,  Pope,  329 
Nicia,  captured  by  Orkhan,  493 
Nicolas,  antipope,  469 
Nicolas  II.,  238 
Nicolas  of  Clemangis,  511;  endeavors  to 

restore  unity  in  the  Church,  511 
Nicoli,  Nicolo,  532 

Nicomedia,  captured  by  Orkhan,  493 
Nicopoli,  crusade  of,  491;  slaughter  of 

crusaders  at,  497 
Nicopolis,  420 

Niebelungen,  Song  of  the,  12,  338,  526 
Niemen,  River,  14,  290,  291 
Niemetz,  167 
Nika  sedition,  the,  50 
Nile,  275;  projects  for  connection  with 

Red  Sea,  87;  overflow  of,  282;  retreat 

of  crusaders  on  the,  285 
Nimes,  municipal  institutions  in,  307; 

commerce  of,  322 
Nimwegen,  general  assembly  at,  143 
Nineveh,  battle  near,  52 


Nissa,  battle  of,  500 

Noah,  prophet  of  God,  82 

Nobilissimi^  6 

Nogaret,  William  of,  378;  excommu- 
nicated, 380 

Nogcnt,  Guibert  of,  266,  309 

Noirmoutier,  seized  by  Norsemen,  157 

Nominalists,  228 

Nordalbingia,  Lord  of,  483 

Nordalbingien,  the,  124 

Nordgau,  218 

Norfolk,  Wat  Tyler's  insurrection  in, 
412 

Noricum,  becomes  subject  to  Theo- 
doric,  35;  settled  by  Lombards,  38 

Norman  conquest,  effect  on  cities,  313 

"  Norman  Conquest,"  184  (note) 

Normandy,  217,  438;  disappearance  of 
serfdom,  158;  duchy  of,  216;  second 
renaissance  in,  226;  rising  in,  305; 
pledged  to  William  II.,  343;  retaken 
by  Robert,  343;  Henry  II. 's  claim  on, 
346;  war  between  Richard  I.  and 
Philip  I.,  353;  seized  by  Philip  Augus- 
tus, 354;  acquired  by  Philip  Augua 
tus,  358;  Louis  IX. 's  rights  in,  364; 
courts  for,  382  (note);  death  of  Balliol 
in,  390;  invaded  by  Edward  III.,  398, 
399;  Charles  VII.  driven  from,  426: 
yielded  to  England,  430;  reconquered 
by  France,  432 

Normandy,  commander  of,  burnt,  382 

Normandy,  Duke  of,  172,  178,  179,  217, 
267;  acknowledges  Hu^h  Capet,  176 

Normandy,  marshal  of,  killed,  403. 

Normandy,  seneschal  of,  431 

Norman-Franks,  influence  on  English 
language,  521;  render  homage  to  the 
Popes,  218;  in  southern  Italy,  220;  in- 
troduce feudal  system  into  England, 
220;  menace  Roman  empire,  221;  in- 
fluence on  language,  226;  declare 
themselves  vassals  of  the  Holy  See, 
234,  238;  employed  against  Greeks, 
236;  support  Matilda,  346;  influence 
on  English  language,  521,  522 

Norsemen,  the,  123,  156,  168,  200,  206; 
wars  of,  127;  disturbances  of,  142; 
alliance  with  Pippin  II.,  149;  ravages 
of,  149,  158;  besiege  Paris,  154;  de- 
feated at  Saucourt,  154;  piracy  of, 
156;  in  France,  158,  166;  invasions  of 
England,  159,  164;  pillage  Spain,  166; 
repulsed  by  Arnulf,  188;  Abbo's  ac- 
count of,  227 

North  Cape,  rounded  by  Othere,  165 

North  Elbe  Saxons,  130 

Northern  Saxony,  mark  of,  391 

North  Sea,  146,  159,  218,  320,  485;  pirates 
of,  41 

Northumberland,  42,  132;  Christianity 
in  England,  115;  occupied  by  Danes, 
150;  ravaged,  184 

Noriliumberland,  Earl  of,  416;  joins 
Bolingbroke's  insurrection,  415 

Norway,  180,  482,  506,  527;  subjected  to 
Cnut,  163;  political  geography  of,  in 
eleventh  century,  221;  usurpation  in, 


INDEX, 


571 


S54;  maid  of,  389;  converted  to  Chris- 
tianity, 483;  united  with  Sweden  and 
Denmark,  483,  484;  troubles  in,  484; 
chooses  Christian  I.,  485 

Norwegians,  invasion  of  England,  157 

Norwich,  42 

Notaries,  4 

Notre  Dame,  parliament  of,  377 

Noureddin,  275 

Novaro,  448 

Nova  Scotia  165,  (note) 

Novelise  of  Justinian,  50 

Novels,  526 

Novgorod,  165,  321,  488;  Russian  capi- 
tal, 166;  Tartar  advance  to,  283;  com- 
merce of,  319;  branch  office  of  Han- 
seatic  League  at,  321 ;  commercial  re- 
public of,  487 

Noyon,  176;  bishop  of,  61;  commune  of, 
308,  309;  bishop-count  of,  217;  battle 

of.  343 
Nuncio,  office  of,  487 
Nuremberg,    472;    prosperity   of,    315; 

commerce  of,  320;   Diet  of,  401,  471, 

472 
Nursia,  St.  Benedict  of,  112 

Oberlausitz,  468 

Oder,  River,  127,  193,  218,  247  (note), 
487 

Odo.    See  Eudes. 

Odoacer,  8 

Odovakar,  8,  26,  27,  35,  36;  defeated  by 
Theodoric,  34;  surrender  and  assassi- 
nation of,  35 

Offa,  42,  162 

Offices,  heredity  of,  152,  201 

Oglio,  River,  448 

Oil,  discovery  in  use  for  painting,  533 

Oise,  River,  396 

Olaf,  163;  becomes  king  of  Norway,  485; 
king  of  Denmark,  485 

Oldenburg,  house  of,  485 

Old  Man  of  the  Mountain,  285 

Oleron,  laws  of,  322 

Oliver  of  Clisson,  397 

Olives,  Mount  of,  270 

Olmutz,  bishop  of,  464 

Olybrius,  26 

Oman,  73;  adhesion  to  Mohammed,  80 

Omar,  85;  conversion  of,  78,  79;  chosen 
caliph,  84;  takes  Jerusalem,  86;  con- 
trasted with  Mahdi  and  Almanssur, 
94;  massacre  in  mosque  of,  270 

Ommiades,  the,  91-93;  hereditary  rule 
begins  with,  85;  dynasty  of,  87; 
slaughter  of,  93;  empire  of,  264 

Oporto,  conquered  from  Moors,  220 

Orchies,  371 

Ordeals,  64,'  299 

Order  of  Christ.  481 

Ordinances  of  Wisby,  322 

Orestes,  26 

"  Organon,"  the,  328 

Orkhan,  rule  of,  493,  494 

Orkney,  county  of,  221 

Orkney  Islands^  j[62, 389;  Norse  occupa- 
tion of,  165 


Orleans,  55,  107,  176,  419;  attacked  by 
Attila,  24;  Chlodomer  king  of,  3a; 
council  of,  32,  109,  113;  Norsemen  at, 
157;  assembly  at,  176;  county  of,  216; 
heresy  in,  225;  municipal  government 
of,  312;  study  of  law  in,  317,  327; 
commerce  of,  322 ;  abandoned  by 
Charles  VII.,  426;  besieged  by  Earl 
of  Salisbury,  426;  Joan  of  Arc  sent 
to,  428;  raising  the  siege  of,  428;  or- 
dinance of,  431;  estates  at,  440 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  420;  alliance  with 
Bernard  VII.,  421;  refuses  to  recog- 
nize Henry  IV.,  422 

Ormuz,  Strait  of,  72 

Orontes,  269 

Orosius,  Paulus,  "  Universal  History," 
162,  165  (note) 

Orpheus,  519 

Orsini,  the,  448 

Osbeorn,  invades  England,  183;  bribed, 
184 

Osman,  493 

Osnabriick,  battle  of,  126;  foundation 
of  bishopric,  126 

Ossel,  seized  by  Norsemen,  157 

Ostia,  burned  by  Saracens,  166;  bishop 
of,  238 

Ostrogoths,  17,  23;  submission  of,  17; 
march  against  Gundobad,  30,  31;  ex- 
peditions of  Franks  against,  32; 
struggles  in  Italy,  33;  descend  on 
Italy,  34;  freedom  of,  34;  govern- 
ment among,  36;  decay  of  kingdom, 
38;  separated  from  Visigoths,  38; 
lose  Italy,  43;  war  with  Justinian, 
45;  end  of  monarchy,  48;  vigor  of,  in 
Italy,  48;  occupation  of  Italy,  62; 
Church  of  Rome  under,  114 

Othere,  voyages  of,  165 

Othman,  85;  orders  second  edition  of 
the  Koran,  81;  appointed  caliph,  84; 
election  of,  87 

Otho  Visconti,  448 

Otnit,  338 

Otto  I.,  173,  191  (note),  218,  219  (note), 
23s,  239.  250,  460;  marches  to  Paris, 
174;  career,  192-196;  sends  bishop  to 
Posen,  485;  literary  activity  under, 
525 

Otto  11.,  196 

Otto  III.,  196;  career  of,  196,  197;  in- 
stalls archbishop  at  Gnesen,  485 

Otto  IV.,  25s,  356;  claims  empire  of 
Germany,  254;  excommunicated,  278; 
quarrel  with  Phihp  of  Swabia,  281, 
507;  breaking  of  power  of,  355  (note); 
joins  coalition  against  Philip  Au- 
gustus, 355 

Ottocar  II.,  462,  466;  refuses  homage  to 
Rudolf,  465;  killed,  465 

Ottomans,  become  established  in 
Thrace,  496 

Ottoman  Turks,  482 

Otto  of  Freising,  20a 

Ourique,  301 

Ouse,  River,  184 

Ovid,  532 


572 


INDEX. 


Oviedo,  220,  296,  297,  300 

Oxford,  foundation  of  school  at,  162; 
ravaged  by  William  the  Conqueror, 
183  and  note;  effect  of  Norman  con- 
quest on,  313;  University  of,  327; 
provisions  of ,  364,  387,  391;  parliament 
at,  387;  additions  toUniversity  library, 

533 
Oxus  River.  16;  assassination  of  Yezde- 
gerd  near,  86 

Pacificator,  the,  446 

Pacta  convcnta,  486 

Paderborn,  assembly  at,  125;  foundation 

of  bishopric,  126 
Padua,  471;  burned,  25;  tyrant  of,  259; 

University  of,  327;   Eccelino  of,  444; 

conquered    by    Cane    Grande,    448; 

seized  by  Visconti,  455;    tyrannized 

by  Venice,  456 
Padagogia,  3 
Paganism,  9 

Pagans,  treatment  by  Honorius,  22 
Page,  office  of,  231 
Painting,  458;  drawbacks  on  Arabian, 

102;  renaissance  of,  340 
Palace  of  Justice,  520 
Palatinate,  the,  475 
Palatins,  8 

Paleologus,  house  of,  448 
Paleologus,  John,  493;  returns  to  alle- 
giance to  Rome,  495;  troubles  of,  495- 

497 

Paleologus,  Michael,  446,  447,  492 

Palermo,  256;  massacre  at,  447 

Palestine,  47,  353;  invaded  by  Persians, 
52;  invaded  by  MalekShah,  264; 
Christians  call  for  help,  281;  offer  of 
cession  to  Christians,  282;  left  in 
Mohammedan  hands,  286;  influence 
of  position  on,  304 

Pamiers,  bishop  of,  376 

Pampeluna,  captured  by  Charlemagne, 
ia8  and  note;  Prankish  acquirements 
at,  296 

Pandects  of  Justinian,  49 

Pannonia,  49  (note),  168;  attempt  to  as- 
sassinate Attila  in,  24;  becomes  sub- 
1'ect  to  Theodoric,  35;  settled  by 
^ombards,  38;  seized  by  Avars,  117; 
devastation  of,  128;  invaded  by 
Croats,  490 

Papacy,struggle  with  empire,  371  (note); 
declaration  of  empire's  independence 
of,  396;  growth  of,  506 

Paper,  102,  J23  and  note 

Paradise,  Klohammedan,  82,  83 

Parchment,  323 

Pares.,  204 

Paris,  55,  106,  173,  176,  372,  382,  383,457; 
Childcbert,  king  of,  32;  Lothaire,  king 
of,  33;  Council  of,  59;  besieged  by 
Norsemen,  154;  ravages  of  Norsemen 

\  at,  157;  Otto  II.  reaches.  106;  county 
of,  i\(>\  episcopal  school  at,  223; 
municipal  institutions  in,  307,  312; 
branch  office  of  Hanseatic  League  at, 
331;  commerce  of,  322;    affairs  near, 


332;  the  Studium,  327;  renown  of 
schools,  333;  improved  by  Philip 
Augustus,  358;  treaty  of,  361;  parlia- 
ment of,  368  (note),  382  and  note; 
council  at,  381;  anti-tax  rising  in,  382; 
menaced  by  Edward  III.,  308;  forti- 
fication of,  400;  lack  of  food  in,  403; 
advance  of  English  to,  408;  conspi- 
racy of  Henry  Bolingbroke  at,  414; 
revolts  in,  417;  in  control  of  Burgun- 
dian  faction,  421;  threatened  civil  war 
in,  421;  hatred  of  English  in,  4214 
recovers  privileges,  422;  slaughter  of 
the  Armagnacs,  423;  proclamation  of 
Henry  VI.  at,  425;  siege  of,  428;  Henry 
VI.  crowned  king  of  France  at,  430; 
Charles  VII. 's  entry  of,  431;  study  of 
Greek  in,  532 

Paris,  Matthew,  183 

Paris,  University  of,  327,  328,  358,  374, 
420,  422,  429,  440,  483;  opposes  the 
mendicant  monks,  289;  efforts  to  re- 
store unity  in  the  Church,  510,  5x1 

Parishes,  division  into,  110 

Parishioners,  311 

Parisians,  Abbo's  account  of,  227 

Parliament,  first  use  of  the  word,  387 
(note);  at  Oxford,  387;  first  complete 
representation  of  English  nation  in, 
38S;  establishment  of,  391;  Henry 
IV. 's  concessions  10,415;  progress  of 
power  of,  in  England,  433;  constitu- 
tion of,  434 

Parliaments,  rise  of,  382;  of  Italian 
republics,  248 

Parma,  industries  of,  323 

"  Parsival,"  338 

Passau,  diocese  established,  117 

Passion,  represented  in  the  MysterieSi 
520 

Pastoureaux,  revolt  of  the,  285 

Patay,  battle  of,  428 

Patriarchal  government  in  Arabia,  74, 

75 

Patriarchs,  the,  110 

Patrician  of  Rome,  120,  124 

Pairicii\  6 

Paulus  Orosius,  Universal  History,  163, 
165  (note) 

Pavia,  197,  219,  251;  reduction  of,  25; 
forces  attack  Theodoric,  34;  siege  of, 
38;  diet  of,  39;  bishop  of,  194;  pros- 
perity of,  306;  Count  of,  456 

Payens,  Hugh  de,  272 

Pearl  of  the  Ocean,  the,  349 

Pi'ckeros,  480 

Pecquigny,  John  of,  400 

Pedro,  Don,  king  of  Aragon,  369 

Peerage,  217  and  note 

Peers,  204,  217 

Pcipus,  Lake,  291 

Pcire  Vidal,  333 

Pekin,  283 

Pelagiusll.,  114 

Pclayo,  89,  gi;  flees  to  Cantabric  P3rre« 
nees,  296;  House  of,  298 

Peloponnesus,  devastated  by  Visigoths, 
18 


INDEX. 


573 


Pembroke,  Earl  of,  guardian  for  Henry 

III.,  386 
Pencrych,  Richard,  523 
Pendragon,  the,  41 
Pendulum  clock,  invention  of,  225 
Pentapolis,  the,  120,  465 
Penteyrn,  the,  41 
Penthifevre,  county  of,  ceded  to  Jane 

of  Blois,  406;  Jane  of,  396,  397 
Pera,  458,  502 
Percy,  416 
Per/ectissimi,  6 
Pergamus,  becomes  subject  to  Orkhan, 

^493 

Perigord,  345;  ceded  to  England,  364, 
405 

Perigord,  Count  of,  176 

Perigueux, municipal  institutions  in, 307; 
taken  by  Louis  VIII.,  360 

Peronne,  castle  of,  172;  acquired  by 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  430 

Perpetual  Constitution,  the,  59,  60,  log 

Persepolis,  sack  of,  86 

Persia,  iC,  72,  96;  menace  to  Rome,  10; 
Anastasius's  war  with,  45;  war 
with  Justinian,  45;  liberty  of  consci- 
ence to  Christians,  546;  pillaged,  52; 
Arab  expeditions  towards,  85;  de- 
feated by  Arabs,  86;  establishraent  of 
Turkomans  in,  96;  becomes  distinct 
sultanate,  264;  conquered  by  Jenghiz- 
Khan,  283;  highway  to  India,  318; 
conquered  by  Tamerlain,  498 

Persian  Gulf,  72,  73 

Persians,  driven  beyond  Euphrates,  43; 
in  Narses'  army,  48;  alliances  of,  52; 
invade  Syria,  52;  of  Schistic  sect,  85; 
influence  on  Arabs, .  200;  fear  of 
Charlemagne,  132 

Perugia,  458 

Pescara,  River,  129 

Petchenegs,  the,  466;  menace  Roman 
Empire,  221;  subjected  to  Magyars, 
490 

Peter  II.  (of  Aragon),  294,  478;  ac- 
knowledges vassalage  to  the  Pope, 

507 

Peter  III.  (of  Aragon),  447;  accepts 
throne  of  Sicily,  479 

Peter,  king  of  Hungary,  235 

Peter  de  Castelnau,  293 

Peter  des  Roches,  386 

Peter  of  Dreux,  360 

Peter  of  Luna,  elected  Pope,  5x1 

Peter  of  Savoy,  386 

Peter  of  Vinea,  256,  258  and  note,  259 

Peter  the  Cruel,  477,  530;  claims  throne 
of  Castile,  406 

Peter  the  German,  restored  to  the  Hun- 
garian throne,  490 

Peter  the  Hermit,  266  (note),  268,  274, 
crusade  of,  266  et  seq. 

Petit,  John,  421 

Petrarch,  226,  452,  454,  457,  517,  531,  532, 
563 

Petronius  Maximus,  26 

Pevensey,  Norman  landing  at,  181 

P/ahlbiirger,  315 


Pfalzgrafen,  instituted,  191 

Pharamond,  28 

Pharaohs,  canal  projects  of,  87 

Philip,  Emperor,  assassination  of,  254; 
claims  empire  of  Germany,  254; 
struggle  with  Otto  of  Brunswick, 
281,  507 

Philip  I.,  179,  216,  230,  342,  367;  traffic  in 
ecclesiastical  dignities,  240;  excom- 
munication of,  374 

Philip  II.,  304 

Philip  III.,  ordinances  of,  310;  reign  of, 
368,  169;  driven  from  Aragon,  447; 
hostilities  with  Don  Sancho,  477 

Philip  IV.,  342,  391,  433,  437,  466,  468, 
469,  520;  ordinances  of,  310;  lawyers 
under,  313;  reign  of,  369-371,  375-382; 
ouarrel  with  Boniface  VIII.,  375; 
maintains  his  independence  of  the 
church,  377;  alleged  interview  with 
Clement  v.,  380;  plans  expedition  to 
Holy  Land,  388;  coinage  of,  382; 
death,  382,  384;  hires  Genoese  galleys, 
383;  claims  of  Edward  III.  through, 
394 

Philip  v.,  ordinances  of,  310;  reign  of, 
383;  death  of,  384 

Philip  VI.,  393,  396, 411,  437,  469;  Robert 
III.'s  arts  against,  394;  Edward  III.'s 
attacks  on,  395;  supports  Jane  of 
Penthievre,  397;  acquisitions  of,  398 

Philip  VIII.,  excommunicated,  378 

Philip,  Count  of  Evreux,  394  (note) 

Philip  Augustus,  176,  212,  217  (note),  342, 
365.  523;  conquers  Otto  of  Brunswick, 
255;  embarks  on  the  third  crusade,  276; 
quarrel  with  Richard  I.,  276;  reaches 
the  Holy  Land,  276;  retires  from 
Palestine,  277;  excommunicated,  278; 
protects  Montpellier,  295;  ordinances 
of,  310;  study  of  law  under,  317; 
encourages  commerce,  322;  reign  of, 
351-359;  coalition  against,  355;  ex- 
communication of,  374,  506 

Philip  of  Alsace,  352 

Philip  of  Rouvres,  439 

Philip  the  Bold  (of  Burgundy),  418, 
421,  439;  acquires  Burgundy.  405 

Philip  the  Fair.     See  Philip  IV. 

Philip  the  Good,  424 

Philip  the  Long.     See  Philip  V. 

Philosophy,  Arab  influence  on,  99;  Arab 
researches  in,  100;  revival  of,  328 

Phocas,  51 

Phocas,  Nicephorus,  263 

Phoenicia,  Arab  conquest  of,  88 

Pholoe,  Mount,  18 

Photius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
262 

Phrygia,  sufferings  of  crusaders  in,  268 

Phrygian  dynasty,  253 

Piacenza,  250;  bishop  of,  198;  rebels 
against  Frederick  I.,  251 

Piast,  first  duke  of  Poland,  485;  failure 
of  dynasty,  4S6 

Picards,  421 

Picardy,  remnants  of  Roman  power  in, 
49;    struggle    with      Lorraine,    230; 


574 


INDEX, 


pillage  of  peasants  in,  403;  Charles 
Vll.  driven  from,  425 

Picts,  the,  40,  42;  defeated  by  Saxons, 41 

Piedmont,  251,  448 

Pike,  influence  of  the,  534 

Pilgrims,  hardships  of,  265,  266,  274 

Pippin  (the  Short),  60,  107,  108,  124,  236, 
292,  489;  seizes  Septimania,  98;  rules 
Neustria,  118;  succeeds  Charles  Mar- 
tel,  118;  assumes  sole  rule  over 
Prankish  Empire,  119;  attempted 
reforms  of,  119;  consecration  of,  120; 
death  of,  121,  144;  crowned  king  of 
Italy,  133;  loses  his  kingdom,  143; 
revolts  against  Louis  the  Pious,  143; 
expels  Arabs  from  France,  295 

Pippin  (son  of  Charlemagne),  takes  the 
Ring,  128 

Pippin  (son  of  Louis  the  Pious),  141 

Pippin  IL,  149;  alliance  with  Lothaire, 

145 

Pippin  of  Heristal,  68,  105,  106,  108 

Pippin  the  Elder,  68 

Piracy,  cessation  of  Scandinavian,  221 

Pirates,  protection  from,  37;  Scandina- 
vian, 483 

Pisa,  219,  450,  458,  468;  Italian  republican 
consuls  at,  248;  fleet  attacks  Genoese, 
257;  fleet  supplies  crusaders,  269; 
commerce  of,  320,  458;  power  of,  449; 
destroyed  by  Florence,  456;  arts  in, 
458;  Council  of,  512,  513 

Pisani,  Victor,  454 

Pistes,  council  of,  149 

Pistoia,  450 

Placidia,  21,  22 

Plague,  213;  rages  in  Antioch,  269 

Plagues,  224 

Plan  Carpin,  John  du,  318 

Plantagenet,  345 

Plato,  136 

Plautus,  532 

Playing-cards,  influence  on  literature, 

533 

Plectrude,  106 

Pliny,  136,  330 

Plum-tree,  323 

Po,  River,  19,  251;  crossed  by  Alaric, 
20;  valley  of,  conquered  by  Alboin, 
38 

Podolia,  taken  from  the  Russians,  486 

Poetry,  among  Arabs,  76;  reappearance 
of,  213;  power  of,  228;  blow  to,  294, 
295;  French,  521;  decline  of,  525;  in 
Castile,  528;  in  Provence,  530 

Poets,  Arabian,  76,  99,  100 

Pogonatos,  53 

Poitiers,  31,  90,  497;  battle  near,  108; 
battle  of,  399,  400,  405,  416,  420;  expels 
English  garrison,  409;  Joan  of  Arc  at, 
427 

Poitiers,  Count  of,  176,  217,  363 

Poitiers,  William  of,  as  a  poet,  333 

Poitou,  345,  386;  surrenders  to  Arthur, 
353;  occupied  by  Philip  Augustus, 
354;  opposition  to  John  in,  355;  defeat 
of  John  in,  356;  acquired  by  Philip 
Augustus,  358;    conquests  by  Louis 


VIII.  in,  360;  Count  of,  362;  entered 
by  Louis  IX.,  363;  Louis  IX. 's  rights 
in,  364;  ceded  to  Edward  III.,  405; 
battle  m,  409;  rising  in,  417 

Poland,  218,  221,  482,  Duke  of,  193;  war 
with  Henry  II.  of  Germaay,  197; 
recognizes  sovereignty  of  Frederick 
I.,  252;  Tartar  conquest  of,  283; 
commerce  of,  321;  represented  at 
Congress  of  Arras,  430;  severs  rela- 
tions with  Germany,  462;  subordinate 
to  Germany,  485;  era  of  prosperity, 
486;  aspirations  for  independence, 
486;  Silesia  separated  from,  486;  union 
with  Lithuania,  487;  conquered  by 
Mongols,  488;  Louis  the  Great 
becomes  king,  491 

Pole,  Michael  de  la,  413,  435 

Polenga,  18 

Poles,  the,  14,  191;  Otto's  policy  with, 
193;  converted  to  Christianity,  485; 
on  bank  of  Vistula,  485 

Polo,  Marco,  318,  319 

Polygamy,  214;  among  the  Germans,  13; 
Mohammedan  doctrine  of,  83 

Pomeranians,  the,  14;  conquered  by 
Boleslav  III.,  and  embrace  Christian- 
ity, 486 

Pomerelia,  wrested  from  the  Poles,  486 

Ponthieu,  county  of,  216;  Edward  III. 
does  homage  for, 384;  ceded  to  Edward 
III.,  405 

Pontifical  monarchy,  rise  of,  113 

Pontine  Marshes,  draining  of,  37 

Pontoise,  treaty  of,  404 

Pont-sur- Seine,  311 

Pontus,  gi;  proconsulate  of,  3 

Pope,  supremacy  of  the,  110;  increasing 
power  of,  117;  temporal  power,  132; 
hatred  of,  in  Constantinople,  500 

Popes,  quarrels  with  Emperors,  131; 
rules  for  election  of,  238;  era  of  two, 
510 

Poptilus  crassus,  449 

Populus  minuttis,  449 

Porcaro,  456 

Porto  Santo,  discovered,  482 

Portucale,  seizure  of,  300 

Portugal,  298;  foundation  of  kingdom, 
180;  makes  peace  with  Castile,  254; 
erection  of  county  of,  300;  resists 
invasion,  301;  defeats  Mussulmans, 
302;  military  order  in,  302;  annexes 
Algarve,  303;  represented  at  Congress 
of  Arras,  430;  victories  of,  476;  tragic 
end  of  Inez  de  Castro,  478;  war  with 
John  I.,  478;  enterprise  of,  481,  482 

Portuguese  language,  531 

Posen,  foundation  of  bishopric  of,  193; 
bishop  sent  to,  485;  duchy  of,  united 
with  Kalisck,  486;  change  of  language 
in,  522 

Poverty,  vow  of,  289 

Praeneste,  448 

PrjElorians,  the,  3,  95 

Pragmatic  Sanction,  431 

Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges,  440, 
515 


INDEX. 


575 


Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Frankfort,  470, 
507 

Pragmatic  Sanction  of  1338,  472 

Prague,  foundation  of  bishopric  of,  193 
and  note;  university  of,  327,  473,  532; 
captured  by  John  Ziska,  473 

Prague,  Jerome  of,  473 

Praguerie,  the,  431 

Precaria,  63 

Predestination,  Mohammed's  doctrine 
of,  83;  dogma  of,  223 

Presbyiert,  109 

Presidents,  4 

Presle,  Raoul  de,  383 

Primates,  the,  no 

Primogeniture  in  Russia,  487 

Prince-bishoprics,  219 

Prince  of  Wales,  origin  of  title,  389 

Princes,  college  of,  474 

Printing,  439;  Arabian  influence  on, 
102;  invention  of,  533;  influence  of,  534 

Priors  of  the  arts,  the,  449  and  note 

Private  wars,  205 

"  Privilege  of  union,"  481 

Probus,  7,  13 

Procida,  John  of,  446 

Procopius,  49 

Propertius,  532 

Propontis,  the,  44,  493;  coasts  seized  by 
Venice,  281 

Prose,  of  Froissart  and  Chartier,  519; 
rise  of  English,  524;  eminence  of,  525; 
value  of,  526;  Spanish,  530 

Proselytism,  116 

Protection  in  feudal  times,  210 

Protestantism,  tendencies  towards,  513 

Proven9aIs,  denounced  by  Innocent 
III.,  293;  invasion  of  Spain  by,  406 

Provence,  154,  167,  219;  invaded  by 
Lombards,  57;  adheres  to  Charles 
Martel,  108;  ravaged  by  Saracens,  149; 
under  Charles,  150;  king  of,  154;  for- 
mation of  kingdom,  155;  landing  of 
Saracens,  167;  marquisate  of,  217; 
rule  of  House  of  Barcelona,  292;  puts 
itself  und er  protection  of  France,  295 ; 
possessed  by  Aragon,  302;  commerce 
of,  321;  language,  332,  528;  possessed 
by  Charles  of  Anjou,  364;  influence 
on  literature,  530 

Provence,  Charles  of,  362 

Provence,  Eleanor  of,  386 

Provincial  parliaments,  382  (note) 

Provins,  312 

Provins,  Guiot  de,  322 

Provisions,  creation  of,  510 

Provisions  of  Oxford,  387,  391 

Prud'hommes,  307 

Prum,  abbey  of,  150 

Prussia,  221;  organization  of,  169;  ac- 
quires Brandenburg,  247  (note);  under 
rule  of  Teutonic  Knights,  291;  com- 
merce of,  321;  Teutonic  Knights  shut 
up  in,  487 

Prussians,  the,  14;  subjection  of,  291; 
war  with  Poland,  486 

Ftolemais,  capture  of,  272,  277;  sioge 
of,  276,  277 


Ptolemy,  tables  of,  loi 

Ptolemys,  canal  projects  of,  87 

Puiset,  216;  capture  of  castle,  34a; 
pillage  by  lord  of,  342 

Pulcheria,  22,  44 

Punic  language,  527 

Purity,  among  the  Germans,  13 

Pursuit,  right  of,  209 

Puy,  bishop  of,  267 

Pyrenees,  the,  22,  31,  98,  103,  128,  129, 
131,  175,  217,  261,  292,  294-296,  362,  368, 
369,  406,  421,  530;  crossed  by  barbari- 
ans, 19;  crossed  by  Franks,  33;  crossed 
by  Arabs,  89;  Visigoths  driven  be- 
yond, 89  (note);  boundary  of  Arab 
invasion,  90;  boundary  of  Arab  em- 
pire, 91;  crossed  by  Mohammedans, 
108 

Pyrrhus,  20 

Pythagoras,  136 

OUADl,  II 

"^Quadrilogue-Invectif,  Le,"  519 

Quadrivium,  the,  327 

Qucestor palatii^  2 

Quarantaitie-le-roy ,  358  and  note,  365 

Quartering,  389 

Quedlinburg,  igi 

Quercy,    ceded    to   England,   364,   405; 

ceded  to  Philip  the  Fair,  369 

Edward  III.,  405 
Quintilian,  discovery  of  works  of,  532 

Rabanus  Maurus,  137,  223 
Rabby,  Don  Santo,  530 
Race-courses,  duties  on,  under  Roman 

empire,  6 
Rackimbur^i,  the,  12 
Radagaisus,  40;  attack  on  empire  of  the 

West,  18;  invades  Roman  empire,  19; 

death  of,  19;  havoc  wrought  by,  28 
Radbod,  Pippin's  wars  against,  106 
Raganfred,  106 

Ragnar  Lodbrog,  poem  of,  527 
Ragusa,  490;  captured  by  Venice,  279 
Raimon  de  Miraval,  333 
Ramiro,  acquires  Aragon,  298 
Raoul  de  Presle,  383 
Raphael,  25 
Rationales^  2 
Ratisbon,  231;  diocese  established,  117; 

prosperity  of,  315;  commerce  of,  320; 

introduction  of  Gothic  architecture, 

340;  bishop  of,  330 
Ravenna,    19,   34,   51    (note),    114,   233; 

taken  by  Odovakar,  26;  Theodoric's 

residence  at,   36;    Theodoric's   tomb 

at,  37,  38;  Greek  government  of,  38; 

escape  of  Wstiges  to,  48;  diet  at,  256; 

battle  of,  338 
Ravenna,  archbishop   of,  124,  194,  219, 

220;  made  Pope,  242 
Ravenna,  John  of,  457 
Ravenspur,  landing  of  Bolingbroke  at, 

414 
Ranvia^  the,  100 

Raymond  VI.,  292;  demands  of  Inno- 
cent III.   on,  293;  excommunicated. 


576 


INDEX. 


293;  respite  for,  293;  defeat  of,  294; 
dispossessed,  294 

Raymond  VII.,  295,  360;  revolt  of,  361 

Raymond  of  Pennafort,  decretals  pub- 
lished by,  507 

Realists,  228 

Reccared,  89  (note);  conversion  of,  115 

Rechiarius,  21 

Rechila,  21 

Recollets,  the,  289 

Red  Russia,  taken  from  the  Russians, 
486 

Red  Sea,  72,  73,  101;  projects  for  con- 
nection with  river  Nile,  87;  highway 
to  India,  318 

Reform,  measures  presented  to  the 
Council  of  Constance,  514 

Reformation,  the  precursor  of,  380;  rise 
of  the  word  and  doctrine,  511 

Regale,  right  of,  376 

Reggio,  448 

Regidor,  office  of,  480 

Regulus,  405 

Relief,  right  of,  203 

Religion,  under  Roman  empire,  9 

Remonstrances,  custom  of,  439 

Renaissance,  begun  in  Florence,  340 

"  Renard,"  335 

Renaud,  355 

Rend  of  Anjou,  455;  claims  on  Lorraine, 

432 

Rennes,  act  of  confederation  signed  at, 
410 

Repkow,  Eike  von,  33S 

Republics  in  Italy,  248,  249 

Reservations,  creation  of,  510 

Rethel,  inherited  by  Philip  the  Bold, 
418 

Reuchlin,  John,  532 

Reuss,  River,  219,  467 

Revenues,  ecclesiastical,  right  of  dispo- 
sition of,  508 

Rhaetia,  saved  by  Stilicho,  i8;  becomes 
subject  to  Theodoric,  35;  appropri- 
ated for  king  Charles,  143 

Rhamadan,  84 

Rheims,  29,  30,  58,  153,  176,  419;  seized 
by  Chilperic,  55;  Charles  III.  pro- 
claimed at,  172;  archbishop-duke  of, 
217;  bishop  of,  invades  southern 
France,  293;  municipal  institutions  in, 
307;  commune  of,  309;  commerce  of, 
322;  consecration  of  Charles  VII.  at, 
428;  Council  of,  344;  abolition  of 
commune,  366J  coronation  of  Philip 
V.  at,  383;  advance  of  English  to, 
408 

Rhetoric,  Cicero's  treatise  on,  532 

"  Rhetoric  "  of  Tacitus,  223 

Rhine,  River,  8,  11,  19,  30,  41,  68,  103, 
124,  I2S,  145,  146,  150.  156,  1571  173, 175. 
176,  180,  21B,  219,  252,  315,  320,  321,  337, 
340,  370,  461  (note),  462,  463;  crossed  by 
barbarians,  19;  crossed  by  Attila,  24; 
Alemannian  boundary,  29;  projected 
canal  to  the  Danube,  137;  crossed  by 
Hungarians,  i68;  electors  of  the,  461; 
League  of  the,  463 


Rhodes,  Arab  occupation  of,  91;  taken 

by  Venetians,  278 

Rhone,  River,  22,  35,  107,  144,  150,  193, 
360;  annexation  of  the  valley  by  Con- 
rad II.,  198 

Rhubarb,  use  of,  102 

Richard  I.,  282,  350;  embarks  on  the 
third  crusade,  276;  reaches  the  Holy 
Land,  276;  quarrel  with  Philip 
Augustus,  276;  massacres  prisoners, 
277;  retires  from  Palestine,  277;  cap- 
tured by  Leopold,  277;  as  a  poet,  33a, 
333;  character,  352;  death,  353 

Richard  II.,  417;  reign  of,  411-414; 
enthusiasm  of  Wat  Tyler's  mob 
for,  413;  troubles  with  Parliament, 
413;  deposed,  415,  422,  435;  assassi- 
nated, 415;  honors  to  remains  of,  416; 
increase  of  parliamentary  power,  435 

Richard,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  360 

Richard,  king  of  the  Romans,  434 

Richard  of  Cornwall,  387,  461,  464 

Richard  Strongbow,  350 

Richemond,  Constable  of,  426,  428,  430- 

432 
Richer,  227 
Ricimer,  26 
Ricos  Hombres,  480 
Rienzo,  456,  511 
Rienzo,  Cola  di,  453,  453 
Rietheburg,  battle  of,  192  (note) 
Riga,  bishops  of,  291 
Ring  fortress,  the,  127 
Rio  Salado,  battle  at,  477 
Ripen,  foundation  of  bishopric  of,  193 
Ripuarian    Franks,  defence  of  River 

Rhine,  19 
Ripuarians,    11,    31,    106;    allied    with 

Romans  against  Attila,  25;  laws  of, 

61 ;  preserve  their  laws,  139 
Roads,  under  Roman  Empire,  6 
Robert  I.  (of  Artois),  257,  284,  285,  362 
Robert  I.  (of  France),  172,  188,  300,  316, 

454 
Robert  II.  (of  France),  177 
Robert  II.  (of  Normandy),  343 
Robert  III.,  of  Artois,  394 
Robert  of  Gloucester,  524 
Robert  de  Courjon,  327 
Robert  de  Vere,  413 
Robert  le  Coq,  400 
Robert  the  Devil,  181 
Robert  the  Frisian,  war  with  Philip  L, 

179 
Robert  the  Strong,  154,  158,  216 
Robin  Hood,  184  and  note,  522,  523 
Roche-Darrien,  battle  of,  ^98 
Rochelle,   taken    by   Louis  VIII.,  360; 

capture    of    English    fleet    off,  409; 

rivalry  with  Bordeaux,  409 
Roches,  Peter  des,  386 
Roderic,  89 
Rodrigo  de  Bivar,  300 
Roger,  236 

Roger  I.,  king  of  Sicily,  253  (note) 
Roger  II.,  Count  of  Sicily,  253  (note) 
Roger  II.,  king  of  Sicily,  253 
Roger  of  Loria,  447 


INDEX. 


S77 


Roland,  128,  334 

Rolf.  158 

RoUo,  158 

Romagna,  447,  452;  revolts  against 
Frederick  II.,  257;  Visconti's  at- 
tempts on,  455 

Roman  architecture,  232 

Romance  architecture,  232 

Romance  language,  226 

"  Romance  of  the  Rose,"  334,  335,  520, 

524 

"  Romancero,  the,"  528 

Romances,  526 

"  Roman  de  Brut,"  230 

"  Roman  des  Loherains,"  230 

Roman  Empire,  end  of,  i;  new  form 
of,  1;  police,  2;  luxury  in,  3;  civil 
hierarchy,  4;  despotism  of,  4;  free  in- 
stitutions, 4;  military  hierarchy,  4; 
provinces  of,  4;  census  in,  5;  taxation 
under,  5;  moral  and  intellectual  con- 
dition, 8;  northern  and  southern 
boundaries  of,  71;  perished,  108;  ap- 
pointment to  office  under,  201 

Roman  France,  106 

Romania,  creation  of  empire,  281;  Vil- 
lehardouin  made  Marshal  of,  281 

Roman  influence  in  Italy,  194 

Roman  language,  139 

Roman  law,  62 

Roman  ritual,  defeated  in  ordeals,  299; 
use  of,  demanded  in  Spain,  299 

Romans,  relations  with  Goths  under 
Theodoric,  36;  taxation  of,  65  (note); 
king  of  the,  369,  472 

Romanus  Diogenes,  263,  264 

Roman  World  at  end  of  fourth  century, 

Rome,  147,  444,  458;  fall  of,  i;  influence 
of,  i;  municipal  government,  i;  taxes 
in,  i;  diocese  of,  4.  36;  Church  of, 
9,  10;  dangers  threatening,  10;  de- 
cadence of,  17;  Alaric  before,  20; 
pillage  of,  20;  surrender  to  Alaric, 
20;  pillaged  by  the  Vandals,  26;  taken 
by  Odovakar,  26 ;  Greek  govern- 
ment of,  38;  captured  by  Belisarius, 
48;  Gothic  capture  of,  48;  schools 
of,  49;  an  apostolic  see,  no;  under 
Emperor  of  Constantinople,  114;  re- 
newed conquests  by,  116;  rebellion 
in,  117;  Charlemagne's  sovereignty 
over,  124;  Cnut's  pilgrimage  to,  164; 
partly  burned  by  Saracens,  166;  Otto 
crowned  emperor  at,  195;  republic 
of,  220;  capital  of  the  empire,  235; 
taken  by  Henry  IV.,  242;  re-estab- 
lishment of  republic  of,  248;  Fred- 
erick I,  marches  on,  249;  Freder- 
ick I.'s  claim  on,  249,  250;  rule  ot 
Innocent  III.,  253;  blockaded  by 
Frederick  II.,  257;  Innocent  IV.  es- 
capes from,  258;  Sultan  of,  264;  Spain 
in  communion  with,  299;  appeals  to, 
374;  council  at,  376;  synod  at,  378; 
ecclesiastical  invasion  of  England  by, 
386;  restoration  of  papacy  to,  417; 
cnjclty  in,  446;  legate  from  pope  at 


Avignon,  448,  449;  restoration  of  pon- 
tifical seat  to,  453;  Porcaro's  attempt 
at,  456;  last  emperor  crowned  at,  474; 
jubilee  of  BonifaceVIII.,  509;  clamors 
for  Roman  pope,  510;  discontent  at, 
510;  hostility  to  Avignon,  510 

Romee,  Isabelle,  426 

Romney  sends  deputies  to  Parliament, 
314 

Romulus,  147 

Romulus  Augustulus,  26 

Roncalia,  Diet  of,  250 

Roncesvalles,  massacre  of,  128 

Roncevaux,  valley  of,  230 

Roosebek,  battle  of,  418,  419 

Rosamond,  Fair,  350 

Rosamund,  38 

Roscellinus,  329 

Roses,  War  of  the.  See  Wars  of  the 
Roses 

Rostock,  University  of,  532 

Rother,  King,  338 

Rothfeld,  "  the  field  of  lies,"  143 

Roturiers,  209 

Rouen,  157,  419;  attacked  by  Norsemen, 
150;  burned  by  Norsemen,  157;  mon- 
astery at,  227;  bishop  of,  invades 
southern  France,  293;  commerce  of, 
322;  synod  of,  324;  taken  by  Philip 
Augustus,  354;  ecliequier  held  at,  382; 
a  king  of,  417;  fall  of,  424;  trial  and 
burning  of  Joan  of  Arc  at,  429,  430 

Rouergue,  Raymond  VII. 's  interest  in, 
361;  inherited  by  Philip  III.,  368; 
ceded  to  Edward  III.,  405 

Roum,  Sultan  of,  264 

Roumanians,  482 

Round  Table,  the,  337,  527 

Rousiilon,  rule  of  House  of  Barcelona, 
292;  added  to  Catalonia,  302;  ceded 
to  Aragon,  364 

Rouvres,  Philip  of,  439 

Royal  ordinances,  439 

Roye,  acquired  by  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
430 

Royer,  king  of  Sicily,  102 

Rubruquis.  318 

Rudolf  III.,  178,  198 

Rudolf,  of  Burgundy,  172,  188,  194 

Rudolf  Agricola,  532 

Rudolf  of  Hapsburg,  446,  461;  election 
of,  464;  reign  of,  464-466;  acquires 
Austria,  468 

Rudolf  of  Swabia,  opposes  Henry  IV., 
241;  elected  king,  242;  killed,  242 

Rue  de  Fouare,  328 

Rufinus,  18 

Rugians,  the,  11  I 

Rugii,  the,  26 

Runnymede,  signing  of  Magna  Charta, 

Rupert  of  Bavaria,  473 

Rurik.  165,  487 

Russia,  164,  166,  221,  482;  origin  of 
name,  166  (note);  attacks  Empire  of 
the  East,  262;  peace  with  Greece,  262, 
263;  commerce  of,  321;  invaded  by 
Norsemen,  483;   beginnings  of,  487; 


578 


INDEX. 


primogeniture  in,  487;  Mongol  in- 
vasion of,  488;  released  from  Tartar 
yoke,  488;  under  Tartar  rule,  488; 
Timur's  attack  on,  498 

Russians,  menace  Roman  Empire,  221; 
driven  from  the  Danube,  262;  con- 
quered by  Tartars,  283 

Ruteboeuf,  335 

Rutli,  467 

Ruybroecq,  318 

Saale,  River,  129,  192 

Saba,  73  » 

Sabianism  in  Hedjaz,  75 

Sagres,  481 

St.  Ambrose.  9 

St.  Amour,  William  de,  289 

St.  Anastasius,  9 

St.  Andrew,  269 

St.  Ange,  cardinal-legate  of,  360 

St.  Anianus,  24 

St.  Anselm,  227,  328,  329;  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  228 

St.  Aubin  du  Cormier,  treaty  of,  361 

St.  Augustine,  9,  23,  223  228;  appointed 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  115;  cor- 
respondence with  Gregory  the  Great, 
116 

St.  Bee,  monastery  of,  328 

St.  Benedict,  rules  of,  288,  525 

St.  Benedict  of  Aniane,  112,  137;  reform 
of,  288  (note) 

St.  Benedict  of  Nursia,  112 

St.  Bernard,  249,  292,  374;  preaches 
the  crusades,  273;  attempts  to  orga- 
nize a  third  crusade,  275  ;  reform  by, 
288,  note  ;  excommunicates  Abelard, 
329  ;  sides  with  Innocent  II.,  345 

St.  Bonaventura,  331 

St.  Boniface,  116  ;  primate  of  Germany, 
117;  death  of,  117;  consecrates  Pip- 
pin, 120 

St.  Brice,  massacre  of,  163 

St.  Clair-sur-Epte,  treaty  of,  158 

St.  Catherine,  427,  510 

St.  Christopher,  214 

St.  Cloud,  32 

St.  Columban,  42;  persecution  of,  59; 
mission  of,  115 

St.  Denis,  fairs  in,  322;  killing  of  Mar- 
cel at,  404;  gate  of  Paris,  520 

St.  Denis,  abbey  of,  61,  175;  pillaged, 
342 

Si.  Denis,  abbot  of,  158,  344 

St.  Dominic,  289 

St.  Dunstan,  162 

St.  Eloi,  60,  61 

Saintes,  pillaged  by  Norsemen,  157; 
battle  near,  363;  battle  of,  386;  expels 
English  garrison,  409 

St.  Francis,  289 

St.  Gall,  discoveries  in  monastery  of,  531 

St.  Genevifeve,  Mount,  326 

"St.  George,"  527 

St.  Germain,  227;  abbey  of,  175 

St.  Germain  des  Prfes,  abbey  of,  pil- 
laged by  Norsemen,  157 

§t.  Gregory,  39 


St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  9 

St.  Henry,  197 

St.  Jacques,  Rue,  289 

St.  Jacques,  battle  of,  432 

St.  James,  297;  military  order  of,  302 

St.  Jean  d'Angely,  forest  of,  380 

St.  Jean-Pied-de-Port,  128 

St.  Jerome,  on  monasticism,  iii 

St.  John,  257 

St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  Hospitallers  of, 

272 
St.  Lebuin,  125 
St.  Leger,  67,  68 
St.  Leo,  113 
St.  Lupus,  24 
St.  Margaret,  427 
St.  Mark,  bronze  horses  of,  454 
St.  Mark's  Church,  279,  458 
St.  Martin  of  Tours,  abbey  of,  136,  157, 

17s 
St.  Medard  of  Soissons,  church  of,  144 
St.  Michael,  Mount,  monastery  of,  227 
St.  Omar,  216  ;  battle  of,  396 
Saintonge,    217,    345;    left    in    John's 

hands,  355;  cession  to  England,  364, 

405 
St.  Patrick,  42 

St.  Peter,  10,  181  ;  tomb  of,  n8 
St.  Peter  le  Vif,  abbot  of,  273 
St.  Peter's  Church,  pageant  in,  374 
St.  Pierre,  Eustace  of,  398,  424 
St.  Pol,  palace  of,  408 
St.  Proculus,  monastery  of,  211 
St.  Quentin,  commune  of,  308,  309 
St.  Remi,  abbey  of,  227 
St.  Remigius,  baptizes  Clovis,  30 
St.  Requier  library,  223 
St.  Rupert,  mission  to  Bavaria,  115 
St.  Sophia,  church  of,  50,  262  ;  the  cross 

replaced  by  the  crescent,  503 
St.  Stephen,  489;  monastery  of,  227 
St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  289,  326,  330 
St.  Tropez,  167 
St.  Valfery,  175 
St.  Valfery-sur-Somme,  181 
St.  Vandrille,  abbey  of,  227 
St.  Victor,  monastery  of,  112,  228 
St.  Vitalis,  51  (note) 
St.  Wilfrid,  ti6 
St.  Willibrord,  116 
Saisset,  Bernard,  376 
Saladin,  campaigns  of,  275,  276;   cour- 
tesy to  his  enemies,  277  ;  reassembles 

forces,  277 
Saladin  tithe,  the,  276 
Salado,  River,  89  (note) 
Salamanca,   297;   taken   by  Almanzor, 

297  ;  university  of,  327 
Salerno,  threatened  by  Saracens,  166 ; 

besieged  by  Saracens,  236 
Salerno,  Duke  of,  194 
Salian  Franks,  28  ;  preserve  their  laws, 

139 
Salians,   11;   law    of,  61;   allied    with 

Romans  against  Attila,  25 
Salic  law,  6i  and  note,  62,  383,  393,  396 
Salisbury,  Earl  of,  rebukes  St.  Louis, 

28^;  besieges  Orleans,  .126 


INDEX. 


579 


Sallust,  imitation  o.,  227 

Salt,  tax  on,  407 

Salt-works,  duties  on,  under  Roman 
Empire,  6 

Saluzzo,  marquisate  of,  448 
Salvian,  g 

Salzburg-,  bishopric  of,  115 
Sama,  60 

Samarcand,  civilization  at,  88  ;  an  intel- 
lectual centre,  99  ;  observatory  at, 
loi;  reached  by  Benjamin  of  Tudela, 
318;  Khan  overthrown  by  Timur, 
498 

Samogitia,  conquered  by  Teutonic 
knights,  486  ;  surrendered  by  Teutonic 
knights,  487 

Samos,  taken  by  Venetians,  278 

Samuel,  king  of  Bulgarians,  263 

SanS  73,  74 

Sancerre,  county  of,  sold  to  France,  361 

Sancho,  Don,  529  ;  claims  the  crown, 
477 

Sancho  the  Great,  297,  298 

Sandwich,  349;  sends  deputies  to  Par- 
liament, 3J4 

San  Jago  de  Compostella,  taken  by 
Almanzor,  297 

San  Jago  Matamoros,  297 

Santa  Croce,  church  of,  458 

Santa  Maria  del  Fiore,  church  of,  458 

Santarem,  301;  battle  of,  302 

Saone,  River,  146,  216 

Sara,  descent  of  Mohammedans  from, 
277 

Saracenic  influence  in  Italy,  194 

Saracens,  53  (note),  156,  aoo;  defeated 
by  Charles  Martel,  108;  Charle- 
magne's campaigns  against,  123  ; 
threaten  Balearic  Islands,  129  ;  pillage 
Corsica  and  Sardinia,  142,  166;  pillage 
Septimania,  142 ;  ravages  of,  149 ; 
expelled  from  Bari,  150;  in  Italy,  166; 
relations  with  Otto,  196  ;  hatred  of, 
229 ;  expel  John  of  Brienne  from 
Sicily,  256;  revolt  in  Sicily,  256; 
invade  Italy,  258  ;  origin  of  the  name, 
277 ;  repulse  the  seventh  crusade, 
285  ;  allowed  free  sway  in  Spain  and 
Africa,  295  ;  probability  of  knowledge 
of  compass,  322  ;  at  Lucera,  444;  use 
of  gunpowder  attributed  to,  534 

Saragossa,  Franks  at,  33;  independence 
of,  99;  Charlemagne's  attack  on,  128, 
note;  captured  by  Charlemagne,  128; 
conquest  of,  300;  cortes  at,  481 

Sardinia,  219,  450;  conquered  by  Gai- 
seric,  23  ;  taken  by  Belisarius,  47  ;  the 
Aglabides  in,  96;  remnants  of  pagan- 
ism in,  lis;  taken  by  Franks,  129; 
devastated  by  Saracens,  142,  166;  in 
possession  of  Saracens,  166;  Freder- 
ick I.'s  claim  on,  249;  acquired  by 
Enzio,  257;  ceded  to  Aragon,  479 

Sarmatians,  overwhelmed  by  Theodo- 
ric.  34 

Sarus,  alliance  with  Honorius,  20 

Sassantdes,  standard  of  the.  86;  found 
second  Persian  Empire,  86  (note) 


Saucourt,  battle  of,  154 

Saumur,  214 

Save,  River,  17,  35,  129,  218,  221,  490,  497 

Savoy,  219,  448;  supports  Clement  Vlf., 
510 

Savoy,  Duke  of,  elected  Pope,  515 

Savoy,  House  of,  448 

Savoy,  Peter  of,  386 

"  Saxo  Grammaticus,"  527 

Saxon,  chief  component  of  English 
language,  522 

Saxon  architecture,  232 

Saxon  heptarchy,  42 

"  Saxon  Mirror,"  the,  338 

Saxons,  the,  11,  54,  107, 118,  129, 130, 180; 
allied  with  Romans  against  Attila,  24; 
occupy  Bayeux,  29  ;  union  with 
Franks,  29;  defeat  Lothaire  I.,  33; 
invade  Great  Britain,  40 ;  summoned 
against  Picts,  41 ;  war  with  Cam- 
brians, 41 ;  pitted  against  Slavs,  60 ; 
Charles  Martel's  campaigns  against, 
107;  conquered  by  Pippin,  120; 
threaten  Charlemagne,  122;  weakness 
of,  123;  Charlmagne's  wars  with,  124; 
deportation  of,  125  ;  subjection  of, 
125  ;  massacre  of  126;  revolt  of,  126 
preserve  their  laws,  139 ;  revolts 
against  William  the  Conqueror,  183  ; 
Charlemagne's  policy  with,  193 ; 
oppose  Henry  IV.,  241  ;  Charle- 
magne's method  of  subjugating,  291  ; 
settlers  in  Transylvania,  490;  influ- 
ence on  English  language,  521 

Saxony,  150,  189,  219,  465,  472,  475 ; 
Charlemagne's  winter  campaign  in, 
.  126  ;  elects  Conrad  I.,  190;  foundation 
of  bishopric  of,  193;  boundaries  of, 
218  ;  revolt  in,  240,  241;  inherited  by 
Henry  the  Proud,  247  ;  recovered  by 
Henry  the  Lion,  247;  taken  from 
Henry  the  Lion,  252  ;  prosperity  of, 
315  ;  commerce  of,  321 

Saxony,  Duke  of,  471 

Saxony,  House  of,  461 

Scabini,  the,  135 

Scanderbeg,  harasses  Turks,  501  ; 
Amurath  II. 's  futile  efforts  against, 
502 

Scandinavia,  missions  to,  163;  literature 
of,  526 

Scandinavian  Empire,  decline  of,  180 

Scandinavians,  the,  11  ;  spread  of,  166; 
civilization  of,  483  ;  invasions  of 
England,  159 

Scandinavian  States,  482 

Scania,  221,  322;  Code  of,  483 

Scheldt,  River,  146,  157,  216,  218 

Schiites,  the,  85 

Schiller,  337 

Schism  of  the  West,  380,  417,  4-3,  473, 
510 

Schleswig,  192;  mark  of.  191;  founda- 
tion of  bishopric  of,  193;  ceded  to 
Denmark,  197;  brought  back  under 
dominion  of  Denmark,  485;  rebeTion 
of,  485 

Schoeffer,  invention  of  printing,  533 


58o 


INDEX. 


Scholasticism,  328 
School  of  the  Palace,  136 
Schools,  military  division,  3 
Schools.     See  Education. 
Schwarzburg,  Gunther  of,  470 
Schwitz,  revolt  in,  466 
Science,  Arab  influence  on,  99 
Scio,  taken  by  Venetians,  278 
Scipio,  52 

Scone,  coronation-stone  of,  390 
Scotland,  40,  42;  subjected  to  Cnut,  163; 
asylum  for  Saxons,  183;  political 
geography  in  eleventh  century,  220, 
221;  defeated  by  Henry  II.,  3150;  al- 
liance of  Philip  the  Fair  with,  369, 
370;  independence  of,  389,  390;  un- 
der Enghsh  rule,  389;  English  cam- 
paigns against,  395,  398,  413;  alliance 
of  Charles  V.  with,  407;  supports 
Clement  VII.,  510 
Scots,  the,  40,  42;  at  Bruanburh,  162; 

incursions  into  England,  346 
Scotus,  John,  329 
Scourge  of  God,  the,  24 
Scribes,  4 

Sculdahis,  39  (note) 

Sculpture,  drawbacks  on  Arabian,  102 
Scyri,  the,  26 

Scythians,  religious  symbol  of,  23 
Sebastian,  21 

Sebenico,  captured  by  Venice,  279 
Sebsvar,     massacre    by    Timur,    498; 
towers   founded   on  human    bodies 
498 
Segna,  Counts  of,  253 
Seid,  freedman  of  Mohammed,  77 
Seignoral  abbeys,  217,  219 
Seine,  River,  154,  158,  176,  354,  398,  403, 

406,  422;  crossed  by  Attila,  24 
Seine-et-Marne,  58 

Seldjuk,  96:    destruction  of  kingdom, 
~  493 
Seldjuks,  264;    Amurath's  wars  with 

496 
'  Select  Charters,"  184,  note 
Sclephj  River,  253,  276 
Seleucia,  94 

Seleucides,  the,  86  (note) 
Sempach,  battle  of,  467,  526 
Senate,  248,  307 
Seneca,  519 

Senlis,  assembly  at,  176 
Senna,  use  of,  102 

Sens,  153;  Arab  advance  to,  90;  county 
of,  216;  revolt  against  taxation,  273; 
bishop  of,  invades  southern  France,' 
293;  commune  of,  309;  archbishop  of, 
381 
Separatists,  the,  85 

Septimania,  31,  145;  Arab  occupation 
of,  89;  held  by  Visigoths,  89  (note); 
settlement  of  Munuza  in,  90;  seized 
by  Pippin  the  Short,  98;  recovered 
from  Arabs  by  Pippin,  120;  Arab  in- 
vasion of,  128;  pillaged  by  Saracens, 
1^2;  independence  of,  149 
Serbs,  the,  14 
Serfdom,  7;    abolished  in  Normandy, 


158;   abolition    demanded    by    Wat 

Tyler,  412 
Serfs,  208;  enfranchisement  of,  316,366 

382,  383,  464,  50s 
Sergius,  patriarch,  52 
SergiusII.,  117 

Servia,  500;  conquered  by  Louis  the 
Great,  491;  annihilates  Turkish  army, 
496;  war  with  Amurath,  496;  wars  in, 
500;  Hunyadi  marches  against,  501 
Servia,  Prince  of,  anecdote  of,  496- 
killed  by  Amurath,  496  ' 

Servians,  possess  right  bank  of  Dan- 
ube, 492 

Servi  gleb(F,  208 

Servile  tenures,  209 

Sesia,  River,  448 

Severn,  River,  40 

Severus,  6,  26;  wall  of,  40 

Seville,  116;  Archbishop  of,  opposes 
Roderic,  89;  independence  of,  99;  ex- 
pulsion of  Aben-Abed  from,  301* 
taken  by  Castile,  303  ' 

Sforza,  Francesco,  456 

Sforza  Attendolo,  456 

Shaftesbury,  death  of  Cnut  at,  164 

Shahen,  52 

Shakespeare,  416,  527 

Shem,  73 

Sheriff,  office  of,  161,  434  and  note 

Shetland  Islands,  discovery  of,  165 

"  Ship  of  Fools,"  525 

Shire  moots,  388  (note) 

Shrewsbury,  battle  of,  416 

Sicilians,  revolt  against  Charles  of 
Anjou,  369 

Sicilian  Vespers,  446,  479,  492 

Sicilies,  the  Two,  Frederick  II.'s  claims 
to,  255;  origin  of  the,  447 

Sicily,  20,  263,  447;  Alaric's  plans 
against,  20;  conquered  by  Gaiseric, 
23;  attacked  by  Buccelin,  33;  acquired 
by  Goths,  35;  conquered  by  Belisari- 
us,  48;  the  Aglabites  in,  96;  remnants 
of  paganism  in,  115;  devastated  by 
Saracens,  166;  attacked  by  Arabs, 
220;  county  of,  220;  erection  of  king- 
dom, 236;  under  suzerainty  of  Leo 
IX.,  236;  Frederick  I.'s  claims  on,  249; 
in  hands  of  the  Hohenstaufens,  254- 
expulsion  of  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
ciscans, 257;  delivered  from  Mourad- 
bey,  256;  invaded  by  John  of  Brienne, 
256;  incited  to  revolt,  258;  Frederick 
II.  s  consent  to  division  of,  259- 
Normans  of,  rescue  Louis  VII.,  275- 
Richard  I.  and  Philip  Augustus  win- 
ter in,  276;  Charles  of  Anjou  becomes 
king,  285,  286,  365;  cultivation  of 
sugar  in,  323;  given  to  France,  374: 
crown  offered  to  Edmund,  387;  ac- 
quired by  Duke  of  Anjou,  417;  repre- 
sented at  Congress  of  Arras,  430; 
Manfred  crowned  king,  444;  opposi- 
tion to,  446;  acquired  by  James,  447; 
massacres  in,  447;  ceded  to  Robert, 
454;  sugar-canes  from,  transplanted 
to  Madeira,  482 


INDEX. 


581 


Sicily,  king  of,  456,  468;  menial  to  Boni- 
face VIII.,  372 

Sidon,  capture  of,  272;  restored  to 
Christians,  282 

Sidonius  Apollinaris,  109 

Siebenbiirgen,  490 

Siegenot,  338 

Sienna,  450 

Sierra  Morena,  battle  of,  302 

Siete  Partidas,  las,  477,  528 

Sigambri,  11 

Sigibert,  31,  55,  66;  proclaimed  king  by 
Neustrians,  56 

Sigismund,  Emperor,  473,  474,  486,  491; 
sells  Brandenburg,  247  (note);  cru- 
sade of,  497;  influences  John  XXIII., 

513 

Sigismund,  king  of  Burgundy,  32,  62 

Signories,  217 

Sigtuna,  484 

Silesia,  468,  472;  Tartar  spoliation  of, 
283;  dynasty  of  Piast  in,  485;  secedes 
from  Poland,  486;  conquered  by  Mon- 
gols, 488 

Silius  Italicus,  532 

Silk,  323 

Silkworms,  importation  of,  50 

Silvester  II.,  175,  196,  224,  225,  489;  ap- 
peals on  behalf  of  Jerusalem,  265 

Simancas,  defeat  of,  297 

Simeon  of  Antioch,  iii 

Simon  de  Montfort,  rebellion  of,  388 

Simon  of  Tournay,  331 

Simony,  238,  240 

Simple  homage,  202  (note) 

Sinai,  peninsula  of,  72,  73 

Sineus,  165 

Singeric,  21 

Singidunum,  taken  by  Avars,  51 

Sirmium,  35;  capture  of,  51  and  note 

Siroes,  52 

Sirvenfes,  333 

Sithieu,  monastery  of,  120 

Slavery,  63,  208;  under  Roman  Empire, 
7;  abhorred  by  Germans,  11;  Moham- 
med's doctrine  about,  83 

Slavic  territory,  218 

Slavonians.     See  Slavs. 

Slavs,  the,  14,  23, 129, 167  (note),  191, 463, 
488;  menace  to  Rome,  lo;  activity  of, 
ii;  in  Narses'  army,  48;  ravage  Thu- 
ringia,  60;  threaten  Charlemagne,  122; 
give  asylum  to  Saxons,  126;  incur- 
sions of,  126;  disturbances,  14^;  at- 
tacked by  Arnulf,  168;  invade  Ger- 
many, 188;  defeated  by  Conrad  II., 
197;  on  the  Baltic,  221 

Slav  States,  482 

Slayer  of  the  Moors,  the,  297 

Slova,  167  (note) 

Slovenes,  the,  14 

Sluys,  battle  of,  396. 

Smaragdus,  137 

Smithtield,  Wat  Tyler's  interview  with 
Richard  II.  at,  413 

Smyrna,  taken  by  Timur,  499 

Soana,  237 

Sobriety,  not  a  German  virtue,  13 


Social  life,  improvements  in,  225 

Social  revolution,  505,  506 

Sogdiana,  Mussulman  conquest  of,  88 

Soissons,  29,  55,  58;  Lothaire,  king  of, 
32;  battle  of,  107;  council  of,  iig; 
electoral  assembly  at,  120;  county  of, 
216;  commune  of,  309 

Soliman,  attacks  Constantinople,  88; 
vision  of,  493;  expedition  ajjainst  Con- 
stantinople, 494;  ravages  Thrace  and 
Bulgaria,  494;  captures  Gallipoli,  494; 
death,  494 

Solomon,  house  of  Temple  of,  291 

Somersetshire,  Alfred  seeks  asylum  in, 
1 60 

Somme,  River,  28,216,294  (note), 398,  430 

Song,  power  of,  228 

Song  of  the  Nibelungen,  338 

Sophia,  taken  by  Amurath,  496;  cap- 
tured by  Hunyadi,  500 

Sorbonne,  289 

Sorel,  Agnes,  43 

Soufis,  the,  loi 

Southampton,  incident  of  Cnut  and  the 
tide  at,  164 

Spahis,  495 

Spain,  44,  49,  61,  129,  300,  368,  447;  un- 
der Roman  Empire,  i;  vice-prefect 
of,  3,  4;  the  Suevi  in,  21;  usurpers  in, 
21;  Walia's  operations  in,  21;  return 
of  Goths  to,  22;  Gothic  occupation  of, 
35;  part  rescued  from  the  Visigoths, 
43;  the  assembly  in,  64;  condition  of 
Visigoth  monarchy  in,  89;  Visigoth 
supremacy  in,  89  (note);  Abderrah- 
man  called  to  rule  in,  93;  Arab  mod- 
eration in,  97;  mines  of,  103;  palmy 
days  of,  103;  the  garden  of,  103;  Mo- 
hammedan invasion  of,  108;  Gregory 
the  Great's  interest  in,  ii6;  entry  of 
Charlemagne,  128;  ravaged  by  Norse- 
men, 157,  166;  struggles  with  Moors, 
220;  Gregory  VII. 's  claim  of  suzer- 
ainty over,  240;  empire  of  the  Ommi- 
ades  in,  264;  the  Inquisition  in,  289; 
given  over  to  Arabs,  295;  divisions 
of,  298;  effect  of  Christian  disasters 
in  Jerusalem  on,  299;  resumption  of 
Holy  War  in,  299;  rftual  used  in,  299; 
effect  of  crusades  in,  303;  influence  of 
position  on,  304;  commercial  relations 
with  England,  322;  cultivation  of 
sugar  in,  323;  end  of  Philip  III. 's  war 
with,  369;  invasion  of,  by  Du  Gues- 
clin,  406,  407;  commerce  of  Genoa 
with,  458;  frightful  affairs  in,  477,  478; 
union  of,  479 ;  supports  Clement  VII., 
510;  literature  of,  527,  530 

Spalato,  129;  captured  by  Venice,  279 

Spaniards,  struggles  against  Moors, 
290 

Spectaiiles,  6 

"  Speculum  Majus,"  330 

Spire,  prosperity  of,  315;  trades  de- 
clared free,  463 

Spoleto,  draining  of  marshes  of,'37;  un- 
der a  Lombard  duke,  38;  seizure  of, 
114 


582 


INDEX. 


Spoleto,  Duke  of,  124,  188, 194 

S.  P.  Q.  R.,  248 

Spyer,  146 

Squire,  office  of,  231 

Stake,  the,  225,  227 

Stammerer,  Louis  the.    See  Louis  IL 

Standard,  battle  of  the,  346 

State,  union  of  church  with,  239 

States-General,  215,  384,  437;  first  as- 
semblage of,  377;  reassembling  of, 
378;  assembly  at  Tours,  381;  rise  of, 
382;  convocation  of,  399,  400;  recog- 
nize Henry  V.,  424 

Statins,  334 

Statute  of  mortmain,  508 

Statutes  of  Oxford,  387 

StaufEacher,  Werner,  467 

Stephen  (of  England),  usurps  English 
crown,  345,  346 

Stephen  IL,  Pope,  120 

Stephen  IV.,  141 

Stephen  IX.,  236  (note) 

Stigand,  183 

Stincho,  18;  saves  Rome,  19;  assassi- 
nated, 20 

Stirling,  battle  of,  390 

Stockholm,  484;  parliament  of,  484 

Stoic  philosophy,  7 

Straits  of  Gibraltar,  166 

Stralsund,  treaty  of,  483 

Strassburg,  commerce  of,  320;  intro- 
duction of  Gothic  architecture,  340; 
trades  declared  free,  463 

Strassburg,  Gottfried  von,  338 

Strelitz,  the,  95 

Strongbow,  Richard,  350 

Stubbs,  "  Constitutional  History  of 
England,"  161  (note),  185  (note),  313 
(note);  "  Select  Charters,'"  184  (note) 

Studium,  the,  327 

Stylites,  Simeon,  iii 

Styria,  466;  seized  by  Ottocar  II. ,  462 

Subsidies,  436 

Succession,  right  of,  436;  introduced 
into  Spain,  477 

Sudavia,  surrendered  by  Teutonic 
knights,  487 

Suetonius,  227 

Suevi,  62;  movements  of,  11;  attack  on 
Roman  Empire,  18, 19;  wars  in  Spain, 
21;  conquered  by  Leovigild,  22:  con- 
quered by  Theodoric  II. ,  22;  fall  of 
power,  22;  absorbed  by  Visigoths,  89, 
note;  flee  to  Cantabric  Pyrenees,  296 

Suez,  Desert  of,  73 

Suez,  Gulf  of,  72 

Suez,  Isthmus  of,  72 

Suffolk!  Wat  Tyler's  insurrection  in, 
412 

Suffolk,  Earl  of,  taken  prisoner,  428 

Sugar-cane,  323 

Suger,  Abbot,  273,  275.  344,  345,  351 

Sulpicius  Severus,  saying  of,  112 

Sultan,  foundation  of  title,  96 

"  Summa  Theologise,"  330 

Sunna,  12 

Sunnites,  the,  85 

Superindictions,  5 


Suria,  abandoned  by  Heraclius,  86 

Surnames,  origin  of,  288 

Sussex,  132,  181;  kingdom  of,  41;  de- 
vastated by  Castilian  fleet,  410;  Wat 
Tyler's  insurrection  in,  412 

Suter,  Halb,  526 

Sutri,  Council  of,  237 

Suzerainty,  203,  204,  216 

Svea,  484 

Sverri,  excommunicated,  506 

Swabia,  30,  150,  189,  218,  247,  462,  464, 
466,  467;  alliance  with  Arnulf,  190; 
transferred  to  Ludolf,  192;  under 
Henry  III.,  235;  in  hands  of  the 
Hohenstaufens,  247;  prosperity  in, 
315;  poets  of,  337 

Swabia,  Duke  of,  condemned,  198 

Swabia,  House  of,  247, 255,  445;  opposes 
Lothar,  246 

Swabia,  John  of,  466,  467 

"Swabian  Mirror,"  the,  338 

Swabians,  oppose  Henry  IV.,  241 

Sweden,  11,  221,  482;  subjected  toCnut, 
163;  political  geography  of,  221;  in- 
troduction of  Gothic  architecture, 
340;  converted  to  Christianity,  483; 
election  system  in,  483,  484;  united 
virith  Denmark  and  Norway,  483;  uni- 
ted with  Norway,  484;  secession  from 
Union  of  Calmar,  485;  literature  in, 
527 

Swegen,  163,  180 

Swein,  163,  180 

Swerker,  484 

Swine,  flesh  of,  proscribed  by  the  Ko- 
ran, 84 

Swiss,  Charles  VII. 's  war  with,  432; 
valor  of,  432;  use  of  the  pike,  534 

Switzerland,  22,  218,  219,  464,  466,  467; 
Saracens  in,  167;  annexed  by  Conrad 
II. ,  198;  strength  of  democracy  in, 
371;  the  Marathon  of,  467;  poetry  in, 
526;  struggles  with  Austria,  526 

Sword,  as  sign  of  investiture,  231 

Syagrius,  battle  with  Clovis,  29 

Symmachus,  37 

Syria,  53,  73,  271;  invasion  of,  46,  52; 
Mohammed's  travels  in,  77;  Moham- 
med's prophecy  concerning,  80;  war 
with  Mohammed  and  Greeks  in,  80; 
Arab  expeditions  against, 85;  Khalid's 
success  in,  86;  under  Moawijah,  87; 
dawn  of  civilization  in,  92;  Fatimite 
rule  over,  97;  Greek  expedition 
against,  263;  monasticism  in,  in;  be- 
comes distinct  sultanate,  264;  invaded 
by  Malek-Shah,  264;  captured  by 
Saladin,  275;  relation  of  Damascus  to, 
275;  laid  waste  by  Turcomans,  283; 
highway  to  India,  318;  commerce  of 
Novgorod  with,  320 

Syrians,  in  Arab  armies,  93 

Syrtis,  the,  17 

Syrups,  use  of,  102 

Tacitus,  64,  69,  161  (note),  223;  book  on 

Germany,  n,  12 
Tagliacozzo,  battle  of,  445 


I 


INDEX. 


583 


Tagus,  104,  290,  300,  301 

Taille,  the,  309 

Taillebourg,  363;  battle  of,  386 

Taillefer,  at  battle  of  Hastings,  230 

Tailleur,  Hugh  le,  182 

Talbot,  428,  432 

Tamerlain.    See  Timur. 

Tanaro,  the,  18,  251 

Tancred,  267,  271;  contends  with  Bald- 
win for  Tarsus,  268;  enters  Jerusalem, 
270 

Tancred  of  Hauteville,  236 

Tanneguy-Duchatel,  424 

Tannenberg,  battle  of,  487 

Tarascon,  treaty  of,  369 

Tarentum,  taken  by  Saracens,  166; 
principality  of,  220 

Tarentum,  Prince  of,  267 

Tarik,  crosses  Strait  of  Hercules,  89 

Tarsus,  boundary  of  Arab  empire,  oi; 
contest  between  Tancred  and  Bald- 
win for,  268 

Tartar-Finnish  race,  14 

Tartar-Mongols,  482 

Tartar  race,  95  (note) 

Tartars,  the,  15;  invasion  of  Europe, 
282,  283;  terror  of,  282;  repulse  of, 
283;  Innocent  IV. 's  mission  to,  318; 
Marco  Polo's  services  to,  319;  over- 
thrown on  the  Don,  488 

Tartars  of  the  Golden  Horde,  488 

Tassilo,  127 

Tasso,  Torquato,  457 

Tauler,  John,  526 

Tauricum,  council  of,  145 

Tauris,  taken  by  Timur,  498 

Taurus,  Mount,  264 

Taxation,  433,  434,  436,  437;  under  the 
Roman  Empire,  5;  of  land,  36;  reduc- 
tion of,  by  Theodoric,  36;  under 
Chilperic  and  Dagobert,  65;  in  feudal 
times,  212;  maxim  of,  215;  of  French 
churches,  375;  in  England,  391;  in 
France,  402;  of  salt,  407,  419:  in  Cas- 
tile, 480;  freedom  of  Polish  nobles 
from,  486 

Tchoudes,  the,  14 

Tchutchi,  invades  Europe,  283 

Teias,  48 

Tell,  William,  467  and  note 

Templars,  272,  291,  384;  overthrow  of 
the  order,  380,  382 

Temple,  Grand  Master  of,  burnt,  380- 
382 

Temporalities,  207 

Temporal  power  of  the  popes,  rise  of, 
120 

Temudgin.    See  Jenghiz-Khan. 

Ten,  council  of  the,  449 

Tenures,  209 

Terence,  223 

Terouanne,  29 

Terracina,  remnants  of  paganism  at,  115 

TertuUian,  9,  532 

Testry,  battle  of,  68,  105,  107,  521 

Teutonic  Knights,  291 ;  expeditions  into 
Prussia,  290;  join  the  Brothers  of  the 
Sword,  291;    conquer  Esthonia,  483; 


conquer  Samogitia,  486;  power  of, 
486,  487 

Teutonic  language,  139,  226 

Teutons  demand  independence,  140 

Thaddeus  of  Suessa,  258,  259 

Thames,  River,  41,  42,  180 

Thanes,  161 

Thanet,  Isle  of,  41;  landing  of  St.  Au- 
gustine in,  IIS 

Thebarmis,  destruction  of,  52 

Thebes,  Lord  of,  281 

Theiss,  River,  38, 128, 129, 168, 169,  490 

Theobald,  Count  of  Champagne,  360, 
361 

Theodahad,  48;  condemned  as  uojust 
judge,  36 

Theodebert  II.,  58 

Theodebert,  war  with  Theoderic,  58 

Theodora,  50,  51  (note),  262 

Theodore  of  Gaza,  532 

Theodoric,  24,  54,  122,  233;  marches 
against  Gundobad,  30, 31 ;  occupiesthe 
Alps  and  Marseilles,  31 ;  becomes  king 
of  Metz,  32;  subdues  Thuringians,  33; 
death  cf,  33,  59;  death  and  tomb  of, 
37;  character  of,  34,  35;  succeeds 
Theudemir,  34;  defeats  Franks,  35; 
influence  of,  35;  new  possessions  of, 
35;  treachery  of,  35;  justice  of,  36; 
encourages  literature,  37;  war  with 
Theodebert,  58 

Theodoric  II.,  22,  58 

Theodoric  III.,  62,  67,  70,  106 

Theodoric  IV.,  119 

Theodoric,  son  of  Childeric  III.,  120 

Theodoric  of  Alsace,  345 

Theodosian  Code,  44 

Theodosius  I.,  7,  17,  18,  44  (note),  142, 
474;  convokes  council,  113;  death  of, 
II 

Theodosius  II.,  22,  43,  44;  attempts 
assassination  of  Attila,  24 

Theodulf,  137 

Theophano,  195,  196 

Thermopylae,  Visigoths  at,  18 

Thessalonica,  116,  532;  Marquis  of 
Montferrat  made  king,  281;  taken  by 
Amurath  II.,  500 

Thessaly,  fortresses  in,  50;  entered  by 
Turks,  497 

Theudalinda,  39,  115 

Theudemir,  34 

Theuderic.     See  Theodoric. 

Theudibert,  victories  of,  33 

Theudis  repulses  Franks,  33 

Thibaut  de  Champagne,  335,  360,  361 

Thierry,  Augustin,  156 

Thionville,  Diet  of,  133 

Third  Estate,  the,  313,  437,  505 

Thomas  ^  Becket,  293,  347-350,  509 

Thomas  de  Marie,  342 

Thorn,  treaty  of,  4S7 

Thought,  increase  of,  505 

Thrace,  17,  502;  proconsulate  of,  3; 
ravages  of  Visigoths  in,  18;  fortresses 
in,  50;  taken  by  Petchenegs,  221; 
crusaders  driven  into,  267;  passage  01 
crusaders  through,  267;   ravaged  by 


584 


INDEX. 


Soliman,  494;  occupied  by  Amurath, 
495;  establishment  of  Turks  in,  496 

Thunderbolt,  the,  497 

Thuring-ia,  189,  218,  219,  466,  468;  rav- 
aged by  Slavs,  60;  elects  Conrad  I., 
190;  boundaries  of,  218;  success  of 
Henry  IV.,  241;  ravages  in,  466; 
Chronicles  of,  526 

Thuringians,  107;  defeated  by  Clovis, 
30;  expeditions  of  Franks  against,  32; 
Charlemagne's  campaign  against, 123; 
subjugation  of,  130 

Tiber,  247,  448 

Tiberias,  battle  of,  276 

Tiberius  11.,  51  and  note 

Tiberius  III.,  51,  53 

Tibullus,  532 

Tibur,  Diet  of,  241 

Tifernas,  532 

Tiflis,  taken  by  Tamerlain,  498 

Tigris,  River,  92,  94 

Timur,  92;  career  of,  497-499 

Tinchebray,  battle  of,  343 

Tithes,  509,  510;  levy  authorized  by 
Boniface  VIII.,  375 

Tithings,  161  and  note 

Tobbas,  dynasty  of,  74 

Togrul-Beg,  96,  97,  264 

Tokai,  vineyards  planted,  491 

Toledo,  Council  of,  62,  64,  89  (note);  re- 
volt in,  97,  98;  independence  of,  99; 
reputation  for  manufacture  of  arms, 
103;  conquered  from  the  Moors,  220; 
made  subject  to  Ferdinand  I.,  299; 
taken  by  Alfonso  VI.,  299;  capture 
of,  300;  defence  of,  301;  results  of 
Spanish  crusades  on,  304;  commerce 
of,  322;  archbishop  of,  478 

Toll-gates,  duties  on,  under  Roman 
Empire,  6 

Toro,  297 

Tortona,  razing  of,  249 

Tortosa,  capture  of,  128 

Torture,  346,  381,  402 

Tostig,  war  with  Harold,  181 

Totila,  leader  of  the  Goths,  48 

Toul,  diocese  of,  426 

Toulouse,  22,  292,  360,  378,  419;  forces 
of,  relieve  Theodoric,  34;  Norsemen 
at,  157;  Hungarians  penetrate  to,  172; 
council  near,  292;  killing  of  Simon  de 
Montfort,  295;  municipal  institutions 
in,  307;  Henry  II. 's  claim  on,  347; 
Raymond  VII. 's  interest  in,  361;  in- 
herited by  Philip  III.,  368;  parliament 
at,  368  and  note;  court  for,  382 
(note) 

Toulouse,  Count  of,  177,  217,  267,  360, 
361,  363 

Toulouse,  county  of,  217,  362 

Toulouse,  Duchy  of,  60 

Toulouse,  Duke  of,  57 

Touraine,  Henry  II. 's  claim  on,  346; 
acquired  by  Philip  Augustus,  358; 
Louis  IX. 's  rights  in,  ^64 

Tournai,    taken    by   Philip   Augustus, 

^355 
Tournaments,  252 


Tournay,  31;   under  Clovis,  29;   siege 

of,  396 
Tournay,  Simon  of,  331 
Tourney,  the,  518 
Tours,  90;  battle  near,  108;  monastery 

near,  112;    schools  in,  T36;   captured 

by  Norsemen,   157;   victory  of,  229; 

assembly  of  States  General  at,  381 
Tower  of  London,  182,  389;   taken  by 

"Wat  Tyler,  412 
Trades  unions,  463 
Trajan,  488 
Transjurane  Burgundy,  219;  formation 

of  kingdom,  155 
Transoxiana,  Mussulman  conquest  of, 

88 
Transubstantiation,  411 
Transylvania,  168;  repeopled,  490;  wars 

in,  500 
Transtamara,  Henry  of,  406,  407 
Trau,  129 

Treason,  389,  434,  435 
Trebizond,  Heraclius's  landing  at,  52; 

principality  of,  281 
Trebizond,  George  of,  532 
Trench,  war  of  the,  80 
"  Tresor,"  333 
Trfeves,   475;   archbishop  of,  461,  463; 

elector  of,  471 
Treviso,  the  mark,  256;  conquered  by 

Cane  Grande,  448;  seized  by  Visconti, 

455 
Tribonian,  49 
Tribur,  diet  of,  154 
Tricamaron,  victory  of,  47 
Trinity,  discussions  on,  228 
Trinity,  hospital  of  the,  520 
Tripoli,  county  of,  272 
Tripoli,  Count  of,  274 
"  Tristan,"  338 
Trivium,  the,  327 
Trogus  Pompeius,  223 
"Troilus  and  Cressida,"  524 
Trojan  War,  334 
Troubadours,  214,  229,  248,  293,  294,  533 

and  note,  351,  517,  531 
Trouvferes,  214,  229,  333  and  note,  518 
Troyes,  29,  419;  saved   from   Attila,  24; 

commerce    of,    320;      fairs    at,    322; 

Grands  Jours  held  at,  382;  treaty  of, 

424,  430;  capture  of,  428 
Troyes,  Christian  of,  334 
Troyes,  Henry,  Count  of,  311 
Troyes,  John  of,  422 
Truce  of  God,  212,  225,  235,  266 
True  Cross,  53 
Truwor,  165 

Tudela,  Benjamin  of,  318 
Tunis,    166;     St.    Louis's    expedition 

against,  285,  286,  365,  446 
Turanian  family,  95  (note) 
Turau-Shah,  285 
Turcilingi,  the,  26 
Turcomans,  waste  Syria,  283 
Turin,  bishop  of,  194 
Turkestan,  boundary  of  Arab  empire, 

91;  conquered  by  Timur,  498 
Turkomans,  established  in  Persia,  96 


INDEX. 


585 


Turks,  the,  15,  474;  destroy  the  Avars, 
49;  of  Sunnite  sect,  85;  ethnic  fea- 
tures of,  95  (note);  rising  power  of,  95, 
96;  menace  Roman  Empire,  221;  mas- 
ters of  Asia,  263;  reduce  the  Fatim- 
ites,  264;  encroachments  on  Europe, 
265;  slaughter  of  crusaders  by,  267; 
crusade  of  Nicopoli  against,  491;  ad- 
vance on  Constantinople,  492;  hold 
nine  tenths  of  Asia  Minor,  492;  al- 
liance with  Cantacuzenus,  493;  battle 
with  Mongols  at  Ancyra,  499 

Tuscan  architecture,  458 

Tuscan  coasts,  harassed  by  Gaiseric,  23 

Tuscany,  219,  241,  444,  450,  452;  Alaric's 
winter  quarters  in,  20;  revolts  against 
Frederick  II.,  257;  democracy  in,  447 

Tweed,  River,  J46 

Two  Sicilies,  ongin  of  the,  447 

Tyler,  Wat,  412,  413,  511 

"  Typography,"  533  (note) 

Tyrannies,  the,  447 

Tyre,  capture  of,  272;  marquisate  of, 
272;  industries  of,  323;  archbishop  of, 

313 
Tyrol,  the,  470 
Tyrol,  Count  of,  466 
Tzetzes,  51  (note) 

UcLEs,  battle  of,  301 

Ugolino,  450 

Ulfilas,  translates  Bible,  10 ;  Gothic 
Bible  of,  525 

Ulm,  prosperity  of,  315  ;  commerce  of, 
320 

Ultramontane  doctrines,  514 

Ulysses,  334 

Umbria,  Alboin  in,  38 

Unam  Sanctam,  bull,  372,  378,  507 

Uniform,  first  appearance  of,  441 

"  Universal  Dance,  the,"  530 

University  of  Pans,  358,  374.  See 
Paris,  University  of 

Upper  Palatinate,  the,  461  (note) 

Upsal,  cathedral  at,  484 

Urban  II.,  179,  243,  253,  266  ;  preaches 
the  crusade,  287 

Urban  IV.,  444,  453,  510 

Urban  V.,  demands  tribute  in  England, 
411 

Urban  VI.,  417 

Uri,  revolt  in,  466 

Usury,  325 

Utal,  the,  167 

Utraquist,  473 

Utrecht,  introduction  of  Gothic  archi- 
tecture, 340 

Valais,  Saracens  in,  167 

Valencia,  48;  independence  of,  99;  ir- 
rigation in,  103;  conquered  from 
Moors,  220;  captured  by  Rodrigo  de 
Bivar,  300;  recaptured  by  the  Almo- 
ravides,  301;  conquered  by  James  I., 
303;  cortes  of,  481;  literature  of,  530 

Valenciennes,  birthplace  of  Froissart, 

Valens,  Emperor,  17 


Valentine  of  Milan,  421 

Valentinian,  8;  recognizes  Vandal  king- 
dom, 23 

Valentinian  III.,  22,  26,  113 

Valerius  Flaccus,  532 

Valid  I.,  92 

Valk,  Duke,  488  | 

Valla,  Laurentius,  532 

Vallois,  324 

Valois,  the,  368,  438,  439;  county  of,  216; 
acquired  by  Philip  Augustus,  352 

Valois,  Charles  of,  468 

Valois,  Philip  of,  393,  469 

Valvasors,  204 

Van  Arteveldes.  See  Artevelde,  Van. 

Vandalism,  26 

Vandals,  the,  11,  62;  attack  on  Western 
Empire,  18;  southern  march  of,  19; 
wars  in  Spain,  21;  called  into  Africa, 
22;  establishment  of  kingdom,  23; 
lose  Africa,  43;  war  with  Justinian, 
45.  47 

Van  der  Straten  family,  344 

Van  Eyck,  discovery  in  painting,  533 

Varahan,  51 

Varangians,  165 

Varna,  battle  of,  492;  attacked  by  cru- 
saders, 501 

Vasco  de  Gama,  319 

Vassalage,  151,  201,  202 

Vaucoufeurs,  427 

Vavassors,  204 

Vegas,  Lope  de,  530 

Venaissin,  ceded  to  the  Pope,  368 

Vendome,  Bastard  of,  428 

Venedi,  the,  14 

Venetians,  rivals  of  Mussulmans  and 
Greeks,  278;  establish  themselves  in 
Constantinople,  281;  attacked  by 
Amurath  II.,  500;  in  defence  of  Con- 
stantinople, 502 

Venice,  129,  194,  219,  251,448,450;  foun- 
dation of,  25;  Greek  government  of, 
38;  independent  duchy,  117  and  note; 
attacked  by  Saracens,  166;  meeting 
of  Frederick  I.  and  Alexander  III., 
252;  roused  against  Frederick  II.,  257; 
Attila's  influence  on,  278;  crusaders 
demand  ships  from,  278;  form  of  gov- 
ernment, 279;  interview  between 
Alexander  III.  and  Frederick  I.  in, 
279;  victory  over  Frederick  I.,  279; 
freedom  of,  306;  prosperity  of,  306; 
war  with  Genoa,  ^19;  commerce  of, 
320,  322,  370,  458;  industries  of,  323; 
council  of,  381;  constitution  of,  449; 
power  of,  449,  quarrel  with  Genoa, 
453;  attack  on,  454;  alliance  with  Vis- 
conti,  455;  alliance  with  Alfonso  V., 
456;  improved  position  of,  456;  tyr- 
rany  of,  456;  arts  in,  458;  banks  at, 
459;  John  Paleologus  arrested  at,  496 

Venossa,  Count  of,  236 

Vercelli,  448;  bishop  of.  198 

Verd,  Cape,  rounded,  482 

Verden,  foundation  of  bishopric,   126; 

massacre  at,  126 
Verdun,  treaty  of,  14s,  148,  149,  187 


586 


INDEX. 


Vere,  Robert  de,  413 

Vermandois,  sustains  Hugh  Capet,  176; 

county  of,  216;    acquired   by  Philip 

Augustus,  352,  358 
Vermandois,  Count  of,  192,  267,  400 
Vermandois,  Duke  of,  172 
Verneuil,  battle  of,  426,  427 
Verona,  34,  448,  471;  reduction  of,  25; 

monastery  of,   112;    bishop   of,   194; 

lord  of,  256;  tyrannized  by  Venice, 

456;  industry  of,  459 
Versailles,  palace  of,  206 
Verse,  father  of  English,  524 
Vesuvius,  451 
Vexin,  the,  179 
Vezelay,  commune  of,  309 
Viane,  Don  Carlos  de,  479 
Vicar  of  Gaul,  116 
Vice-counties,  217 
Vicenza,  reduction  of,  25;  tyrannized  by 

Venice,  456 
Vicenza,  John  of,  256 
Vice-prefects,  3 

"  Victim  of  the  Convent,"  the,  527 
Victor  IV  ,  251 
Vidal,  Peire,  333 
Vienna,    474,  465;    commerce  of,   320; 

University  of,  532;  council  of,  380 
Vienne,  113;  ceded  to  Godigisel,  30 
Viennois,    ceded    to    Philip    VI.,  398; 

dauphin  of,  424 
Vierzon,  399 
Vikings,  156 
Vilaine,  the,  29 
"Vilain    qui    Conquist    Paradis    par 

Plaid,"  336 
Villani,  380,  458;  evidence  as  to  use  of 

gunpowder,  534 
Villehardouin,  Godfrey  of,  280,  281,  333, 

337,  518,  531 
Villeins,  208,  209 
Villemain,  529 
Villeneuve,  312,  315 
Villencuve-de-Roi,  312 
Villeneuve-St. -Georges,  312 
VilUs  de  bourgeoisie,  311  and  note 
Villon,  335 
Vimeu,  154 
Vincennes,  361,  363;  death  of  Charles 

V.  at,  410 
Vincent  of  Beauvais,  330 
Vincenza,  471 
Vincy,  battle  of,  106 
Vinea,  Peter  of,  256 
Vinland,  discovery  of,  165  and  note 
Viol,  Jean,  526 
Virgil,  136,  223,  519 ;  influence  on  Dante 

and  Petrarch,  517 
Virgin,  image  in  the  Kaaba,  75;  flight 

01,  represented  in  the  Mysteries,  520 
Viconti,  the,  451 
Visconti,  Galeazzo,  455,  456,  471 
Visconti,  Matteo,  468 
Viseu,  taken  by  Ferdinand  1.,  299 
Viseu,  Duke  of,  activity  and  enterprise 

of,  481,  482 
Visigoths,  the,  17,  527  ;  retreat  of,  17  ; 

attack  on  Empire  of  the  West,  iS ; 


defeated  at  PoUentia,  18 ;  destroy 
Suevian  power,  22 ;  overthrow  by 
Arabs,  22 ;  allied  with  Romans 
against  Attila,  24 ;  possessions  in 
Gaul,  29;  alliance  against,  30  (note) ; 
hatred  of,  30  ;  threatened  by  ambition 
of  Clovis,  31;  expeditions  of  Franks 
against,  32;  recognize  Theodoric,  35; 
war  against,  33 ;  separated  from 
Ostrogoths,  38  ;  lose  part  of  Spain,  43; 
alliance  with  Dagobert,  61  ;  law  of, 
62;  condition  of  monarchy  in  Spain, 
89  and  note  ;  converted  to  Christian- 
ity, 89  (note);  end  of  kingdom  in 
Spain,  89  ;  invade  Spain,  296  ;  Toledo 
the  capital  of,  300 

''  Vision  concerning  Piers  the  Plough- 
man," 524 

Vistula, the,  12,291,491;  the  Poles  on, 485 

"  Vita  di  Cola  di  Rienzo,"  452  (note) 

Vitry,  burning  of  church  of,  345 

Vizier,  office  of,  94 

Vladimir  I.,  487,  488;  marries  daughter 
of  Basil  II.,  263 

Vladimir,  Grand  Duchy  of,  283,  487; 
made  tributary  to  Mongols,  488 

Vladislav,  king  of  Poland,  492 

Vladislav  IV.,  486 

Vogelweide,  Walther  von  der,  338 

Vogt,  193,  207 

Volga,  River,  11,  14,  46,  52,  166,  167; 
crossed  by  Huns,  16  ;  Timur's  battle 
near,  498 

Volterra,  450 

Von  Giesebrecht,  489  (note) 

Vortigern,  41 

Vosges,  the,  219 ;  Alemannian  bound- 
ary, 29  ;  stylitism  in,  112 

Voulon,  31;  battle  of,  89 

Vulgate,  Mainz  edition  of,  533 

Wage,  Robert,  230,  334 

Wadi  Bekka,  89  (note) 

Wahal,  River,  157 

Waiblingen,  247 

Waiblinger,  the,  254 

Waifar,  119,  121, 123 

Walamir,  34 

Walcheren,  seized  by  Norsemen,  157 

Waldemar  I.,  484 

Waldemar  III.,  reign  of,  483;  death  of, 

485 
Waldemar  the  Victorious,  483,  527 
Wales,  220;  conquest  of,  389;  rebellion 

in,  415,  416 
Wales,  Prince  of,  origin  of  title,  ■iSo 
Walhalla,  12 
Walia,  21,  28 
Walid,  Caliph,  100 
Walls,  the,  98  ;  shake  off  yoke,  99 
Wallace,  Sir  William,  370,  390 
Wallachia,   490 ;    wars  in,   500;   White 

Knight  of,  500 
Walter  the  Penniless,  266 
Walther  von  der  Vogelweide,  338 
Wandering  Jew,  the,  in  the  Mysteries, 

ardsbip,  right  of,  203 


W^£ 


INDEX. 


587 


War  of  the  Nations,  80 

War  of  the  Roses,  foundation  of,|4i5; 
outbreak  of,  437 

War  of  the  Trench,  80 

Wars,  211,  212 

Warsaw,  change  of  language  in,  522 

Wartburg,j37 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  exiled,  414 

Water,  ordeal  by,  64,  299 

Watling  Street,  i6o 

Weber,  Veit,  526 

Weights  and  measures,  383 

Weissel,  Conrad,  532 

Welf,  opposes  Henry  IV.,  241 

Welf,  House  of,  247  ;  beloved  in  Italy, 
251 

Welsh,  the,  40  ;  revolt  a^^ainst  William 
the  Conqueror,  183  ;  incursions  into 
England,  346;  alliance  with  Philip  the 
Fair,  369 

Wends,  the,  191 ;  repulsed  by  Dagobert, 
60  and  note  ;  subjection  of,  483 

Wenilo,  153 

Wenzel,  Emperor,  455,  47a 

Wenzel  II.,  465 

Wergeld,  63,  65  and  note,  489 

Weser,  River,  124,  126,  146,  193 

Wesse.x,  kingdom  of,  41 ;  Danish  occu- 
pation of,  160  (note) 

West,  Empire  of.  See  E.mpire  of  the 
West. 

West,  Schism  of  the.  See  Schis.m  of 
THE  West. 

Western  Africa,  vice-prefect  of,  3 

Western  Goths,  the,  17 

Western  Illyricum,  vice-prefect  of,  3 

Westminster,  treaty  of,  410 

Westmoreland,  Earl  of,  joins  Boling- 
broke's  insurrection,  414 

Westphalians,  the,  124 

White  Huns,  16 

White  Knight  of  Wallachia,  500 

White  Sea,  165 

Whites,  the,  450 

Wideawake,  Louis  the,  342 

Widemir,  34 

Widukind,  125;  baptism  of,  126;  de- 
feats the  Franks,  126 

William  II.,  181;  wars  with  Philip  I., 
179;  accession  of,  343;  death  of,  343 

William  VI.,  448 

William  IX.  (of  Aquitaine),  344,  343 

William,  son  of  Bernard,  149 

William,  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  213 

William,  monk,  227 

William  Clito,  death  of,  345 

William  de  Lorris,  334,  335 

William  of  Champeaux,  329 

William  of  Holland,  460 

William  of  Nogaret,  378,  379 

William  of  Plasian,  378 

William  of  Poitiers,  as  a  poet,  333 

William  of  the  Iron  Arm,  236 

William  the  Conqueror,  159,  170,  220, 
327,  342,  347;  wars  with  Philip  I.,  179; 
invested  with  English  throne  by  the 
Pope,  i8i;  reign  of,  182-186;  at  Hast- 
iogis,    230;    forced    to    pay    Peter's 


pence,   240 ;    influence  on   English 

language,  522 
Wiltzi,  the,  130 
Winchester,  41,  389;  anecdote  ol  Cnut 

at,  164;  school  at,  532 
Winchester,  bishop  of,  386 
Winchester,  Cardinal  of,  431 
Windmills,  323 
Windsor,  356 

Wine,  proscribed  by  the  Koran,  84 
Winfrith,  mission  of,  116 
Wisby,     branch    office    of    Hanseatic 

League  at,  321;  Ordinances  of,  322 
Witchcraft,  383;    trial  of  Joan  of^  Arc 

for,  428 
Witenagemot,  the,  64,  161,  313 
Witiges,  46,  48 

Wittelsbach,  House  of,  247  (note) 
Woden,  12 
Woinak,  the,  495 
Wolfdietrich,  338 
Wolfram  von  Eschenbach,  337,  338 
Wolhynia,  taken  from   the   Russians, 

486 
Woman,  Mohammed's  doctrines  about, 

83 
Women,  succession  of,  383 
Wool,  importance  of  trade  in  England, 

321 
Worcester,  John's  interview  with  the 

barons  at,  356 
Worms,  146,  466;  assembly  of,  143;  diet 

of,  172;   prosperity  of,  315;  synod  of, 

241;  Concordat  of,  243,  245,  252 
Wrecks,  325 
Wulfoald,  67 
Wulfstan,  voyages  of,  165 
Wurtemberg,  Count  of,  466 
Wurtzburg,  University  of,  532 
Wycliffe,  John,  411,  412,  473,  511,  513, 

524 

X.\INTRAILLES,  425,  426 

Xeres  de  la  Frontera,  89  and  note 
Ximena,  529 

"  Yale  Review,"  224  (note) 

Yanbo,  73 

Yaroslaff  I.,  487 

Yatrib,  flight  of  Mohammed  to,  79 

Yemen,  73;  invaded  by  Abyssinians, 
74;  rivalry  with  Hedjaz,  74;  adhesion 
to  Mohammed,  80;  Mohammed's  pro- 
phecy   concerning,    80;   dialects   in, 

99 
Venicheri.     See  Janizaries. 
Yermuk,  battle  on  the,  85 
Yezdegerd,  assassination  of,  86 
Yolande,  married  to  Frederick  II.,  256 
Yonne,  River,  154 
York,  42,   346,   389;   effect  of  Norman 

conquest  on,  313;   sends  deputies  to 

Parliament,  314 
York,  archbishop  of,  excommunicated, 

349 
York,  Duke  of,  opposes  Richard   II., 
413;  joins  Bolingbroke's  insurrection, 
4x4 


588 


INDEX. 


Ypres,  395;  military  strength  of ,  308;  in- 
dustry of,  321 

Zab,  River,  92 
Zacharias,  250 

Zacharias,  Pope,  117,  119,  175 
Zaidi,  93 

Zalaca,  battle  of,  301 
Zamora,  297,  529 

Zara,  129;  coveted  by  Venice,  279 
Zarco,  discoveries  of,  482 
Zealand,  coveted  by  Duke  of  Burgun- 
dy, 425 
Zeitz,  foundation  of  bishopric  of,  193 


Zenetes,  give  asylum  to  Abderrahman, 

/,eno,  27,  44;  relations  with  Theodoric, 

.34 
Zimisces,  John,  195;  repulses  Russiana. 

262;  expedition  to  Bagdad,  265 
Ziska,  John,  473 
Zoroaster,  birthplace  of,  57 
Zug,  467 
Zurich,  467 

Zurich,  Manesse  of,  337 
Zuyder  Zee,  the,  321 
Zwentibold,  188,  189 


DEC  1 ;; 


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